EVERYTHING YOU SHOULD KNOW FOR THE FINAL EXAM FOR INTRO TO CORRECTIONS LEJ 104 in Revel Pearson

Chapter 12 Quiz

14/20- The state of ________ has the greatest number of prisoners under a death sentence. California Correct. California, with more than 700, has the greatest number of prisoners under a death sentence.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 Prison Violence Reading

Prison Violence 8.4 Discuss the incidence of sexual assault and violence in prisons. Potential for violence exists in all institutions, but violence is clearly concentrated in higher-security jail and prison units in part because inmates experience more deprivations and more stress in higher custody units, and also because a disproportionately higher number of inmates perceive violence as an acceptable way to solve problems (Ricciardelli & Sit, 2016). Environments that encourage using violence to create a reputation, bullying or harassing as a show of power, imposing fear when necessary to avoid being victimized, and settling problems without staff are all circumstances that sustain violent behavior (Carceral, 2004). As shown in Figure 8-15, causes of violence can be in response to any number of events, including stress, hostility, interpersonal conflict, and to keep a strong reputation. In some cases, even mild-mannered prisoners feel like they had no choice but to fight a certain prisoner or group to avoid future harassment, bullying, assaults, or property theft (Ricciardelli, 2014). Prison officials have a duty under the Eighth Amendment to keep prisoners safe from violence by other prisoners, but staff is not liable for assaults unless the prisoner can prove that staff exhibited deliberate indifference, which is when staff completely ignore or fail to respond after it becomes clear the staff became aware of and/or witnessed the behavior. Figure 8-15 Causes of Individual-Level Violence. Figure 8-15 Full Alternative Text Description The most common acts of violence involving two people are inmate-inmate threats, assaults, and sexual assault. Threats are the most common, but are undocumented in official statistics. Cases of assault and sexual assault/rape are underreported out of fear of further retaliation and harassment (Miller, 2010). Documented cases are therefore the worst ones that involve medical attention. Some known facts about assault in prison are as follows: A poor prison environment characterized by dissatisfaction with treatment by prison staff contributed to increased physical victimization of other inmates (Wolff, Shi, & Siegel, 2009). Inmates housed in larger and more crowded facilities generated more opportunities for undetected assaults, with less chance of being officially caught for assault (Wooldredge & Steiner, 2009). Women prisoners reported being physically assaulted by another inmate at the same rate as men prisoners, but women reported nearly double the rate of property theft than did men (Wooldredge & Steiner, 2016). Incidents of assault in women's prisons were less likely to involve deadly weapons and less related to race/ethnic tension than for men. Jealousy, sexual pressuring, and unreciprocated attention were the most frequently cited reasons that led to assault (Alarid, 2000b). Inmates with mental illnesses were more likely to be assaulted and to assault others (Wood & Buttaro, 2013). For men, STG members committed acts of violence at two to three times the rate of inmates who were not STG members in units of the same security level.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8.2: Prisoner Job Assignments, Sub Rosa Economy Reading

Sub Rosa Economy Every jail and prison has a bartering system of reciprocity based on negotiation and exchange of goods and services between prisoners without the use of cash. This illicit, underground economy is forbidden, and is known as the sub rosa economy. Prisoners secure items of value through favors and trades. Most of the items are state supplies and are considered more of a nuisance for prison officials than a real security threat. Thus, officers may disregard or overlook minor acts that do not interfere with institutional security. Some inmates provide commissary such as hygiene products, office supplies, and snack foods or loan items to friends on disciplinary status or as a form of resistance to control (Smoyer, 2016). Other individuals are well known in the prison for their entrepreneurial spirit. For example, merchants control scarce resources by running illegal prison stores by selling excess commissary from their cells. Jailhouse lawyers are not licensed attorneys, but use their legal knowledge and skills to conduct legal research and write writs and grievances. Other inmates perfect a skill such as artwork, making cards, and writing poems and sell, trade, or barter that skill for goods (such as snacks or stamps) or services (such as ironing a uniform, cleaning a cell, or cooking a late-night meal). For example, one female inmate shares a story in which she was preparing stolen food in her cell: "The lieutenant came to take my blow dryer 'cause I was cooking a bagel with it. . . . He be up in my room talking shit. . . . He knew what I was doing so he came downstairs and was like 'What are you cooking? Give it to me.- I was like 'Hell, no! I ain-t giving it to you.- Cause I had some contraband roast beef with a poppa on a bagel. . . . So. . . . the lieutenant came and took my blow dryer. I was mad! I did get a ticket too. . . ." (Smoyer, 2016, p. 204). Alarid (2005) found that about 27% of men and women inmates admitted to using their assigned prison job to yield a personal profit, and that prison industry workers were the least likely to participate in the sub rosa economy. Skimming and pilfering of food, laundry bleach, and office supplies were group efforts carried out in maintenance jobs. Other inmates admitted to using their freedom of movement in their jobs to pass contraband, food, and information (Smoyer, 2016; Santos, 2004). Terry (2003, p. 64) described how he used his job as a receiving clerk for profit: This position gave me access to information about who would be arriving in the institution the day before they arrived. One of the things I was expected to do [by inmates included] . . . making three lists of these soon-to-be-new prisoners . . . of their names, race, county of origin, and crime. Once completed, I gave a copy to a black, brown, and white prisoner. . . . In return, I was rewarded with something tangible, such as cigarettes or a small amount of marijuana, and social status. This process served the purpose of screening incoming prisoners . . . for determining who could stay, or who had to go.

Chapter 11.4: Invisible Punishments Reading

Invisible Punishments Watch Explaining Invisible Punishments and Collateral Consequences We typically think of punishments as being rather obvious—certainly to the person being punished, but also to others in society. The person who has been fined, required to report to a probation officer, or placed in jail or prison certainly considers his or her punishment to be quite apparent. The punishments are also made visible to anyone else who is interested enough to find out what punishments were imposed in a particular case. They could see it or hear about it through various media or might even look it up in court records. But, as shown in Table 11-3, oftentimes there are other punishments accompanying those visible ones that surprise even the offender. Did the convicted burglar realize that even after completing his sentence he will not be able to vote? Did the convicted drug distributor know that she may not be able to receive welfare or nutrition assistance as a result of that conviction? Possibly even more surprised may be the teenage daughter of that convicted drug distributor upon hearing that her mother may not be allowed to live in public housing—leaving the daughter to wonder where she and her family will live. Those examples of disenfranchisement (loss of the right to vote), being prohibited from receiving welfare, and not being able to live in public housing are examples of sanctions that Travis (2002) has termed invisible punishments because they operate mostly beyond public view, yet have very serious, adverse consequences for the individuals affected. Specifically, they are invisible because they (1) cannot be evaluated as to their effectiveness, impact, or even how they are implemented; (2) typically take effect outside of the traditional sentencing framework (i.e., rather than being part of a sentence, they are secondary consequences); and (3) are often created without public debate and typically remain unknown to the public (Travis, 2002, pp. 15-17). Table 11-3 Examples of Invisible Punishments Welfare benefits The welfare reform package passed by Congress in 1996 included a lifetime ban on receiving welfare and food stamp benefits for anyone convicted of any federal or state felony drug offense (e.g., involving the use or sale of drugs). Congressional proponents of the ban argued that the government should neither feel nor have an obligation to support drug offenders—especially when the welfare benefits could be used to support drug habits. The bans on welfare benefits have had an especially harsh impact on women of color convicted of drug offenses. Critics of the ban argue that loss of welfare benefits makes it difficult for women to become self-sufficient, provide for their children, and be active participants in their community. Low-income women and their children are hindered in their ability to move out of poverty and as a result can increase child welfare caseloads. States can, however, opt out of the federal ban or modify it through legislation. Public housing Federal laws passed in the late 1990s allow public housing agencies to deny housing to anyone who had engaged in drug-related or violent criminal activity, or other criminal activity that would adversely affect the health, safety, and enjoyment of the premises of others. A tenant's and/or a tenant's visitor's possessing or using drugs on the premises is a basis for eviction from public housing. Persons convicted of drug offenses who can show that they have been rehabilitated can reapply for housing after a three-year waiting period. Student loans People convicted of drug offenses while enrolled in school and while receiving federal financial assistance become ineligible for federal student loans, grants, and work assistance unless they complete a treatment program. The length of the ban depends on the conviction and evidence of rehabilitation. Discuss Which of these bans do you support? Why? What punishment philosophy do you feel these bans are trying to accomplish? Do you think the bans are successful in helping to achieve that penal goal? Invisible punishments are especially important because they add collateral consequences to the sentence. This means that the invisible punishments have accompanying or secondary consequences beyond the actual sentence that was imposed. Those collateral effects tend to increase the negative consequences of a criminal conviction and they can be described as falling into three categories (Periman, 2007): Impaired access to, or enjoyment of, the ordinary rights and benefits associated with citizenship or residence (e.g., not being allowed to vote, losing your driver's license, or having restriction placed on where you can live). Impaired economic opportunity, primarily through reduction of the range of available employment (see the examples in Figure 11-4). Increased severity of sanctions in any subsequent criminal proceeding brought against the offender (e.g., in some states, a prior felony conviction can trigger forfeiture of a car or boat that is used in a subsequent crime involving alcohol). Figure 11-4 Occupations That May Not Be Available to Ex-Cons. Pearson Education Inc. Figure 11-4 Full Alternative Text Description Importantly, some states are enacting policies that minimize the collateral impact of a criminal conviction (Porter, 2015, 2016). In recent years, legislatures have modified the felony drug bans on public assistance benefits to allow some convicted drug offenders meeting specified criteria to receive financial assistance (Alabama, California, Texas), prohibited public employers from inquiring about the criminal background of job candidates until after their first interview (Delaware), and lessened restrictions that prevented persons with felony convictions from getting occupational licenses such as cosmetology/barbering (Oklahoma) or from employment in nursing homes or long-term care facilities (Pennsylvania). Two specific types of invisible punishments with far-reaching collateral consequences are sex offender registration and notification laws and the disenfranchisement of felons. We will take a closer look at each of these. Check Your Understanding Invisible Punishments

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

20/20- Inmates who are targeted as victims of sexual assault in prison tend to _______. be from a middle-class background Correct. Targeted inmate victims tended to be young, first-time, nonviolent, Caucasian, and from a middle-class background.

Chapter 13.3: Quiz 13.3: Juvenile Offenders In Juvenile Court

1/2- In cases where institutional commitment is possible for juveniles, the Gault decision allotted certain rights to juveniles. Which of the following was one of them? The right to fair notice of the charges to prepare a defense Correct. The Gault decision gave juveniles the right to a fair notice of the charges to allow sufficient time to prepare a defense.

IIntro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Prisoner Job Assignements, Prison Misconduct Reading

Prisoner Misconduct Prisoners who are caught engaging in economic activities for profit risk a written disciplinary report that remains permanently in their file. Figure 8-12 illustrates a broader range of prisoner misconduct, which ranges from failure to follow rules and policies to unauthorized staff contact, refusing to follow staff orders, and destroying facility property. Prisoner misconduct is of interest because of its association with adjustment to prison, readiness for early release, and, possibly, future recidivism upon release. Inmates who behave according to institutional rules and avoid misconduct while incarcerated generally seem to transition easier and avoid future rearrest. It seems that younger males with a history of drug use are more prone to misconduct, especially at the beginning of their sentence (Kuanliang & Sorensen, 2008). The conditions of confinement also predicted misconduct. Prisoners who were concerned with their safety, had interpersonal conflicts with staff, and considered lengthy periods of boredom and idleness to be stressful were more likely to engage in misconduct and violence (Rocheleau, 2013). Finally, reclassification and a change in supervision levels to a different custody level seemed to increase inmate misconduct. Inmates who transferred to a higher or a lower custody level (e.g., from a medium down to a minimum, or from a medium up to a maximum) engaged in more misconduct following their transfer (Kigerl & Hamilton, 2016). Perhaps movement to a different institution necessitated the need for the inmate to establish his or reputation to avoid being bullied or harassed by the more established inmates at that unit. Figure 8-12 Examples of Prisoner Misconduct. Figure 8-12 Full Alternative Text Description A more serious form of prisoner misconduct is smuggling in contraband that proves to be lucrative, such as metal tools, drugs, cell phones, cigarettes, or cash. Unauthorized cell phone use poses a huge problem inside every correctional facility in the country. Currently, federal and state correctional officials are unable to convince the Federal Communications Commission to block satellite signals to jails and prison institutions. Other than cell phones, some prisoners may feel obligated to hide weapons or other contraband for gangs if they happen to be housed in a certain cell that has a particular known hiding place for certain items. For example, one non-gang member said, "The cell I was in had a space about that big at the bottom of the toilet. Just big enough to fit some steal [sic] under. When I got on the range and somebody said 'Bro listen, your cell is the cell, can you take care of this? It was like 'Yeah-yeah, sure.- I had no choice I didn-t want to touch that thing. I was trying to get parole, the last thing I wanted was for them to search me cell and find this steal. But at the same time what am I going to say? 'Oh, sorry bro, can-t do it" Well, [if I Said that] I was going to be wearing that piece of jewelry to the frigging medical wing . . . if it means I have to take a fall, or take a charge, or not parole to stay solid, well that's part of the life in there." (Ricciardelli, 2014, p. 423). The extent of contraband in each prison is more dependent on the level of staff enforcement rather than the custody level. Movement of contraband typically involves crews, but a large amount of the most lucrative part of the illegal economy is claimed by prison gangs (Santos, 2004). Gangs control the institution's drug transactions, gambling, loans, prostitution, and debt-collection rackets. In addition, they increase an inmate's status, provide protection from other gangs, and instill a sense of camaraderie like a second family, which is the subject of the next section. Types of Prison Misconduct. Match each act with the appropriate category of misconduct. Profiting Refusing Staff contact Loan property or commissary Wear proper uniform Interfere with count Gambling Work Bribery. Check Your Understanding Contraband. 1 question You answered 1 out of 1 questions correctly on the first attempt. 1. In a prison setting, a multitude of items can be considered contraband. Generally, this means that items purchased from the commissary are allowed in the facility. As a result, which of the following would be considered contraband? You correctly answered: Cash. Snack cakes and soup Press enter after selecting an option to check the answer as correct! Correct. Cash is not allowed in a prison and is considered contraband.

Chapter 13.7: Issues Confronting Juvenile Corrections Reading

Issues Confronting Juvenile Corrections 13.7- Summarize the issues confronting juvenile corrections. The juvenile justice system as a whole is seen by many people as in urgent need of reform (e.g., Arya, 2011). Issues covered earlier in this chapter such as due process rights for juveniles, transferring juveniles to adult court, and applying adult sanctions to juvenile offenders are concerns that occasion much discussion among practitioners, policymakers, and the general public. There are other problems as well, including accusations of abuse and neglect in juvenile institutions, the significantly greater number of American youths in secure confinement compared with the youths of other countries (Justice Policy Institute, 2011), and the negative consequences of imprisonment on a young person's long-term economic productivity. Each of those deserves closer attention, but in this section we concentrate on the equally compelling issues of overrepresentation of minorities in the juvenile justice system and the problems of dealing with girls in a system designed for boys. Disproportionate Minority Contact Data from 1910 indicate that the early juvenile facilities were used more frequently for white than for black juvenile offenders. Of white youths sentenced to correctional facilities, 69% went to reformatories for delinquents, whereas 31% were sent to traditional prisons, jails, and workhouses. The reverse was true for black youths—29% were committed to juvenile facilities and 71% to prisons, jails, and workhouses (Cahalan, 1986). The discrepancy was eased as more states built facilities for juveniles and as racial segregation in public institutions was halted. Throughout most of the twentieth century, white youths (not including Hispanics) made up the greatest percentage of the population in public and private custody facilities for juveniles, although minority youths were still confined at disproportionate levels. Today, minority youths ages 10-17 account for about one-fourth of the U.S. juvenile population but comprise more than one-third of juvenile arrests, more than one-third of the delinquency cases, and more than two-thirds of youths in residential placement facilities (Furdella & Puzzanchera, 2015; Hockenberry, 2014; Puzzanchera & Hockenberry, 2015). Non-Hispanic black juveniles make up about 16% of the nationwide juvenile population but account for 40% of juveniles in residential placement. Hispanic youths (of any race) comprise about 16% of the juvenile population but make up 23% of juveniles in residential placement (Hockenberry, 2014). The issue of disproportionate minority representation in virtually all aspects of the juvenile justice system is referred to as Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC). For present purposes, we concentrate specifically on the disproportionate representation of minority youths in residential placement facilities. Four general factors have been suggested as contributing to minority overrepresentation (Devine, Coolbaugh, & Jenkins, 1998; Hsia, Bridges, & McHale, 2004): Activities occurring in the juvenile justice system itself Socioeconomic conditions Educational system inadequacies Family dynamics The impact and interaction of each area is complex. Family factors such as single-parent homes, economic stress, and limited time for supervision are controversial but apparent factors. Also, the absence of school programs to adequately serve minority juveniles—or the failure of minority youths to fully participate in the educational system—can encourage involvement in delinquent behavior. And poor socioeconomic conditions likely play a role by limiting job opportunities, providing low incomes, and restricting social support services. Finally, the juvenile justice system itself contributes to DMC through activities that occur well in advance of the actual confinement. For example, racial stereotyping and cultural insensitivity (both intentional and unintentional) seem to affect processing decisions in many juvenile justice systems. A procedure known as selection bias occurs when the actions or histories of minority youth are scrutinized more carefully than are the actions or histories of nonminority juveniles. For example, some studies show those police officers are more likely to stop and question a group of minority youths but only glance at a similar group of nonminority youths. According to other research, prosecutors have been found to look at a minority youth's prior system involvement as a stronger indication of a tendency toward continued crime than the same record predicts for a nonminority youth (Devine et al., 1998). When selection bias is combined with influences from the educational system, the family, and prevailing socioeconomic conditions, DMC is one of several negative consequences.

Chapter 12 Quiz

16/20- An act of leniency in the criminal justice system, such as a reprieve, a commutation, or a pardon, is called _____________. clemency Correct. Clemency is an act of leniency in the criminal justice system, such as a reprieve, a commutation, or a pardon.

Chapter 8 Introduction

Chapter 8 Prison Life Thinkstock/Stockbyte/Getty Images Learning Objectives 8.1Discuss the evolution of prison norms and the changes in mainstream prison culture. 8.2Explain the benefits and challenges of assigning jobs to incarcerated inmates. 8.3Compare and contrast prison gangs and play families in terms of their structure, purpose, and management. 8.4Discuss the incidence of sexual assault and violence in prisons. Sexual Misconduct of Prison Staff and Inmates In 2015, a New York correctional officer named Joyce Mitchell helped inmates David Sweat and Richard Matt escape from the Clinton Correctional Facility by smuggling hacksaw blades inside frozen meat. Mitchell was having a sexual relationship with Matt, who used charm and flattery to convince her to smuggle in tools and then, after a series of months, directed her to pick up both escapees. When Mitchell refused to pick them up for fear that the escapees would kill her and her husband, the two men lived as fugitives in cabins in a wooded area for three weeks before one was captured and the other killed. Mitchell was sentenced to seven years in prison and ordered to pay over $100,000 in restitution (Morgenstein, 2015). A similar situation occurred in 2016 when a part-time teacher named Nooshafarian Ravaghi, who taught English as a second language, aided in the escape of three men from the Orange County Jail in California. The prison teacher was convinced to bring in maps and tools for one of the inmates with whom she was having relations (Winton & Queally, 2016). The inmates rappelled four stories down the outside of the building, but were eventually caught within eight days. In that same year, 46 former and current correctional officers from 11 different Georgia prisons were arrested in a two-year FBI undercover sting that involved drug trafficking and contraband smuggling activities for personal profit. Some officers smuggled in tobacco, alcohol, drugs, and cell phones to prisoners, while other officers wore their uniforms to knowingly transport drugs across the state of Georgia. Most officers arrested were line officers in their mid-20s, and five were members of a tactical team. There were 21 women and 25 men indicted (Egan, 2016). Research shows that in most cases, inmates initiate intimate relationships with prison staff who are in unhappy marriages, lonely, and vulnerable (Worley, 2015). Inmates also target officers for inappropriate economic relationships if they perceive that the person is having financial problems. References: Egan (2016); Morgenstein (2015); Winton & Queally (2016); Worley (2015). G.N. Miller/New York Post/AP Images You learned in the last chapter that prison facilities exist at both the state and federal levels for incarcerating people for terms longer than one year. Each individual inmate is classified to live at a particular security level according to his or her treatment needs and the risks posed. Regardless of where a prisoner does time, the prison experience permanently changes a person. The adjustments many individuals make in order to endure a prison sentence too often result in greater social challenges, anger, and individuals who are released with the same problems (drug abuse, parenting, job skills, etc.) that they had before they were arrested. One explanation for the negative impact prison has on many inmates is the social structure and environment of the prison itself. We will discuss this explanation later in the chapter, but first we examine who is in prison. Discuss Despite an organizational environment that strongly discourages interpersonal relationships between prisoners and staff, why do some correctional officers cross the boundaries and engage in inappropriate relationships with inmates? How can this problem be reduced?

Chapter 8.1 Learning Prison Norms

Learning Prison Norms Every society has a set of norms and values that are considered "mainstream," defined by those wielding the most power and influence. Individuals who operate inside mainstream norms are rewarded and those who do not are considered "deviant" and ostracized. For first timers, prison is a new experience that takes some time to adjust to; it is a learning process of mainstream prison culture. Clemmer (1966) used the term prisonization to explain the process by which prisoners were socialized into prison life, or the inmate subculture with its own norms, values, and beliefs. Although prison society shares many aspects of the dominant culture, prisoners have developed their own informal rules, language, economic systems, and groups that exhibit a strong influence on life in prison (Santos, 2004). The degree to which prisoners adopt prison values as their own largely depends on the length of their sentence and the custody level of the prison to which they are assigned (Dye, Aday, Farney, & Raley, 2014; Terry, 2003). Short-term prisoners serving two years or fewer are typically housed in lower-custody facilities and within that span can resist the pressures of the prison environment and not become a "regular" or a convict. Individuals with longer sentences often find it difficult to remain connected to the world outside for that long, and may succumb to norms of their situation to make their own lives easier. Others become involved in religion and spirituality to help themselves and other inmates with abandonment, depression, and stressful daily experiences. For example, one female prisoner stated, "Coping with prison life tests your religion. Imagine being forced to interact with others—some of whom are less than desirable company. The peace of my beliefs helps me cope by being able to meditate and separate my thoughts from the chaos that others tend to bring . . ." (Dye et al., 2014, p. 400) Deprivations of the Big House Watch The Deprivation Model of Explaining Prisoner Behavior while Incarcerated During the Big House era, when prisons were located in remote areas, routines were highly disciplined and prisoners lacked access to media sources. Prisons were total institutions and convicts and building tenders were in charge at the top of the social and political hierarchy. Building tenders controlled the housing units and were rewarded through informal accommodations and staff favoritism. The focus of prison at that time was on the deprivation model, which assumed that prison culture developed as a response to procure the things that prisoners did not have anymore. As depicted in Figure 8-3, these deprivations were identified as "pains of imprisonment" by Gresham Sykes (1958) and included disruptions in normal sexual relationships, security needs, autonomy, liberty, and goods and services. Check Your Understanding Figure 8-3: Pains of Imprisonment Once the courts mandated the end of the building tender system (where building tenders were replaced with new-generation correctional officers) and facilitated the rise of the rehabilitative ideal, this created a very different culture. Many senior guards retreated to positions where they could continue to avoid contact with prisoners (similar to when the building tenders were in charge), some out of resentment and others out of fear. The prison environment was open for a new group of prisoners—prison gangs—to take over. Unlike the elite convicts and building tenders who had the same goal of controlling the masses, prison gangs were in competition with each other for scarce resources and prisons became less safe. The Big House era and its traditional convict code were replaced by a new code of conduct that provided predatory inmates the opportunity to exploit vulnerable fellow inmates (Winfree, Newbold, & Tubb, 2002). Understanding mainstream prison culture turned toward the importation model, in which inmate attitudes and behaviors are an extension of their life before prison and adapted to the prison environment where toughness and exploitation are necessary to survive. For example, individuals who were willing to use violence before they entered prison will continue to respond in violent ways if provoked. Current theoretical models of understanding prison culture incorporate a mix of deprivation and importation theories, along with the influence of administrative and staff control. In other words, prisoner social systems, norms, and behaviors are not only adaptive responses to restrictive conditions and deprivations that prisons are expected to have, but prisoners themselves, long before they came to prison, have experienced trauma, violence, addiction, and engaged in predatory and manipulative behavior at disproportionately higher rates than other lawbreakers. Finally, prison life can also be defined by organizational characteristics such as custody level, institutional policies, budgets and resources, quality and training of staff, and level of professional staff/inmate interactions (Ricciardelli & Sit, 2016). We begin the following section with an explanation of prison life via the inmate code.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

12/20- In the 1970s, parole came under attack on the grounds that ________. parole boards had too much discretion over a prisoner's release date.

Chapter 9.2 Being Pregnant While Incarcerated Reading

Being Pregnant While Incarcerated A related problem with lack of contact between parents and their outside family is infants born to incarcerated mothers. Between 6 and 10% of women enter prison pregnant, but this is a conservative estimate, as only half of all state prisons screen for pregnancy at intake. Pregnant inmates are definitely in need of special care, so they are transferred to a facility that is located near a hospital, and one where they can receive a prenatal diet. Once she is in labor, the pregnant inmate is transported to a regular hospital off facility grounds to have her baby. A correctional officer remains with her the entire time, and in some states, she may be chained to the bed, even during labor. Shackling prison inmates during labor is a safety hazard to the women and their fetuses, and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is attempting to encourage states to pass policies that ban this practice (National Women's Law Center, 2010). The new mother may only get from a few minutes to a few hours to hold her baby, depending on its health. The mother is transported back to the jail or prison the same day after giving birth to minimize the security costs. Once the baby is ready to leave the hospital, prisons expect a temporary guardian or relative to pick up the newborn within 24 hours. If family members are unavailable or unwilling to accept the temporary custody and care of an infant born to a mother in jail or prison, the infant becomes a ward of the state (Sharp, 2003). Many incarcerated women fear losing parental rights and therefore encourage family members to take care of their children. Unfortunately, the fear of parental termination may result in a family placement that is unsafe and abusive for children (Sharp, 2003). Foster parents can be a short-term option, but in some states, there is a limit on the length of time a child can be in foster care before permanently terminating the rights of the biological parents. The United States is one of the few developed countries that routinely separate children from their mothers upon incarceration based on two assumptions: That incarceration is supposed to punish offenders by limiting freedoms and taking away what is cherished, and that includes family That a convicted mother or father must be a bad parent Research shows that a young infant who is unable to bond with his or her mother or father during the first two years of life suffers lifelong attachment difficulties—a situation that routinely occurs when the infant and mother are permanently separated within a few hours of birth. Compared with children who do not have an incarcerated parent, children who have at least one parent behind bars are more likely to experience: Higher levels of anxiety and depression Poorer academic performance Significantly greater risk of committing a crime before age 18 Significantly greater chance of continuing crime patterns into adulthood (Dallaire, Zemen, & Thrash, 2014; Hahl, Alarid, Harris, & Firestone, 2016) Figure 9-5 shows who takes care of dependent children when parents are incarcerated. When dad goes to prison, most children are raised by their mothers. However, when mom goes to prison, her parents are more likely to raise their grandchildren more often than the children's biological father. Some extended family members may not be able to afford adequate care. There is also the fear that some children will experience the physical or sexual abuse that their mother (or father) experienced when they were younger. But are young children better off living with their mothers when their mothers are incarcerated? Figure 9-5 Living Arrangements of Children of Incarcerated Parents by Gender. Source: Glaze, L. E., & Maruschak, L. M. (2008). Parents in prison and their minor children (NCJ 222984). Washington, DC:U.S. Department of Justice.

Chapter 11.1 The Fourteenth Amendment

The Fourteenth Amendment The Fourteenth Amendment has significant importance to the concept of individual rights. Prior to the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Bill of Rights served primarily to define the relationship between citizens and the federal government. Each state had its own state constitution, and many of those identified rights held by citizens against injustices by their state government. But the U.S. Constitution's first 10 amendments referred only to the protections citizens had against the federal government. This meant that a person might have certain rights when interacting with the federal government but not have those rights when associating with the state government. Such a situation was not considered inappropriate under a federal republic in which states shared sovereignty with the federal government, nor was it necessarily confusing because many of the state constitutions were modeled after the federal constitution. There were, however, some rights guaranteed in the Bill of Rights that were being denied by some states. After the Civil War, the Thirteenth Amendment was passed (1865) to correct the obvious violation of individual rights where states continued to allow slavery and involuntary servitude. Because other infringements on individual rights continued in some states, the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified in 1868. Its importance to individual rights is best understood through the theory of incorporation, which argues that all provisions of the Bill of Rights are made applicable to the states (i.e., they are incorporated) by the amendment's due process clause. So, when the amendment says that "no State shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it is requiring each state to abide by the Bill of Rights. The Fourteenth Amendment also prohibits any state from denying "any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law." Therefore, because of the Fourteenth Amendment, individual states must abide by the Bill of Rights and must obey federal court rulings about whether the state followed due process of law when depriving a person of life, liberty, or property (the due process clause). provided equal protection of the law to all people within its jurisdiction (the equal protection clause). Offenders have often used the Fourteenth Amendment's due process and equal protection clauses when claiming that their rights have been violated. Examples of prisoner due process violation claims are those linked to whether a hearing is required before prison officials can discipline or transfer inmates. Everyone probably agrees that it would be a denial of due process to keep suspects in jail for weeks or months without having them appear before a judge to hear the charges against them and be told of their right to counsel. But what about inmates suspected of misbehavior while in prison? In its 1974 Wolff v. McDonnell (418 U.S. 539) decision, which is one of the key cases highlighted in Figure 11-2, the U.S. Supreme Court distinguished between due process requirements for a defendant at trial and those required for an inmate at a disciplinary hearing. The Court held that because "prison disciplinary proceedings are not part of a criminal prosecution, the full panoply of rights due a defendant in such proceedings does not apply" (418 U.S. at 556). However, although prison officials are not bound to the same procedures as found in criminal court, the prison disciplinary hearings must abide by some level of due process and the Court identified specific steps that must be followed: The prisoner must be given written notification of the charges at least 24 hours in advance of the hearing so that he or she might prepare a defense. There must be a written statement by the fact-finders as to the evidence relied on and the reasons for the disciplinary action. Inmates facing disciplinary proceedings should be allowed to call witnesses and present documentary evidence in their defense as long as it does not unduly jeopardize institutional safety or correctional goals. There is no constitutional requirement that prison disciplinary hearings allow for cross-examination procedures, nor does the inmate have a right to either retained or appointed counsel in the proceedings. In some cases (e.g., the inmate is illiterate or the case is particularly complex), a staff member or another inmate may act as substitute counsel. The inmate's hearing should be conducted by an impartial official or panel. The Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause is also frequently used in inmate claims. Although this clause does not require the government to treat everyone alike in all circumstances, it does forbid unjustified or malicious discrimination or classification. Because prison officials can often articulate a rational basis for their actions, it is difficult for inmates to win an equal protection claim in a prison case. For example, the courts have not found equal protection violations when prisoners have been denied things such as temporary release programs (e.g., work release), even though other prisoners with equally—or even more—deplorable records were involved in the programs. Furthermore, having different visiting privileges for those on death row and those in the general population does not violate the equal protection clause (Jamieson v. Robinson, 641 F.2d 138, 1981), nor does a pay differential between two different prisons (Beatham v. Manson, 369 F. Supp. 783, 1973). However, as summarized in Table 11-2, courts have been sympathetic to equal protection clause claims in racial and gender-based discrimination. Check Your Understanding Table 11-2: Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection Claims

Chapter 10.1 The Importance Of Support

The Importance of Support Professionals who work with ex-offenders report that the desire to remain free is seldom enough by itself to keep someone straight. Remaining out of prison requires revising one's community identity, along with support and guidance from others. Reentry therefore focuses on a wide variety of positive relationships and community program resources that offenders need to assist them in stabilizing their lives so that they may eventually become fully independent. To meet this goal, the Second Chance Act provides federal funding for reentry initiatives that include housing assistance, employment, mentoring, and substance-abuse treatment. We know that if prisoners are not given transitional resources or if an appointment is not made prior to entering the community, many will not continue taking prescribed medications, nor will they seek out new physicians for medical or mental health care due mainly to a lack of income or a lack of available community resources. With the confidentiality of medical records, many community-based agencies are not coordinated with shared databases or medical records to directly accept former prisoners from the institution. If applicable, indigent releasees must be reenrolled for federal and/or state medical and mental health benefits following their release, as they are not eligible for federal benefits such as Medicaid, Social Security, or disability income while incarcerated. There may be a lengthy gap of time between release and the time when insurance benefits begin. Because of these gaps, offenders begin release preparation when they are within 3 to 12 months of release in state facilities and within 24 months of release in federal institutions. Although there is no uniform curriculum, reentry programs share a common set of elements (Visher, Lattimore, Barrick, & Tueller, 2016). Elements of reentry programs are listed in Figure 10-3 and include some innovative topics for releasees. For example, representatives from the Department of Labor are invited to speak to inmates about how to initiate job searches online. A representative from the Department of Motor Vehicles might speak about how to get back a suspended license or how to apply for identification. While participating in a reentry program reduced recidivism over nonparticipation (Veysey, Ostermann, & Lanterman, 2014), the most successful reentry programs focused on individual change over learning new skills (Visher et al., 2016). Out of all the skills prisoners can learn, vocational or trade acquisition, communication skills, and postsecondary education are of greatest need and interest to inmates in reentry preparation (Neller, Vitacco, Magaletta, & Phillips-Boyles, 2016). Figure 10-3 Elements of Most Reentry Programs. Job search Mock job interviews Securing identification and vocational/educational certificates Credit, finance, and banking (balancing a checkbook, opening a savings account) Motor vehicle registration Consumer skills Goal setting Reaching goals Legal responsibilities (restitution) Family responsibilities (alimony, child support) Health education (diet, exercise, prevention, AIDS awareness) Anger management and controlling response Appreciation of diversity and cultural differences Information on community resources

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Treatment That Addresses Sex Offending

Treatment That Addresses Sex Offending Watch Offering Sex Offender Treatment Programs in Prison One of the principles of evidence-based practices (EBP) is that treatment interventions should target higher-risk offenders and behaviors most closely associated with criminal activity. Sex offenders meet both of these criteria. Furthermore, mandatory polygraph testing as part of the treatment makes sex offender treatment unique from all other types. In this section, the antisocial attitudes, thinking errors, and treatment of different types of sex offenders are discussed. Sex offenses are inappropriate sexual acts against children or sexual acts against a victim's will. The three main types of sexual offenders are child molesters, incest offenders, and rapists (Harris, 2004). Victims of sex offenses can be children or adults—in both cases, victims more often already know their perpetrator, rather than it being a stranger whom they've never previously met. Roughly one-third of all sex offenses are reported to the police, based on comparing arrests and convictions with self-reported information gathered from polygraphs of known sex offenders. Sex offenses are more often reported when the perpetrator is a stranger than when the perpetrator and the victim know each other. Sex offenders are a very heterogeneous group, each having different motivations, thinking patterns, targeted victims, and personality styles. Three typical profiles of sex offenders (child molesters, incest offenders, and rapists) are depicted in Figure 9-3. Child molesters require resolution for their own victimization, as well as intense behavioral modification to change their focus from children to adults. Child molesters seem to start their deviant sexual behavior as adolescents, so they have an earlier age of onset. Incest offenders are the most socially competent and secretive, and many of them have children of their own, so they are the most difficult to identify. Rapists have typically experienced previous violence and/or sexual abuse themselves, but have a later age of onset. People who commit rape need help with managing their anger, chemical dependency, and choosing nonviolent responses. Treatment approaches must reflect these differences in offender types. Sex offender treatment programs use multiple regimens that include cognitive behavioral therapy to address thinking errors and minimization, victim empathy, polygraph to avoid denial and aid in divulging previous sex offenses, and aversive conditioning. Medications such as antiandrogens or selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors may be used along with therapy (Harris, 2004). Figure 9-3 Three Typical Sex Offender Profiles. Reference: Harris, D. A. (2004). A typological approach to exploring pathways for rapists, child molesters, and incest offenders(Unpublished master's thesis). The University of Maryland Figure 9-3 Full Alternative Text Description Treating sex offenders in a separate therapeutic environment is very important to reduce anxiety and threats to one's safety that would arise if sex offenders were housed within the larger prisoner population. A therapeutic environment is one that promotes the most significant change in the shortest possible time frame (Blagden, Winder, & Hames, 2016). Finally, how staff relates to sex offenders is extremely important to achieving lasting behavioral change. Understanding criminal thinking errors, requiring polygraphs and drug testing, and disapproving of the behavior—not the person—is important to reducing recidivism for this group of offenders. Perhaps Robert Johnson (2002, p. 12) summarized it best when he said, "Yet whatever criminals do—and criminals do some terrible things—they remain human beings, however miserable or flawed. . . . Prisons, then, pose difficult tests of our values because the conditions of our prisons are a measure of our capacity to recognize and respect the humanity of offenders, people we fear and hate." Figure 9-4 asks you to consider whether sex offenders can be rehabilitated. Figure 9-4 Evidence-Based Practices—Does It Work? The Static-99 is known as a valid risk assessment instrument that measures the risk of reoffending for adult sex offenders. The assessment is based on current age, prior criminal history, living arrangements, and preferred victim. Sex offenders who began illegal sexual activity as an adolescent, who is currently between 18 and 30 years old, who lived less than 2 years with another adult in an intimate relationship and targeted male victims who were unknown to them had the highest risk of recidivism compared to other sex offenders (Hanson, Harris, Helmus, & Thornton, 2014). How much does the level matter? And, can sex offenders be successfully treated? Researchers seem to think that completion of cognitive-behavioral treatment significantly reduces later rearrest: "For each additional month spent in the TC [the sex offender therapeutic community], inmates increase their chances of success upon release by one percent" (Lowden et al., 2003, p. 17). To answer the question about whether risk level mattered, 7,740 sex offenders were tracked over a 20-year period of time. Recidivism for low-risk offenders (older, few previous convictions, and targeted females who were known to them) consistently ranged between 1 and 5%. Recidivism for high-risk offenders was at 22% for the first five years and then decreased down to 4.2% over ten years (Hanson et al., 2014). For some sex offenders, then, treatment can work, and recidivism seems to vary greatly according to risk level. Can Sex Offenders Be Rehabilitated? Think About It... pefostudio5/Shutterstock Polygraphs for Treatment? Most sex offender treatment programs require participants to undergo polygraphs to acknowledge all prior sex offenses and do not guarantee immunity against prosecution for such confessions. Prisoners who refuse to cooperate are removed from the program and reclassified to a maximum-security unit with reduced privileges. A Kansas prisoner challenged the polygraphs, saying that they violated his Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of the prison system's confessionary requirement, citing that accepting responsibility is the first step in the rehabilitation process and that the program was developed for treatment, not for law enforcement or investigatory purposes (Warden v. Lile, 2002). Based on the court's ruling, should polygraphs be used with other types of offenders, such as with domestic violence offenders who attend battering treatment, or with drug offenders in substance-abuse treatment programs?

Chapter 14.1: What Works In Corrections

What Works in Corrections 14.1 Summarize evidence-based practices that work in corrections to reduce recidivism. Watch Summarizing What Works and What Does Not Work in Corrections This text presented an evidence-based approach to how correctional practices and research in institutional and community-based systems can be improved. We began by introducing the principles of evidence-based practice (EBP), most of which were the mechanics of how supervision and treatment in corrections is to be applied by practitioners to offenders to get the most dramatic reductions in recidivism. These principles of effective intervention include establishing rapport and positive reinforcement for offenders (Chapter 5), accurately assessing risk and needs (Chapter 7), targeting criminogenic needs using treatment (such as the violence reduction program described in Chapter 8), using cognitive behavioral methods (Chapter 9), the importance of reentry (Chapter 10), and graduated sanctions for youths and adults who may backslide while on community supervision (Chapters 10 and 13). EBP includes important methodological and evaluation considerations, which were introduced in Chapter 1 and shown throughout the text, to allow individuals to determine whether a research study is of high enough quality to have confidence in the results. The most important thing about EBP is to use the techniques and programs that reduce recidivism and/or drug use and to discard or not use programs that do not work or those that do not reduce crime or drug use. In this chapter, the salient points of some correctional interventions will be revisited, along with examining the cost of these interventions, and how more informed decisions can be made in correctional policy. Revisiting Correctional System Expectations Versus Stated Mission As you learned in Chapter 2, people have many different expectations of the corrections system. These different expectations are summarized in Table 14-1 and include deterrence, incapacitation, retribution, rehabilitation, and restorative justice. The purpose or mission statements of correctional institutions still vary widely, but some philosophies are emphasized more than others. First and foremost, the corrections system fulfills a public safety function to keep prisoners securely locked up, or to prevent probationers and parolees from committing new offense while on supervision (Graves, 2015). The second most common mission of over half of all state systems was offender rehabilitation, followed closely by incapacitation and reintegration. Staff/inmate safety and humane treatment of inmates are two newer themes within the formal mission statements of most correctional systems (Graves, 2015). This is because correctional institutions have the most control over the safety and treatment of people in their immediate control. Retribution through fair and just punishment and deterrence are less important today than they once were, given that both of these were listed in only one-fourth of correctional system missions. Two other new and emerging themes inherent in some correctional mission statements were the use of evidence-based techniques and cost- efficient practices (Graves, 2015). Table 14-1 What Do We Expect from the Corrections System? IncapacitationImplementation of court order and/or parole board ordersCommunity protection/ public safetyNo further harm to other people while on supervision (no new criminal behaviors in the community or facility escapes)DeterrenceOffender becomes fearful, afraid, and convinced, because of the punishment, to never commit another crimeRestorationVictim and/or community reparations (community service and restitution completion)ReintegrationFormer offender is able to readjust into free society after a period of incarcerationRehabilitationReformed offender creates a new life with changed thinking and behaviorsRetributionVictims and others feel that the offender has received his or her just deserts Throughout the book, we also discussed a variety of correctional practices and programs. Figure 14-1 summarizes the correctional programs that work toward one or more correctional goals and for certain kinds of offenders. Although prison works to keep violent and predatory offenders from endangering the general public, we also know that prisons do not specifically deter most offenders. In fact, spending time in jail and prison increases the risk of felony recidivism especially for property and drug offenders (Freiburger & Iannacchione, 2011) or for individuals serving prison sentences of less than five years in length (Meade, Steiner, Makarios, & Travis, 2012). In a different study, when researchers compared two groups, matched with equivalent prior criminal records, offense severity, age, sex, and race/ethnicity, the group with a community-based sanction had lower recidivism rates than the prison-based group (Bales & Piquero, 2012). So it seems that if the decision is made to incarcerate, reductions in felony recidivism of between 10 and 15% are not achieved until individuals serve five years or more (Meade et al., 2012). While it may seem that the implications might be to increase sentence length or increase people sent to prison, the researchers concluded the opposite. They concluded that the cost of incarceration of sentences of less than five years with no recidivism reduction benefits is not good correctional policy. If the prison experience increases recidivism, then it makes sense to rethink who is sent to prison and for how long, and who would benefit just as well from a community-based sanction. It seems perhaps that prison should be reserved for those serving five years or more of a sentence and probation for those serving less than five years. Figure 14-1 Evidence-Based Practice—Does It Work? What WorksWhat Does Not WorkPrison for violent and predatory offenders who endanger the public/victimsPrison for nonviolent and low-level drug offendersSpecialized case management and mental health courtsIncarceration and/or solitary confinement of mentally ill offendersDrug courts and Therapeutic communitiesDrug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE)Reentry programs from prisonExpiration release from prisonVocational training, job preparation, and provided work opportunitiesExpecting ex-offender to find employment on his or her ownProbation or parole supervision with treatmentLong-term community supervision (more than five years)Residential community facilitiesDiscipline-oriented boot camps and day reporting centersTeen courts, diversion for low-risk juvenilesScared StraightMotivational interviewing and positive reinforcements to induce changeNegative punishments and threatsCognitive behavioral, Multisystemic, and Functional Family TherapyPsychotherapyGraduated/progressive sanctions for technical violations and new misdemeanor crimesAutomatic revocation for technical violations A Summary of What Works to Reduce Recidivism in Corrections Source: Findings from many studies are available at http://www.campbellcollaboration.org. Probation and residential community facilities definitely have an important and preferred role for property, nonviolent, drug, and public order offenders. Probation and intermediate sanctions are more effective when partnered with rehabilitation programs, including problem-solving courts, vocational training, Multisystemic Therapy, and Functional Family Therapy. Other less effective correctional programs that do not work seem to be ones that involve long-term "lock 'em up" punishments without treatment, approaches based on fear and discipline only, and those that expect offenders to just "know what to do" on their own.

Chapter 11 Quiz

17/20- As a result of her drug conviction and subsequent prison sentence, Colleen is not allowed to return to her public housing apartment, nor can she receive food stamp benefits. Colleen is experiencing _____________. invisible punishments Correct. Depending on the jurisdiction, these lost civil rights might include the ability to vote, serve on a jury, receive welfare benefits, or engage in certain occupations.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

18/20- Alexander Maconochie is known for creating the "mark system." What is this? A system by which inmates could accumulate "marks," or points, that could be used to give the inmate greater freedom of movement and eventually early release Correct. Captain Alexander Maconochie significantly changed the way that prisoners were managed. He abolished corporal punishment and chain gangs, and rewarded positive behavior and work ethics through a daily mark system.

Chapter 12.5: Quiz 12.5: Public Opinion and the Death Penalty

2/2- Supreme Court Justice Marshall, in his opinion for the Furman decision, suggested that an informed public would ________. oppose the death penalty Correct.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

2/20- Which of the following offenders is the biggest liability to the state in terms of financial expenses? Jackson, who is a gang leader and needs to be housed in a maximum-security prison Correct. Maximum-security prisons are the most expensive correctional facilities to build and operate.

Chapter 12 Quiz

12/20- In 1988 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled (Thompson v. Oklahoma) that people aged 15 or younger when they committed their crime may not be sentenced to death. Which of the following statements is true today? Today, people aged 17 or younger when they committed the crime may not be sentenced to death. Correct. As a ruling of Roper v. Simmons, people aged 17 or younger when they committed a crime may not be sentenced to death.

Chapter 8.1 Federal Prisoners

Federal Prisoners Individuals who have committed a serious federal offense are under authority of the Bureau of Prisons (BOP). Examples of federal (and state) offenses are depicted in Figure 8-2. Federal offenses include drug trafficking/distribution, kidnapping, bank robbery, weapons offenses, bribery, fraud, and extortion. Federal prisoners comprise 9% of all prisoners held in the United States. As of 2016, there were about 195,000 federal offenders; 93% were in a prison and 7% in a community-based or other short-term residential facility (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2016). The BOP inmate population is changing in composition as well as in number. Although drug offenders still account for half of all federal offenses, more than one out of every four federal prisoners was not a U.S. citizen. BOP prisoners who were non-U.S. citizens had citizenship in Mexico, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, or Cuba (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2016). Some non-U.S. citizens were convicted of felony crimes for which they must serve time before being deported. Others were detained longer in an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facility, to investigate suspected roles in human trafficking, illegal drug distribution, and identity fraud. Some offenders are detained because of repeat immigration offenses, such as arriving without proper documents or overstaying a visa. Immigration offenses comprised 11% of all federal offenses.

Chapter 10.1 Issues Newly Released Prisoners Face

Issues Newly Released Prisoners Face Some state correctional institutions are working more closely with community agencies in the areas of identification, clothing, housing, and employment needs. Some would say that the government has an obligation to make the reentry process less shocking from the "time warp" where prisoners are living with monotonous and restricted rules, to the immediate need many inmates have upon release to misuse leisure time that prisoners may feel they missed while incarcerated (McMay & Cotronea, 2015). Others would say that more attention needs to be paid to helping new releasees find employment, such as tax incentives to encourage businesses to hire former offenders (Cherney & Fitzgerald, 2016). The essay by Velmarine Szabo examines issues that newly released prisoners face when they are transitioning from prison to the community. When you read the essay, you will better understand Figure 10-2. This figure divides reentry issues into three main areas: establishing more structure and stability, choosing supportive relationships with other people, and connecting to social services and other community agencies. If inmates believe they can go back to the way things were before they were arrested or if they neglect to take these new responsibilities seriously, their lives quickly seem to become difficult to control. Former prisoners who reenter society have to change their mental health, physical health, deficits in education, underemployment, lack of social support, and dysfunctional prior relationships (McMay & Cotronea, 2015). Check Your Understanding Figure 10-2: Getting Back to "Normal:" Barriers to Reentry Voices in Corrections What did your first moments of reentry feel like? Velmarine Szabo spent nearly 10 years on parole from 2003 to 2013 for a 1995 felony conviction, before being convicted of a new charge for aggravated assault. She has a projected mandatory release date of August 2029, but may be eligible sooner for release back out on parole. In October 1995, I was sentenced to 25 years' imprisonment under enhanced laws for my third felony in the state of Texas. I was released from prison in August 2003 when I was 44 years old—after my second parole board hearing. I'll never forget the strange feeling I had—a mixture of exhilaration and fear—when I walked out of the bus station after the prison bus had departed. It all seemed so surreal, handling real money after almost an entire decade, walking into the small shop to buy a cheap pair of jeans and a t-shirt. Wearing my first pair of jeans in over eight years, I went in search of a grocery store. My own steps felt strange, foreign, and measured. Each step that I took, walking on a real, paved sidewalk with real cars zooming down the busy street beside me filled me with awe and exhilaration. There were no bars separating me from autonomous people and traffic lights. I was in what I'd come to know as only "the real world" for almost a decade. As I walked down that Boulevard, I secretly pinched myself a few times. Breathing fresh air unfettered by the bodily masses of prison, and walking on unsteady legs, I was completely unconcerned with the hot, August air. Upon entering the chain store grocer, I purchased fresh fruit that I'd only dreamed about for over eight years. Not wishing to appear uncouth, I waited until I had boarded the bus to gorge myself. A few days later, I was perplexed to encounter my first heat-censored, flushing toilet. Although I wound up talking to the toilet when I couldn't figure out how to make it flush a second time, I did figure out how the automatic water flow in the restroom sink worked. One of the first things that I needed upon my release from prison was a copy of my birth certificate, my social security card, and a Texas identification card. After these items were procured, I had to register with the Texas WorkSource employment agency. Unfortunately, this work registration, to include using the city buses as transportation while seeking employment an average of 14-hour days, six days a week, did nothing in producing employment for me in the Harris County, Texas, area. After one full year of futile job search and working as an occasional temporary laborer, I realized that even fast-food establishments would not hire me. At that time, I accepted the help and ideas of an associate that might enable me to become self-employed. I possessed no nervousness at the thought of encountering past friends as I had none in Texas. Over the years, I'd become an isolated alcoholic that avoided contact and closeness with other individuals. Upon becoming an impoverished and single parent, my children shared my small world. With my release from prison, I was fortunate in being able to rebuild bonds with my two sons that had remained in the care of family members. I struggled with catching up on the past decade of political and other societal changes. It is indeed a lonely, isolated world that I navigate as I work to rebuild my life in shrouded secrecy from a society that frowns and closes doors to me—the female ex-offender. Source: From Corrections: A Contemporary Introduction by Leanne F Alarid and Philip L Reichel. Copyright © 2008 by Pearson Education.

Chapter 11.2: Issues Of Religion Reading

Issues of Religion Of the two religion clauses found in the First Amendment (the establishment clause and the free exercise clause), the issue of free exercise presents greater problems in a prison environment. The free exercise clause itself has been taken to have two aspects: the freedom to believe and the freedom to act. In Cantwell v. Connecticut (310 U.S. 296, 1940), the Court decided that "the first is absolute but, in the nature of things, the second cannot be. Conduct remains subject to [governmental] regulation for the protection of society" (310 U.S. at 303). With this decision, the Court understands that the First Amendment gives all people the absolute right to whatever religious beliefs they wish but not necessarily to every action they may want to carry out. The most frequent reason for limiting an inmate's religious freedom has been the duty of prison officials to maintain security within an institution. A clear example of this is found in aspects of the Black Muslims' fight for recognition and rights in prisons and jails. Smith (1993) highlights court decisions beginning in the 1960s that allowed restrictions on the freedom of the Nation of Islam (Black Muslims) to practice their religion. Prison officials readily acknowledge that Black Muslims were not afforded the same opportunity to practice their religion as were followers of more traditional faiths. But, the officials argued, the Black Muslims presented security problems that other religions did not present, and, as a result, the officials felt restrictions were proper. For example, the California Supreme Court (In re Ferguson, 55 Cal.2d 663, 1961) said that prison authorities were allowed to prohibit Black Muslims from worshiping and from studying church literature because the Muslims' philosophy and assertive behavior threatened the correctional institution (Smith, 1993). With the Cooper v. Pate decision (discussed earlier under the Civil Rights Act), Black Muslims began having some success in gaining privileges similar to those granted to the more traditional religions. And in a federal district court decision (Northern v. Nelson, 315 F. Supp. 687, 1970), the court held that the prison library was obliged to make copies of the Qur'an available and that prisoners must be allowed to receive Muhammad Speaks unless it could be clearly demonstrated that a particular issue would substantially disrupt prison discipline. The requirement that prison officials must prove that an inmate's religious freedom threatens prison security and must be restricted continues in more recent court decisions. In O'Lone v. Estate of Shabazz (482 U.S. 342, 1987), the court heard arguments on a New Jersey prison policy that prevented Muslim inmates from attending weekly congregational service (Jumu'ah). The Muslim prisoners argued that the service was central to the observation of the Muslim faith and that their participation was a necessary component to their freedom of religion. Muslim inmates with work assignments outside the prison's main buildings were unable to return for the Friday afternoon service. Seeking alternatives that would allow them to attend the services without missing any work hours, the inmates asked to be placed on inside work detail or be given substitute weekend tasks. The prison rejected these proposals as unacceptable given scarce prison personnel and potential security problems. The court, although agreeing that Jumu'ah was of central importance to the Islamic faith, said that the prison policy did not violate the inmates' constitutional rights because the policy was reasonably related to legitimate penological interests—that is, rather than being arbitrary or developed without any appreciation of the importance of the services to Muslims, the policy was established out of concern for prison order and security. Think About It... Redux Pictures Since its passage by Congress in 2000, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) has been the basis for many prison lawsuits related to prisoners' religious rights. The RLUIPA requires states to allow prisoners to practice their religious beliefs unless those officials can show that restricting religious practices is both necessary for an important and legitimate goal (security, for example) and that it is the least restrictive way they can achieve that goal. More states are now allowing sweat lodges, which are an important aspect of Native American spirituality. What type of religious practices do you think are probably allowed in most prisons? What do you suppose are some that could be legitimately disallowed? The Turner v. Safley Standards Watch Explaining the Turner v. Safley Standards of Due Process versus Institutional Security/Safety, Using Examples Reference to legitimate penological interests in the O'Lone v. Estate of Shabazz is of particular importance in understanding contemporary court decisions on prisoners' rights. In its 1987 Turner v. Safley (482 U.S. 78) decision (made one week before O'Lone v. Estate of Shabazz), the U.S. Supreme Court laid out four factors to be considered when deciding if a prison regulation that interferes with a prisoner's constitutional rights is a valid policy: Does the regulation have a valid, rational connection to a legitimate governmental interest? Do inmates have available alternate means to exercise the asserted right? How would accommodation of the right affect correctional officers, inmates, and prison resources? Are there ready alternatives to the regulation? The importance of Turner is noted by del Carmen, Ritter, and Witt (2005), who point out that the ruling provides a single test (i.e., is the restriction reasonably related to legitimate penological interests?) for responding to prisoner complaints and gives prison officials more power and authority in prison administration. Because prison officials are obliged to maintain security and discipline within the institution (making those things legitimate penological interests), prison officials may have to occasionally restrict what would otherwise be a constitutionally protected right of prisoners. As a result, when prison authorities can show that such restrictions are necessary for security and disciplinary reasons, the courts will typically approve the prison policy under the Turner v. Safley standards. Using those standards, courts have restricted publications coming into a prison when the warden determines them to be detrimental to the security, good order, or discipline of the institution (Thornburgh v. Abbott, 490 U.S. 401, 1989; Beard v. Banks, 548 U.S. 521, 2006); restricted treating a prisoner with antipsychotic drugs against his or her will and without a judicial hearing (Washington v. Harper, 494 U.S. 210, 1990); and placed restrictions on prison visitations (Overton v. Bazetta, 539 U.S. 126, 2003) and other aspects of life in prison.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.1 Who is In Prison? Quiz 8.1

Question 3/ 3- Ryan is serving a two-year sentence in a federal prison for illegal immigration into the United States. During the first few weeks of his imprisonment, he observed two distinct enemy gangs within the prison—one consisting of white inmates and the other consisting of African-Americans. During meal time one afternoon, a member of the white gang, Jeremy, punched Dan, who was from the African-American gang. A fight broke out immediately, prison property was damaged, and an officer was ultimately injured. As punishment, Dan was to be denied recreation and exercise time for two weeks. Ryan informed a correctional officer about what had actually happened and saved Dan from the punishment; however, Jeremy was now in trouble. Ryan was later beaten up by the white gang to avenge Jeremy. According to inmate code, Ryan is a ________ in this scenario. Player Punk Fish Snitch Correct. Ryan is a snitch in this scenario. Snitches are inmates who are targeted by predatory inmates because they have passed along information to staff that has gotten another inmate in trouble.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.2 Prisoner Job Assignments

Prisoner Job Assignments 8.2 Explain the benefits and challenges of assigning jobs to incarcerated inmates. American culture is an occupation-dominated one in which a job organizes routines, behavior, and even one's identity. In prison culture, administrators initially used inmates for cheap labor to decrease incarceration costs and to make a profit through the leasing system and through manufacturing prison-made goods. The timeline in Figure 8-7 shows that prison-made goods were first subjected to limitations by the states during the Great Depression so that free-world citizens would not have to compete with prisoner labor. Later, working became an important source of informal social control and a method of keeping inmates occupied, but the Prison Industries Enhancement Act of 1979 restricted the number of private factories that could be operated inside prison facilities. However, the main challenge today is that there are more prisoners than work available to keep each occupied for eight hours per day; therefore, the work is spread around so that most inmates actually work two to three hours per day. Figure 8-7 Timeline of Prison Labor Laws. Source: Hawes-Cooper Act,1929; Ashurst-Sumners Act 1935; Ashurst-Sumners Amendment 1940; Prison Industries Enhancement (PIE) Act 1979. Figure 8-7 Full Alternative Text Description Figure 8-8 shows the types of jobs that inmates work today. Most inmates are assigned to institutional maintenance jobs that help to operate and maintain the prison in areas, such as food preparation, laundry, cleaning of all surfaces and floors, and lawn care. Specialty maintenance jobs exist-in which trustys can be promoted- that offer more freedom of movement or access to information. These jobs include hall janitors, porters, stock clerks, barbers, warden's assistants, and library clerks (Alarid, 2005). Figure 8-8 Categories of Prisoner Employment. Reference: Alarid, L. F. (2005). Turning a profit or just passing the time? A gender comparison of prisoner jobs and workplace deviance in the sub rosa economy. Deviant Behavior, 6, 621-641. Figure 8-8 Full Alternative Text Description A second category of prison jobs exists primarily in southern regions of the United States, where there is open land for agriculture-growing crops and raising cattle and pigs. This work is traditionally for inmates with disciplinary problems. Agricultural work is hard and hot-as it is done using shovels and sharp pitchforks-and the inmates work in rows under the watchful eye of armed officers on horses (Alarid, 2005). Some states offer good time, but do not pay prisoners for institutional maintenance or agricultural jobs, whereas others offer wages, such as $0.10 per hour.

Chapter 11.1: The U.S Constitution:

The U.S. Constitution Watch Prisoner Rights: Cruel and Unusual Punishment When introducing the concept of individual rights under the U.S. Constitution, Ferdico (2005) states how much easier enforcing criminal laws would be if suspected criminals were presumed guilty; could be detained for long periods of time without a hearing; had no privilege against self-incrimination; and could have their bodies, vehicles, and homes searched at will (p. 4). But because the United States was founded as a direct response to what early colonists saw as British abuses in these kinds of areas, there has always been a strong commitment to protecting individual rights from government abuse. With the ratification in 1788 of the U.S. Constitution, and with the addition in 1791 of the Bill of Rights, America's commitment to individual rights was guaranteed. As a result, persons suspected of crime are presumed innocent, cannot be detained long without a hearing, are not forced to incriminate themselves, and have protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, among other rights. In addition to concern about the rights of persons suspected and accused of crimes, the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights also cover the rights of persons convicted of a crime. For example, Section 9 of Article 1 provides the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus (for our purposes, such a writ directs the person—the warden, for example—detaining the prisoner to show the legality of the detention). On the other hand, Section 10 of Article 1, through its prohibition against ex post facto law, prevents imposing a greater punishment for a crime than was in effect when the crime was committed. The Eighth Amendment's prohibition against cruel and unusual punishments is the obvious example of concern for convicted persons, but so is the Fourteenth Amendment's due process requirement. Habeas corpus action and complaints of ex post facto law violations are still brought by offenders today. But this overview concentrates on issues related to the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments. The Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits cruel and unusual punishments. Even persons claiming that offenders forfeit all their rights after conviction are likely to make an exception to this constitutional protection. The problem is determining to what it refers. The term cruel and unusual punishment cannot be specifically defined because it is flexible and broadens as society pays more regard to human decency and dignity. Or, as U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren explained, the phrase "must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society" (Trop v. Dulles 1958, 356 U.S. at 100-101). Table 11-1 highlights some cases showing the variation in deciding what is cruel and unusual. To determine whether a punishment is cruel and unusual under this evolving standards test, the courts rely in part on public opinion as expressed in state legislation and jury decisions. For example, when finding that the death penalty for the crime of rape was cruel and unusual (grossly disproportionate and excessive in its severity), the Supreme Court noted that Georgia was the only state authorizing a death sentence for the rape of an adult woman and that juries in that state were reluctant to impose a death sentence in rape convictions (Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584 1977). Check Your Understanding Table 11-1: What Constitutes Cruel and Unusual Punishment?

Chapter 12.1: Capital Punishment in the Modern Era

Capital Punishment in the Modern Era Watch Will Lack of Access to Execution Drugs Mean the End of Capital Punishment? Specifics of the U.S. Supreme Court decision that marked the beginning of the death penalty's modern era in the United States are covered in the later section "Capital Punishment and the Law." Suffice it to say that in 1972 the death penalty was placed in a limbo status as states tried to create death penalty statutes that the U.S. Supreme Court would find to be constitutional. Here, as we cover capital punishment's history, we concentrate on how the death penalty has been implemented during this modern era from 1972 to the present. Today, 31 states plus the federal government and the U.S. military have death penalty statutes. The most recent states to abolish the death penalty were Connecticut (2012), Maryland (2013), and Nebraska (2015). The map in Figure 12-1 shows that all 33 jurisdictions retaining the death penalty (except the U.S. military, which had its last execution in 1961) have held at least one execution since 1976. Statistics from the Death Penalty Information Center (2016e) show that through February 18, 2016, 1,429 executions took place in the United States since 1976. Texas, Oklahoma, and Virginia (in order) accounted for 53% of those executions. Of the persons executed during that period, 55% were white, 35% were African-American, 8% were Latino, and 2% were of another race/ethnicity. More than 80% of the executions have occurred in the South and less than 1% have taken place in the Northeast. The primary features of capital punishment's modern era concern legal challenges to the death penalty (as reviewed in the "Capital Punishment and the Courts" section), but a particularly interesting aspect of the period was a change in the method of execution. Figure 12-2 reviews methods of execution popular in the twentieth century, but the preferred method in the twenty-first century is actually a return to one of the oldest—administering a lethal drug. More than 2,300 years ago, Socrates was executed by drinking a cup of hemlock, and in 1982 Charlie Brooks, Jr., received lethal injections of sodium thiopental (an anesthetic), pancuronium bromide (a muscle relaxant designed to paralyze), and potassium chloride (to stop the heart and cause death). He died, as planned, from the overdose of sodium thiopental, and dying in this way was presumed to be much like falling asleep. The execution of Brooks made Texas the first state—and the first jurisdiction in the world—to use lethal injection as a method of execution. Figure 12-3 highlights some of the other notable events in the death penalty's history. Texas officials lauded the new technique as less painful, less offensive, and more palatable. Today, all jurisdictions with the death penalty have authorized lethal injection as a method of execution (Snell, 2014). Figure 12-3 Timeline: Notable People and Execution Methods. Figure 12-3 Full Alternative Text Description Think About It... Source: Paul Harris pacificcoastnews/Newscom Even brief attention to the question of who—beyond the victim and the murderer—is affected by the initial crime and an eventual execution brings to mind the victim's family and friends as well as the family and friends of the offender. Persons affected who don't come to mind as quickly are the employees charged with carrying out the execution. Every execution requires a team of employees who strap the inmate to the gurney, who insert and reinsert the needles, and who remove the inmate's body after the execution. These are the people who deal with botched executions and struggle with inmates fighting to stay alive. They are also the people who, haunted by the experience of putting people to death, have committed suicide, turned to alcohol, or suffered mental and physical health problems (Equal Justice USA, n.d.). As one former warden who supervised two executions explained, those who have been personally and directly involved in executing someone carry an immeasurable burden of awful, life-long repercussions (Thompson, 2015). There are cases of wardens, executioners, and correctional officers suffering PSTD-like symptoms as a result of their involvement with the death penalty. The experience leads to emotional and physical distress, such as mood swings, flashbacks, and nightmares. Importantly, feelings of shame and guilt last long after the employees have resigned or retired (Martinez, 2014). Should prisons simply assign execution duties to employees or should execution teams consist only of employee volunteers? Should employees (whether volunteers or not) be warned of what former warden Allen Ault says is the possibility that service on execution teams might result in life-long nagging doubt, shame, and guilt (Sackur, 2014)?

Chapter 13.3 Due Process and Juveniles Reading

Due Process and Juveniles The juvenile court was established without adversarial proceedings wherein a prosecutor tries to prove the defendant's guilt and the defense works to assure that the defendant has all the required legal protection. The absence of adversarial proceedings meant that due process protections for the juvenile were not really needed. After all, because the prosecution, defense, and judge were all looking out for the juvenile's rights and interests, why clog things up with procedural trappings? As a result, the juvenile court developed into a rather informal proceeding with a goal of treating rather than punishing the misbehaving juvenile. Concern about the lack of procedural protection for juveniles did not attract much public or judicial attention until the 1960s. The U.S. Supreme Court had taken the position that the juvenile court's rehabilitative rather than penal philosophy made it an exception to the procedural guidelines of the Constitution. As Justice Blackmun said, "If the formalities of the criminal adjudicative process are to be superimposed upon the juvenile court system, there is little need for its separate existence" (McKeiver v. Pennsylvania, 403 U.S. at 551, 1971). But by the mid-1960s, it was becoming evident that in the name of treatment, juveniles were subjected to essentially the same punishments as were adult defendants. In 1966, the U.S. Supreme Court heard the case of Gerald Gault, a 15-year-old who was taken into custody by Arizona authorities on the charge of making a lewd phone call (he was accused of asking a female neighbor, "Do you have big bombers?"). Gerald was eventually committed by the juvenile court to the State Industrial School until he reached age 21. Had Gerald been an adult making similar phone calls, Arizona law provided for a maximum penalty of a $50 fine or two months' imprisonment. Gault's parents challenged the legality of his confinement and the case eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1967 (In re Gault, 387 U.S. 1), the Court reversed the Arizona court action and identified minimum due process requirements for juvenile courts to follow in cases where the institutional commitment was possible. Specifically, juveniles were given the following: The right to fair notice of the charges to allow sufficient time to prepare a defense The right to representation by counsel The right to face their accusers and cross-examine the witnesses The privilege against self-incrimination The Gault decision was also important for what it did not say. For example, after Gault, rights still unavailable to juveniles included the right to trial by jury, to release on bail, and to protection against double jeopardy. In addition, because Gault pertained only to juveniles whose delinquent actions may result in institutionalization, jurisdictions have differed in the extent to which they have carried out the decision. In some states, the protections provided by Gault, such as the right to counsel, pertain only to delinquent charges. In other jurisdictions, the protections have been expanded to apply to status offenders and in neglect and dependency proceedings. In 1970, a second Supreme Court decision dealing with juveniles brought changes in juvenile court proceedings. In re Winship (397 U.S. 358, 1970) dealt with the burden of proof in delinquency hearings. The civil nature of the juvenile court proceedings meant that only a preponderance of evidence—that is, evidence having greater weight or being more convincing than the evidence offered in opposition to it—was required to establish a child's delinquency. In the Winship decision, the Court held that the standard of proof used in criminal court was applicable to juveniles in delinquency hearings. As a result, adjudication of delinquency required proof beyond a reasonable doubt—that is, fully satisfying and entirely convincing evidence establishing the accused's guilt. See Figure 13-4 for other Supreme Court decisions affecting juveniles. Figure 13-4 Timeline: Key Events in the Juvenile Justice System. Figure 13-4 Full Alternative Text Description Think About It... Pearson Education Inc. The traditional absence of procedural restrictions on the juvenile court is the result of three factors: The juvenile court is not a criminal court; it is a statutory court (i.e., it was created in state statutes by the legislatures) with powers provided for and limited by state law. Because it is not a criminal court, no determination of guilt is involved. Instead, a misbehaving juvenile is adjudicated (pronounced) delinquent. The juvenile court's goal is to treat rather than punish; therefore, procedural safeguards relevant and necessary for the criminal court are neither relevant nor necessary for juvenile court. Are these good enough reasons to not provide juveniles with basic due process rights that are given to adults in criminal court? If not, what due process rights should juveniles have in juvenile court? Check Your Understanding Due Process for Juveniles Anna is a 14-year-old who was recently was taken into custody for a shoplifting offense. The officer who brought her in tried to question her extensively on the car ride to the juvenile detention center. Based on the case In re Gault, which of the following rights is afforded to her that would protect her in this situation and throughout the process? You correctly answered: The privilege against self-incrimination . The privilege against self-incrimination Correct! Correct. This right is provided in In re Gault for juveniles.

Chapter 12.4: Arguements for and Against Capital Punishment Reading

Arguments for and Against Capital Punishment 12.4 Summarize the arguments for and against the use of the death penalty. One would be hard-pressed to find another criminal justice topic that occasions such passion as the death penalty. The subject has been debated on the basis of such topics as morality, deterrence, retribution, irrevocable mistake, cost comparison of death versus life imprisonment, discrimination by race and social class, and the quality of defense counsel available to capital crime defendants. A sampling of those topics is provided here. Deterrence The idea that people will be deterred from committing murder out of fear that they will be executed seems inherently logical and is the argument made in Figure 12-5. In fact, a belief that the death penalty provides a general deterrent is one of the oldest reasons for its use. Public executions were held to deliberately dissuade those who might be thinking about committing murder or some other capital crime of the time. But murder and other crimes continued, and the public executions themselves were often a stimulus to criminal behavior. Figure 12-5 Does the Death Penalty Deter? Figure 12-5 Full Alternative Text Description Even when the death penalty is carried out in a private setting, reason seems to suggest that it should deter persons from doing something for which they could be executed. That belief goes back to the logic of the classical school, in which people, such as Beccaria and Bentham (see Chapter 2), argued that under conditions of certainty, severity, and swiftness, punishment can effectively keep the rational person from committing a crime. Issues of certainty, severity, and swiftness are admittedly important, but an overriding matter is the assumption of rationality. Abolitionists (those favoring the abolition of the death penalty) argue, for example, that murder is seldom a rational act. Quite the contrary; it typically occurs in the heat of the moment and frequently involves alcohol or drugs in the victim, offender, or both. This lethal mix does not create a setting for rational decision making. If a punishment only deters when the potential offender can rationally weigh the pros and cons of a proposed act, the death penalty will not deter the majority of murders, because they are emotional, not rational, acts. Retentionists (those who favor keeping the death penalty) respond to the rationality argument by suggesting that the death penalty's deterrent effect is achieved through the socialization process. Throughout his or her life, the individual comes to internalize the association of act and penalty. Good behavior becomes something that occurs naturally rather than something that results from the constant weighing of pros and cons throughout the day. Goldberg (1991) uses an analogy of angry husbands to make the point. Most husbands, he argues, slam doors, shout, or sulk when they are angry. Some husbands, when angry, murder their wives. For Goldberg, the question is not what deterred the murderer—obviously, nothing did—but rather what deterred the person who didn't murder. The slamming, shouting, sulking husband has presumably instilled a psychological resistance to murder—not because he makes a rational decision in the heat of the moment, but because he has internalized the link between killing and the death penalty.

Chapter 14 Review: Revisiting Evidence-Based Practices and What Works

Chapter 14 Review: Revisiting Evidence-Based Practices and What Works 14.1 Summarize evidence-based practices that work in corrections to reduce recidivism Prison is recommended for those individuals who pose the highest risk to public safety and is more appropriate for sentences of five or more years. Probation and community-based supervision are more effective for shorter sentences less than five years, and when paired with rehabilitation programs, such as drug treatment, vocational training, and cognitive-based interventions. The principles of effective intervention include establishing rapport, positive reinforcement for offenders, accurately measuring risk and needs, targeting criminogenic needs, using cognitive-behavioral methods, reentry, and graduated sanctions. Correctional interventions that are less effective involve long-term "lock 'em up" punishments without treatment, approaches based on fear and discipline, and those that provide little direction for offenders. In this age of uncertain budgets and economic shortfalls, estimating the costs and benefits of reduced crime from these programs is as important to implementing what works as it is to deciding which programs should be funded. Review Questions Are offenders getting exposed to enough correctional interventions to adequately change their path? EBP in corrections seems to focus entirely on offenders and seems to ignore victims in this process. How can EBP be explained or sold to victims or victims' rights groups so that they will support EBP? How can correctional budgets be decreased without compromising institutional safety and public safety? 14.2 Articulate how the corrections system can become "Smart on Crime. Recommendations for the federal system include allowing each district to identify crime problems, reduce sentences for drug offenders without ties to criminal organizations, reform mandatory minimums, widen eligibility for community-based sentencing, increase compassionate releases from prison, and expand reentry efforts. Rationality can be returned to correction through several methods. Move away from the political arena and into professionalizing key decision-making positions. Examine the broader effects of our decisions on the justice system and on communities outside the system. Reinvest dollars saved on incarceration into social service programs in low-income communities. Future correctional budgets will fund programs that work and will base funding on whether the system can achieve outcomes such as recidivism reduction and accounting for victim restitution and community service completion. This will necessitate transparency and access to centralized data. Review Questions If we are unable to separate crime policies from political influences, what limits must be set and/or standards be met for legislators and those in elected positions to minimize the irrational decisions of the past? What other things need to happen in order for a new correctional paradigm to be transformed and embraced? Key Terms Association of State Correctional Administrators (ASCA)performance-based measures system"gotcha" game justice Reinvestment Initiative Chapter 14 Key Term Flashcard Review

Chapter 14.1: Cost Savings Best Practices Reading

Cost Savings Best Practices Now that we have a clearer idea of what correctional interventions work and what does not work, a prudent step is to factor in best practices to increase the crime reduction benefit compared to the cost to administer the program. We begin with figuring the costs of incarceration, which are shown in Figure 14-2 as rough estimates. The cost of incarceration varies widely according to the cost of living in the area and also according to the security level of the prison (cost is lower for minimum security and nearly doubles for maximum security). Check Your Understanding Figure 14-2: Cost of Prison Compared to Probation About $12 million is needed each year to keep one correctional facility operational. Figure 14-3 shows how that $12 million is allocated—exactly where the money goes. Nearly two-thirds of a corrections budget pays for staff members' salaries, wages, and benefits. With better facility layouts, popular-style designs that utilize less staff, and installing technology and electronic surveillance to replace personnel, a significant amount of money can be saved each year. Check Your Understanding Figure 14-3: Allocation of State Prison Expenditures The entire criminal justice system (police, courts, and corrections combined) comprised about 8% of all state and local government spending, which was about the same amount spent on health care and hospitals (Kyckelhahn, 2013). The corrections system alone represented about 1.6% of local government and between 1.9 and 3.3% of state government spending. With a less stable economy, the decline in tax-based revenues, and increases in health care costs, the amount spent on criminal justice is predicted to decrease. States must either raise taxes or reduce spending through program cuts and hiring freezes for state institutions, such as police, schools, universities, social services, probation, and prisons. For example, a decline in state funding for higher education has caused college tuition increases (National Association of State Budget Officers, 2011). The disjuncture between state spending on prisons and higher education is even more pronounced in California, Florida, Maryland, and New York. When we examine state spending on prisons versus how much it costs to help people, the benefits of treatment, and teaching people new skills are astounding. Table 14-3 shows that the prison industry, long-term drug treatment, and education programs are the three most beneficial programs compared to their costs. To break even on the costs spent to obtain a GED, a program would need to reduce a three-year recidivism rate by only 2.5%. Davis, Bozick, Steele, Saunders, and Miles (2013) confirmed that correctional education is indeed cost-effective because prisoners who obtained a GED while incarcerated reduced their own recidivism rate by 13% over a three-year period. The least beneficial programs are those that involve supervision and monitoring without help. As we learn more about reducing costs, retaining what works, and cutting what does not work, it is time to explore returning rationality to correctional policy and sentencing. Table 14-3 Program Costs and Estimated Benefits of Correctional Interventions ProgramBenefits (Value of Reduced Crime)Initial Investment Program Costs (2007 Dollars)Benefits Divided by Cost (Return on Investment for Every Dollar Invested)Prison-BasedEducation$18,621$ 985$18.90Prison industry$14,387$ 427$33.69Therapeutic community$14,357$ 1,642$ 8.74Sex offender$16,945$12,881$ 1.31Violent mentally ill$46,452$27,617$ 1.68Community-BasedLong-term therapeutic drug treatment$12,443$ 588$21.16Drug courts$12,988$ 4,474$ 2.90Work release$ 2,904$ 615$ 4.72Intensive supervision probation with no treatment$ 0$ 3,869$ 0Electronic monitoring$ 0$ 926$ 0

Chapter 12.4: Fairness Reading:

Fairness Watch How Does the U.S. Compare with Other Countries? Several issues are raised when discussing the fairness of the death penalty. Many of those issues are based on statistics that show the death penalty applying most often to men, disproportionately to African-Americans and Latinos, and invariably to poor defendants. Women, Caucasians, and rich people also commit capital crimes, but they have not been executed quite as regularly. Regarding fairness and gender, it is clear that the death penalty has been applied to both men and women throughout history and across cultures. There have been, however, a few capital crimes for which females were more frequently targeted. Dobash, Dobash, and Gutteridge (1986) point out that at times in history, women have been subjected to more severe punishments for the same offense as men. During the Middle Ages, women could be burned to death for adultery or murdering their spouse, but adultery was sometimes not even considered an offense for men. Even when there was equity in the death sentence, the means of execution was often hanging for men but burning (presumably a more agonizing death) for women. The charge of witchcraft, for example, was applied primarily to women who, presumably with the help of Satan, harmed people, animals, and things. Witchcraft aside, women have not been executed in the United States as often as their number on death row suggests they could be. Women account for about 2% of all death sentences imposed in the United States. But rather than comprising 2% of the persons executed, women make up about 1% of the total. Since 1976, 16 women have been executed in U.S. jurisdictions—6 in Texas, 3 in Oklahoma, 2 in Florida, and 1 each in Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016g). In 2004, the American Civil Liberties Union released findings from the first-ever national survey of women on death row. Key findings from the survey include the following (King & Bellin, 2004): Women on death row often had ineffective counsel or had been subjected to official misconduct by prosecutors during their trials. Half of the women on death row acted with at least one other person, but in most of those cases the co-defendant received a sentence other than death—even in cases where both defendants appeared to be equally culpable. Nearly two-thirds of the women on death row were convicted of killing family members or people they knew. Although no one has calculated the number of men on death row for killing the same categories of people, we know from the general prison population that women who are in prison are more likely than men to have killed family members or intimates. Most women on death row, probably because of their small numbers, live in almost complete isolation, rarely leaving their cells. Such conditions may lead to psychosis or can exacerbate existing mental illness. The report concludes with recommendations to ensure that women receive fair and adequate defense counsel when charged with a capital offense (e.g., train defense counsel to litigate issues of abuse in death penalty cases) and to improve conditions for women on death row (e.g., integrate women on death row into regular prison units). Check Your Understanding Women on Death Row You answered 1 out of 1 questions correctly on the first attempt. 1. Laurie murdered her husband and was sentenced to death in the state of North Carolina. Women represent a miniscule percentage of the population on death row. This group of offenders is unique in many ways, including which of the following? Press enter after select an option to check the answer. Most women on death row were convicted of killing family members or people they knew. Although no one has calculated the number of men on death row for killing the same categories of people, we know from the general prison population that women who are in prison are more likely than men to have killed family members or intimates. Correct! Correct. This is unique to female offenders on death row.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.1 Who is In Prison? Quiz 8.1

Question 2 / 3- Which of the following is a characteristic of prisoners? More than one out of every four federal prisoners is not a U.S. citizen. Correct. According to the Federal BOP 2011, more than one out of every four federal prisoners is not a U.S. citizen. BOP (Bureau of Prisons) prisoners who are non-U.S. citizens have citizenship in Mexico, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, or Cuba. The number of women in the prison population is disproportionally greater than their percent in the general population. The average age of male prisoners is 26. Violent offenses represent the lowest percentage of crimes committed by women.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 The Case

The Case Decreasing Violence Through the Inmate Subculture The Resolve to Stop the Violence Project (RSVP) began in a San Francisco jail to decrease violence among prisoners with a history of street violence or institutional misconduct. RSVP is different from most programs in that it changes the institutional subculture of violence within one dorm through peer mentoring, direct and consistent staff supervision, and a race/ethnic composition that reflects the composition of program participants. RSVP is known as a peer-mentoring program because it uses more senior-level clients as change agents for newer participants and also focuses on changing the institutional culture that permeates the problem. The second main component in RSVP is its restorative justice concepts that aim to bring about victim empathy, repair the harm done to others, and repair harm done to the inmates themselves. Part of behavioral change in RSVP mandates that the offender apologize to people he or she has hurt or victimized. Exposure to the program is for 12 hours per day for 6 days per week. The length of stay is dependent largely on the inmate's sentence, but it averages 165 days (most range from 2 to 6 months). RSVP has support from community groups including the District Attorney's Office, the Probation Department, domestic violence shelters, and other victim advocate groups. The community groups developed concrete ways that violent offenders convicted of domestic violence, robbery, assault, rape, and terrorist threats can take responsibility for their actions and restore the harm they caused to their victims, their own families, and the larger community. The first way is that as inmates progress through the program, each inmate is expected to take on a greater leadership role with newcomers. The senior-status inmates confront newcomers about their violent behavior in a controlled group setting and help them to recognize how their early gender socialization, such as suppressing their feelings and expressing a tough macho image, has contributed to their anger problems. The second phase is victim impact, in which victims of violent crime describe in vivid detail how that crime McClatchy-Tribune/Tribune Content Agency LLC/Alamy Stock Photo has devastated their lives. This phase also allows the inmates to begin to reflect on how they have been victimized and witnessed violence in their own lives. The third phase involves artistic expression through a one-act play that each inmate writes that represents a traumatic incident that led him or her to become a violent person. The play is performed by inmates, and could have alternate endings. The final step is the continued participation in group sessions for one year after returning to the community. Since the program began, violent incidents in the rest of the jail have decreased because the predatory inmates are transferred to the program dorm. As program duration increases from 8 weeks to 16 weeks, rates of recidivism significantly decrease when the RSVP group is compared to a group not exposed to RSVP. Over 4,000 offenders have participated, and 87% of participants have not been rearrested for another violent offense. References: 1. Lee, B., & Gilligan, J. (2005). The resolve to stop violence project: Transforming an in-house culture of violence through a jail-based programme. Journal of Public Health, 27(2), 149-155. 2. WABC-TV/DT. (2008, June 10). RSVP program helps inmates with anger. Eyewitness News, WABC, New York. Retrieved from http://abclocal.go.com/wabc/story?section=news/ local&id=6197063. RSVP provides hope for change, but consider the following questions: What characteristics do peer-mentoring programs (such as therapeutic communities for drug addicts and RSVP for violent offenders featured here) share in common? Can you think of any challenges with the use of peer-mentoring programs? What other programs could be modeled after RSVP to change other undesirable behaviors in the prisoner subculture?

Fourteenth Amendment's due process and equal protection clauses

What have offenders often used when claiming that their rights have been violated?

Fourteenth Amendment

has significant importance to the concept of individual rights.

Chapter 13 Quiz

2/20- Which of the following is a characteristic of juvenile crime? Juvenile crime peaks around the age of 18. Correct. Juvenile crime has been found to rise during adolescence, peak around age 18, and then drop thereafter.

Chapter 11.1: Sources of Prisoners' Rights:

Sources of Prisoners' Rights 11.1 Outline the development and sources of prisoners' rights. Two positions can be taken regarding rights of convicted and imprisoned persons: The rights-are-retained position argues that prisoners keep all the rights of an ordinary citizen, except those that are expressly or by necessity taken away from them by law. The rights-are-lost position says that prisoners are wholly without rights except those expressly conferred by law or necessity. Importantly, but confusingly, neither position accurately identifies the approach held by the courts. Figure 11-1 reviews various stages through which the courts seem to have passed as they try to balance the retained/lost dilemma. The rights-are-retained view comes directly from a federal appeals court decision in 1944 (Coffin v. Reichard), but federal courts have issued many other decisions that suggest prisoners may only have rights that are compatible with the goals of prison administration. In the absence of a clear and consistent approach, it is not surprising that the public, prison officials, and even judges have difficulty understanding or describing the rights of prisoners. However, before discussing how the courts have responded to this "rights-retained" or "rights-lost" dilemma, we consider from where the presumed rights come. Figure 11-1 Judicial Involvement in Prison Administration. Although federal and state courts have not consistently followed either a rights-are-retained or rights-are-lost position, it is possible to identify historical periods according to the courts' willingness to be involved in prison administration issues. These periods move from an initial time of noninvolvement (called the hands-off doctrine) to a time of active intrusion (the hands-on doctrine) and most recently to a deference doctrine wherein court rulings should respect the assessment of prison officials. The Hands-Off Doctrine. Federal and state courts, before the early 1960s, held the view that prisoners had only those rights specifically granted by statute or by policy. Prison conditions were free from outside scrutiny, and prison administrators governed without any outside interference. State and federal courts were reluctant to intervene in prison administration unless there appeared to be a clear violation of the Eighth Amendment's protection against cruel and unusual punishment. The hands-off doctrine espoused by the courts was justified on several grounds, including the argument that correctional administration was a technical matter that was best left to experts in corrections rather than to the courts, which are not equipped to make appropriate evaluations regarding the running of prisons. The Hands-On Doctrine. After nearly 170 years of keeping the courts out of the prison management business, the hands-off doctrine began eroding. By the mid-1960s, federal district courts were seriously considering prisoners' claims. An important reason for the courts' new interest in prisoners was simply a reflection of the times, which also saw increased interest in areas such as civil rights, student rights, public welfare, and general institutional reform. Several of the earliest cases heard by the courts involved claims of racial and religious discrimination brought by Black Muslims in prison. With the new hands-on doctrine, courts (especially the lower federal courts) began supporting prisoners' claims to rights in areas such as privacy, communication, safety, and due process. The Deference Doctrine. Since 1980, the U.S. Supreme Court and lower federal courts have based decisions regarding the constitutionality of prison restrictions with deference to the assessment of prison officials. In Bell v. Wolfish (441 U.S. 520, 1979), for example, Justice Rehnquist expressed a belief that courts had become too involved in the minutiae of prison operations. Rehnquist, writing for the majority, explained that court involvement in prison management must be limited to whether a particular prison requirement violates the Constitution. An example of the new deference to the discretion of prison authorities is Turner v. Safley (482 U.S. 78, 1987), which found that prison requirements that impinge on inmates' constitutional rights are valid if they are reasonably related to legitimate penological interests. Proponents of having inmates retain some rights during incarceration point at state and federal constitutions and state and federal laws to support their claim. State constitutions and laws are too numerous to cover here, so we concentrate on federal-level sources. First we will look at articles of the U.S. Constitution and two of the Constitution's amendments to understand how they serve as the basis for many inmate claims. Then we consider the Civil Rights Act (U.S. Code, Title 42 Section 1983) as an example of a federal statute that is increasingly being used to support inmate claims of discrimination. Check Your Understanding Prisoner Rights

Chapter 10.3 The Parole Decision Reading

The Parole Decision Watch Description of Parole Board Hearings Granting parole requires first that a prisoner meet the minimum eligibility criteria and second that a majority of board members agree that the prisoner is ready. Prisoners are given a date on which they are first eligible for early release on parole according to their sentence minus good time earned during the sentence. For example, consider an offender with a 6- to 10-year sentence (in which 6 is the minimum amount of time and 10 is the maximum) in a state where good time is given at a rate of one day of good time for each day served. Assuming that good time is earned every day, that inmate would be eligible for parole after serving three years in prison, because the six-year minimum sentence has been met after only three years. But the emphasis is still on the words eligible and can be considered. Parole, after all, is a privilege and not a right. The next step in the process is to determine which of the eligible prisoners will receive a parole release. The parole board, appointed by the state governor, meets to review the files of those prisoners eligible for parole. In some cases, the board interviews the prisoner and reviews the file, and in other cases, the board reviews the file only. If the board members agree that a person should be released on parole, they set a specific parole date. The prisoner knows that, barring any infractions or problems with the parole plan, he or she can expect to be released on that date. If the board members do not believe the time for release is quite right, parole is deferred or delayed for 12-24 months. The common goal, regardless of the specific criteria used, is to predict who is most likely to succeed on parole. Factors that parole boards consider in their decision are illustrated in Figure 10-9 and include the offender's prior criminal record, the offender's institutional conduct, the offender's participation in treatment programs, the offender's willingness to accept responsibility for his or her actions, and the victim's wishes. Parole boards routinely use scoring instruments to help them assess risk. Male prisoners under age 25, convicted of a property offense, with severe untreated drug addiction, and with several prior convictions represent a higher risk of recidivism than women, older prisoners, offenders with less serious drug-abuse histories, and those who were employed prior to arrest. Other factors that are important in successful reentry are being employed and having positive family support (McKiernan, Shamblen, Collins, Strader, & Kokoski, 2013; Visher, Debus-Sherrill, & Yahner, 2011). Figure 10-9 Factors Considered by the Parole Board. Figure 10-9 Full Alternative Text Description Decrease of Discretionary Parole and Rise of Mandatory Supervision During the 1970s, parole was attacked on the grounds that parole boards had too much discretion over a prisoner's release date, which meant persons convicted of similar crimes could end up serving very different amounts of time in prison. A second criticism centered on a perceived lack of effectiveness in treating offenders given an early release. By the 1990s, many states had revised their sentencing laws and begun using determinate sentencing for violent crimes. This change to determinate sentencing also necessitated replacing discretionary parole with supervised mandatory release. With supervised mandatory release, prisoners are automatically released to the community when they have completed their maximum prison sentence less any good time credit they have received. But because the full sentence is not really completed, the inmate's release is conditional and requires community supervision. Mandatory release takes the decision making away from a parole board and gives it to the legislators who revise sentencing laws. The rate of supervised mandatory releases has grown significantly, and there are now more mandatory releases than discretionary, as detailed in Figure 10-10. Supervised mandatory release is used in the states where parole boards have been abolished. Mandatory release is also used in the federal system and for violent crimes in about 21 states. A small number of states reinstated discretionary release because their prisons became too crowded under mandatory release. Other states, such as Alabama, have such stringent release criteria that even parole-eligible inmates serve exceedingly long sentences (Schartmueller, 2015). Figure 10-10 Prison Release Methods. Source: Sabol, W. J., West, H. C., & Cooper, M. (2009). Prisoners in 2008 (NCJ 228417). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

13/20- The highest rate of sexual victimization observed in penitentiaries is about ________. 10 percent 55 percent 20 percent Correct. At some units around the country, rates of sexual victimization ranged from less than 1 percent to a high of nearly 20 percent. 35 percent

Chapter 11.4: Quiz 11.4: Civil Disabilities and Other Postconviction Sanctions

1/2- When convicted offenders forfeit all rights and privileges of citizenship, including things such as the right to enter into a contract or the right to sue, it is known as ________. civil death Correct.

Chapter 13 Quiz

13/20- Which treatment type has both family and community-based aspects? Multisystemic Therapy Correct. An effective family-based program for serious juvenile offenders that views the individual as part of a complex network that includes his or her family, peers, school, and neighborhood.

Chapter 11 Quiz

5/20- Which of the following does the textbook suggest is the most basic right for prisoners? Right to access the courts Correct. Right to access the courts is the most basic right for prisoners.

Chapter 12.4: Retribution Reading

Retribution Another popular capital punishment debate topic is that of lex talionis—the position of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." In fact, Supreme Court Justice Stevens suggests that retribution is the primary rationale for imposing the death penalty today and that it is the grounds for much of the remaining enthusiasm for the death penalty (Baze v. Rees, 553 U.S. 35, 2008). In many ways, this is the most difficult topic to debate because technically it provides no basis for debate. Newman (1985) says retributivists, the prime supporters of this view, are often asked the trap question, "Why must a wrongful act be punished?" Any reply made by the retributivist will be utilitarian, and of all the punishment philosophies, retribution is the only one that is nonutilitarian. If the retributivist tries to answer a question such as "Why should the death penalty be used?" the response will inevitably lean toward things, such as deterrence, public safety, or reinforcing the moral order. But each of these answers has a utilitarian aspect, and the retributivist does not require, or even want, such a link. Newman (1985) suggests that the only nonutilitarian response available to retributivists is "Because the act was wrong." But that response merely restates the assertion—that is, retribution claims that a wrongful act must be repaid by punishment, so saying that the reason for punishment is to repay the wrongful act is merely redundant, unless the statement "A wrongful act must be punished" is a statement of fact rather than simply an assertion. And, Newman suggests, that is exactly what the statement is. He argues that saying "A wrongful act must be punished" verges on being a social law. The resulting problem is finding another position to take in order to have a debate. If retributivists say that punishment—the death penalty, for example—is inherently right, even required, the only "other side" one could take is to claim the statement is not a fact, let alone a social law. This becomes more of a philosophical discussion than a utilitarian debate. That is not a bad thing; it just means that the "discussers" must not get hung up on topics such as what punishment achieves. In other words, even if there was clear and convincing evidence that the death penalty is not needed to achieve specific deterrence, does not provide general deterrence, and is applied in a biased manner, the retributivist would still favor capital punishment because it is the "right" thing to do. Figure 12-9 explains that because strict adherence to the principle of lex talionis would seemingly require that all murderers be executed—not just those who committed murder with aggravating circumstances—and that executions be conducted in very uncivilized ways, some retributivists argue for proportional retributivism. Rather than requiring an exactly similar punishment for a criminal, "proportional retributivism requires only that the worst crime in any society be punished with the worst penalty" (Paternoster, 1991, p. 258). In abandoning the requirement of lex talionis, this version of retribution would require that a murderer receive the most severe penalty that society currently would morally tolerate. That punishment must be severe enough so as not to trivialize the victim's injury. Consider, for example, a prison sentence for rapists. Ten years in prison is not equivalent injury for one who has raped another, but it is a severe enough penalty that it does not do an injustice to the victim. Similarly, life imprisonment without the possibility for parole does not duplicate the harm to the murder victim, but it is not a penalty that is out of proportion to murder. Figure 12-9 Must a Retributivist be Pro-Death Penalty? Achieving a strict principle of lex talionis is very difficult and, as a result, some self-described retributivists are actually against the death penalty. Paternoster (1991) offers three limitations to lex talionis that turn some retributivists into abolitionists: Rigid adherence to the lex talionis principle of equality would mean that the death penalty is appropriate only for murder. Crimes of rape, kidnapping, and armed robbery would not be punished by execution, but all murders would be. Under contemporary legal requirements (i.e., only murders with aggravating circumstances are eligible for the death penalty), the principle of equity is tempered with a dose of mercy. Strict following of lex talionis would result in ridiculous and uncivilized punishments because society cannot always treat criminals exactly as they treated their victims. We do not rape the rapists, set fire to the arsonists, or steal from thieves. Nor can we administer several executions to the serial murderer. The principle of equity cannot be met in instances of brutal murder because a strict lex talionis would require that brutal murderers be treated brutally by tormenting those who tortured, dismembering those who cut up their victims, and so on. Such behavior by the state would require imitation of the very acts the public so intensely despises. Sam72/Shutterstock Think About It... 1000 Words/Shutterstock The principle of proportional retributivism suggests that a retributivist does not have to favor the death penalty—especially given the limitations presented by strict adherence to lex talionis. On the other hand, it may also suggest that the death penalty is appropriate for corporate leaders whose actions or inactions are shown to be responsible for the death of innocent people (see arguments in Blecker [2013]). What are your views on these two positions? Can someone be a retributivist and oppose the death penalty? Should a retributivist favor the death penalty for corporate leaders whose business practices killed people?

Field Parole Officers and Supervision Reading

Field Parole Officers and Supervision Watch Parole Officer Supervision and Discretion in Revoking Parole Once the eligible offender is granted a release date on mandatory or discretionary supervision, a field officer must verify the release plan to ensure that the living arrangements are acceptable. Being that most parolees cannot afford their own place upon release, they must rely on staying with someone else. A field officer verifies that the family members agree to house the parolee and agree to parole officer visits. If housing plans are still not solidified, a halfway house facility is an available option. Once the release plan has been accepted, the offender is released from prison and is ordered to report to his or her parole officer within 24 to 48 hours. At that first visit, the offender signs a parole agreement or parole order. The term agreement is used when parole is discretionary, whereas an order more often suggests parole is mandatory and the parolee is aware of (although may not necessarily agree with) the rules. Parole conditions are nearly identical to those for probationers, so they will not be repeated here. Just as there is similarity between the conditions of probation and parole, there is similarity among the duties assigned to those who manage each type of case, no matter if clients are on discretionary or mandatory parole. The two positions are enough alike that in the federal system and in many states, supervision officers have combined caseloads of probation and parole clients. Parole field officers are responsible for ensuring through supervision and assistance that the reentry plan is continued and their parolees do not pose a threat to public safety. In states with reentry initiatives, the parole officer focuses on reworking the transitional accountability plan to ensure the continuity of services the offender needs. As detailed in Table 10-3, there are some differences between traditional parole and contemporary parole. Contemporary models of parole supervision include neighborhood-based supervision by zip code; partnerships with law enforcement; and attempting to change the offenders' lives through personal, family, and neighborhood interventions. At the core, these models move toward matching offender needs with community resources, strengthening victim services for victims who have an offender in the community, offender accountability and positive community contributions, and decreasing the number of prisoners who return to prison. Table 10-3 A Comparison of Traditional and Contemporary Parole CharacteristicTraditional ParoleContemporary ParoleProgram developmentPrograms should be provided through the Department of Corrections prior to being paroled.Parole officers (POs) have input into the development of programs and are familiar with program resources in their communities.Offender treatment plansOne size fits all and conducted for the sake of paperwork, but largely disregardedSpecific to each offender's criminogenic needs, realistic goals, and the foundation of case managementPO work with crime victimsCase managers are generally isolated from processes and information related to working with victims, and they are not entirely comfortable responding to victims or their concerns.Case managers are trained and knowledgeable about victim issues, comfortable with issues related to confidentiality, and have tools to respond effectively to victims.PO trainingProcedures, paperwork, and rulesEvidence-based practices, cognitive behavioral interventions, motivational interviewingPO help with employmentUnemployed offenders are encouraged to look for work.With community workforce staff, the PO assists the offender in job search and placement.Evaluations of POsBased on number of contacts PO makes with offender by risk levelBased on offender's successful implementation of case plans and whether PO contacts help with treatment goalsStyle of PO case managementReactive to problems and violationsProactive and addresses offenders' crime-producing needs to prevent new crimes or violationsParole supervisorsOffice-bound, working regular business hoursDevelop partnerships with local social service agencies; supervise officers directly in the community Source: From Parole Violations Revisited, NCJ #019833. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2004. The length of time a person is on parole varies considerably, but the average time is one to two years. Looking at differences among states, we can find some examples in which time on parole cannot exceed six months or the offender's maximum sentence date, whichever comes first; in other states, parolees are discharged no later than one year after their release. States with mandatory parole typically specify time on parole as varying—for example, one to five years—depending on the crime. For instance, the state legislature might determine that conviction of a Class 3 felony will require two years on parole after completing whatever prison sentence the judge imposes. Like probationers, parolees try to complete supervision successfully through discharge rather than an unsuccessful revocation. Parole officer responses, as in the model pictured in Figure 10-11, differentiate among low, medium, and high levels of parolee behavior. Behaviors defined as "low" are considered less consequential than "high" behaviors (Burke, 2004). The far left-hand column of this model shows how officers can reward positive behavior as well as sanction negative parolee behavior (shown in the far right-hand column). For example, a parolee who is on electronic monitoring and who is violation-free for 90 days might be eligible for regular parole supervision without the electronic surveillance. However, if that same parolee had a drug test that showed he or she used multiple illegal substances (a medium-risk behavior), the parolee would be required to enroll in an in-house drug program. Most states have solid parole policies that sanction negative behavior but seem to neglect rewarding positive behavior. Figure 10-11 Example of a Behavior Response Guide for Parole Officers. Source: From Parole Violations Revisited, NCJ #019833. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2004.

Chapter 12.4: Innocence Reading

Innocence As indicated in Figure 12-10, society continues to debate the question of whether the inevitability of occasionally convicting an innocent person is worth the benefit derived by having the death penalty. Between 1973 and the end of 2015, 156 people had been released from death row with evidence of their innocence (Death Penalty Information Center, 2015). In 20 of those cases, DNA was a substantial factor in establishing innocence. For the other cases, defendants must have been acquitted of all charges related to the crime that placed them on death row, or had all charges related to that crime dismissed by the prosecution, or have been granted a complete pardon based on evidence of innocence. The criteria used by the Death Penalty Information Center (DPIC) to determine the number of innocent people released from death row is criticized by some as blurring the distinction between actual innocence and legal innocence (Sharp, 2004). In one such criticism, Sharp allowed that 17 might be a credible number for actual innocents released from death row between 1973 and 2004. Whether the number is greater than 100 or fewer than 20, the possibility of executing an innocent person is reason enough for many people to be against using death sentences. Others, however, suggest that the horror of a rare mistake is outweighed by the benefits of execution when it is appropriate. Figure 12-10 Should the Death Penalty Be Banned Because an Innocent Person Could Be Executed? Figure 12-10 Full Alternative Text Description Although cases of innocent people being released from death row have convinced some death penalty proponents to become opponents, others simply point to these close calls as examples of the system working—they were caught in time, the argument goes. Reliance on the justice system to catch its own errors before tragedy occurs may be misplaced, however. In many of the exonerations, it was not a diligent justice system that identified the condemned person's innocence but rather an independent nonprofit organization established to assist prisoners (including those on death row) who could be proven innocent through DNA testing. The Innocence Project (www.innocenceproject.org/) has been instrumental in DNA exonerations of persons who have served time on death row and is actively involved in reforming the criminal justice system to prevent future injustices. Regardless of whether the exoneration of an innocent death-row inmate resulted from a diligent justice process or a diligent nonprofit organization, the point for some capital punishment proponents is that the execution did not occur. So, they suggest, there is no reason to believe that an innocent person has ever actually been executed (Sharp, 2004). Abolitionists agree it is difficult to prove an innocent person has been executed because courts do not generally entertain claims of innocence when the defendant is dead. Further, the need to work on cases of people living on death row who may be innocent takes precedence over cases of people already executed. The DPIC identifies 13 people executed since 1976 as possibly having been innocent, but it is especially interesting to note that the public seems to believe that innocent people have been executed. Gallup poll data from October 2009 found that 59% of Americans believe that an innocent person has been executed in the last five years, but the same poll found that 64% of the public favor capital punishment (Gallup, 2016). Questions of whether the death penalty deters, is applied in a fair manner, provides retribution for society, or may present an irrevocable mistake due to innocence are ones with which we continue to struggle. In the end, one's position regarding the death penalty must be arrived at through personal decisions based on variables ranging from morality to assessment of statistical research. Think About It... Lightspring/Shutterstock Public opinion polls find that most Americans believe an innocent person has been executed in recent years, but most also favor the death penalty. Do you see this as especially inconsistent and/or troubling? Why or why not? Because of the possibility of executing an innocent person, would people be more likely to favor abolishing the death penalty if a life sentence without the possibility of parole were made the alternative?

Chapter 11.4: Sex Offender Registration, Notification, and Residence Restriction Laws Reading

Sex Offender Registration, Notification, and Residence Restriction Laws A particularly controversial topic related to restrictions placed on the ordinary rights of residency is linked to a specific type of crime—sex offenses. Collateral consequences of a sex offense conviction include sex offender registration laws and public notification laws. The former requires persons convicted of sex offenses to register in a community, even after they have completed their sentence for that conviction. The notification laws are an additional provision that requires that the public be notified of the name and location of certain sex offenders in the community. See Figure 11-5 for a discussion of whether notification laws encourage residents to modify their behavior. Figure 11-5 Evidence-Based Practice—Does It Work? Research on how community notification laws affect community members has consistently found that although the laws increase reported fear among residents, they have strong public support and are seen as providing an important public service. However, the research also shows that most residents do not access the available community notification information (Bandy, 2011). In addition, she explains, the findings are mixed as to whether notification prompts protective behavior. This point is important because an assumption of notification laws is that by providing people with knowledge about a person who poses a potential threat to their safety, they will change their behavior to lessen that risk. Bandy (2011) studied that assumption with research in Minneapolis. Her results were consistent with other studies that found no statistically significant relationship between receiving notification about a high-risk sex offender and the adoption of self-protective behaviors. However, Bandy also found that parents who received information about a high-risk offender did adopt more protective behaviors to protect their children against victimization than did parents who had not received notification. So, although community members strongly support notification laws and report feeling safer as a result of knowing where sex offenders live, they engage in few protective behaviors as a result of the notification—except being slightly more likely to take protective action on behalf of their children (Levenson, 2011). Do Notification Laws Encourage Residents to Modify Their Behavior? Discuss Because most child sexual abuse victims know the perpetrators, and because most offenders are not subject to notification laws, what do you think is gained by notification? What are some examples of protective behaviors that parents may adopt? Will those behaviors realistically protect their children from the people most likely to victimize them? Under the federal Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA), all U.S. jurisdictions are required to pass registration and notification laws that conform to federal minimum standards or risk a penalty in receiving federal grants. According to the Office of Justice Programs (2016), SORNA's goal is to strengthen the nationwide network of sex offender registration and notification programs by Extending the jurisdictions in which registration is required beyond the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and the principal U.S. territories, to also include federally recognized Indian tribes Incorporating a more comprehensive group of sex offenders and sex offenses for which registration is required Requiring registered sex offenders to register and keep their registration current in each jurisdiction in which they reside, work, or go to school Requiring sex offenders to provide more extensive registration information Requiring sex offenders to make periodic in-person appearances to verify and update their registration information Expanding the amount of information available to the public regarding registered sex offenders Making changes in the required minimum duration of registration for sex offenders Although all states and the District of Columbia had registration and notification laws before SORNA's passage in 2006, those laws were not necessarily consistent with SORNA's minimum requirements. A 2008 national survey found inconsistencies between the federal mandates and state practices and that there are many barriers preventing states from implementing SORNA (Harris & Lobanov-Rostovsky, 2010). By February 2016, only 17 states had been identified by the Justice Department as having substantially implemented SORNA (Office of Justice Programs, 2016). Twenty-eight states are still struggling with the costs and bureaucratic bother of implementing SORNA and the other five have refused, mostly for political or fiscal reasons. One of the five states, Nebraska, stated a principled opposition to SORNA's lifetime registry requirement for juveniles (Prison Legal News, 2014). That issue is likely to present continued problems for implementation of SORNA as indicated by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling that mandatory lifetime registration of juvenile sexual offenders is unconstitutional (Prison Legal News, 2016). Colorado, as the most recent state to be recognized as a SORNA conformer—in November 2013—provides a good example of a state's sex offender registration and notification law (see State of Colorado, n.d.). Both adults and juveniles convicted of certain sex-related offenses in Colorado or another state are required to register at the law enforcement agency in the jurisdiction where they reside. Registration must occur within five business days of becoming a temporary or permanent resident of Colorado, of being released into the community under criminal justice supervision (probation, parole, community corrections), or of establishing an additional residence in Colorado. If released from the Colorado Department of Corrections with no supervision, a sex offender must register the next business day. Some sex offenders must re-register annually on their birth date, and any person convicted as an adult of especially serious offenses must register every 90 days for the remainder of his or her natural life (e.g., sexual assault on a child, incest, or a person found to be a sexually violent predator). Failure to comply with any registration requirements could result in the person being charged with the crime of "failure to register as a sex offender," which may be charged as a felony. The community notification aspect of Colorado's law requires law enforcement agencies to release information regarding registered sex offenders that includes name, address, aliases, date of birth, photograph (upon request and if readily available), and the particular unlawful sexual behavior(s) for which the offender was convicted. No information concerning victims can be released.

Chapter 8.1 Inmate Code

Inmate Code The inmate code is an informal, unwritten set of ideal norms that directs an inmate's behavior. But unlike formal prison rules, the inmate code is learned by word of mouth, and if not followed, inmates enforce the norms via bullying, harassment, or violence. The principles of the code, shown in Figure 8-4, have remained fairly constant for male prisoners over the last 60 years (Sykes & Messinger, 1960; Winfree et al., 2002). The inmate code is strikingly similar across many prisons in the world. Figure 8-4 Mainstream Prisoner Code for Men. References: 1. Sykes, G. M., & Messinger, S. (1960). The inmate social system.In Theoretical studies in social organization of the prison (pp. 5-19). New York, NY: Social Science Research Council. 2. Winfree, L. T., Newbold, G., & Tubb, S. H. (2002). Prisoner perspective on inmate culture in New Mexico and New Zealand: A descriptive case study. The Prison Journal, 82(2), 213-233. Figure 8-4 Full Alternative Text Description Code of Conduct for Women Women prisoners seem to have a slightly different inmate code than men. As Figure 8-5 illustrates, violence to obtain respect is not glorified, nor is there necessarily a need to join gangs for protection. Women also seem to be more tolerant of mixed-race groupings than are men (Alarid, 1996). Pollock (2002) observed that women were less likely than men to "do their own time," as the subcultural norms in women's prisons did not prohibit or discourage individuals from getting involved in another woman's problems. Women were more likely than men to "spread rumors and gossip about one another's activities as a form of social control or merely as a social pastime" (Pollock, 2002, p. 131). Interaction with correctional officers is not prohibited for female inmates-it is more casual and social. There is even some indication that female prisoners look to staff, as well as to each other, for support. As a result, staff may be more likely to bend the rules. As one woman explained, a main part of the code is "don't snitch," but, she quickly added, "It is good to tell for certain things, like if someone gets jumped or somebody got stabbed" (Owen, 1998, p. 178). Figure 8-5 Mainstream Prisoner Code for Women. Reference: Alarid, L. F. (1996). Women offenders- perception of confinement: Behavior code acceptance, hustling, and group relations in jail and prison (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Huntsville, TX: Sam Houston State University. Figure 8-5 Full Alternative Text Description Check Your Understanding Inmate Code Prison Argot Prison argot or "prison-proper" is the language, slang, and physical gestures used to communicate meaning in prison. According to Encinas (2001), argot is influenced by the region of the country or the dominant race/ethnic group incarcerated in that area. For example, prisons in the Southwest that are populated mainly with Latino prisoners use slightly different slang than prisons dominated by African-American prisoners. Argot terms describe the inmate world as one that is hardened, lacks tolerance, and is filled with racist and sexist terminology. K.C. Carceral (2004), now a former prisoner, provides more detail: Prison-proper perpetuates prejudice and stereotyping based on skin color. For example, African-American prisoners call whites Square Johns, crackers, peckerwoods, white boyees, and honkies. . . . Of course, I see the same prejudicial attitude when white prisoners look at black prisoners. Both groups justify their hatred because of ignorance and intolerance of diversity. . . . There are [also] many terms that are derogatory toward women. It helps create and support an uncaring place where feminine qualities are seen as a target for predatory behavior. (p. 28) Carceral's observations support how race/ethnic identification and separatism become a primary characteristic that defines the prison experience, particularly for men (Alarid, 2000a). Although some prisoners enter the institution with racist attitudes, Carceral's view suggests that most prisoners simply give in to the norms that staying with one's own race is the only way to avoid trouble, and do not go against the norms because of the bullying and potential violent consequences: "The prison identity is grounded in hatred, learned racism, and a willingness to resort to violence when necessary" (Carceral, 2004, p. 127). A study of prison argot provides a window into understanding what qualities are valued and what is despised. For example, Figure 8-6 shows that individuals who are prison gang leaders, organized crime figures, or traffickers are given the most respect by other inmates. Prison gang members are second because they are part of the networked power structure. The vast majority of individual prisoners fall into one of two groups: They are either players or squares, as every prisoner chooses whether to embrace the mainstream norms or oppose prison culture (Terry, 2003). At the bottom of the hierarchy are inmates who have committed sex-related crimes against children or who are perceived as snitches or punks (Carceral, 2004). Figure 8-6 Prisoner Hierarchy. Figure 8-6 Full Alternative Text Description It seems that the individuals who undergo the most radical transformations in prison come in as fish, make the key connections with the players, and decide to fully assimilate themselves into the prison world. Inmates who choose not to assimilate to convict norms do harder time as outcasts, but because they-ve been "living on the outside in their head," they will likely remain free after release (Terry, 2003, p. 74). An explanation of the classic outcasts is protective custody inmates who are ". . . generally the nonviolent intelligent ones, have to live with limited privileges, whereas the regular inmates, who are generally the violent ones and losers, have all the privileges permitted" (Harkleroad, 2000, p. 164). Think About It... CAN BALCIOGLU/Shutterstock Figure 8.5-1 Full Alternative Text Description A prison's physical structure restricts a person's freedom of movement and ability to control what he or she eats, where he or she lives or works, and even the ability to control the room temperature. To most prisoners, not having independence or control greatly affects their sense of dignity, their emotional well-being, and, over time, their decision-making ability. On the one hand, some call this situation "punishment," whereas others believe it severely prevents inmates from learning the tools they need to keep a job and control their behavior after they leave prison. What can be done to teach prisoners what they need to learn to be successful in mainstream America while being incarcerated as punishment?

Chapter 11 Review: Legal Issues in Corrections 11.1 Outline the development and sources of prisoners' rights

Chapter 11 Review: Legal Issues in Corrections 11.1 Outline the development and sources of prisoners' rights Rather than taking an extreme position of constitutional rights being either totally lost or all retained upon entering prison, the courts have tried to determine what rights can be compatible with the goals of the prison administration. When making that determination, courts turn to a variety of sources, including state constitutions and laws passed by federal and state legislators; but prisoners' rights are primarily found in the U.S. Constitution, including the Bill of Rights, and the Civil Rights Act. Courts have responded differently over the years to inmate claims as they moved from an early "hands-off" position that essentially let prison officials make decisions without interference from the courts to a period when the courts were very much involved in deciding how prisons should operate to a current position wherein the courts are more likely to defer to the reasonable assessment of prison officials as to what rights may require violation. Review Questions Identify and explain at least three important prisoners' rights cases. How would you describe to a layperson what is meant by the phrase "cruel and unusual punishment"? Explain the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause and its equal protection clause. Give examples of how both have been used in prisoners' rights cases. What are civil rights and how do they relate to prisoner claims? List and explain the three eras of judicial involvement in prison administration. Key Terms rights-are-retained position rights-are-lost position writ of habeas corpus post facto law incorporation due process clause equal protection clause civil rights Section 1983 claim 11.2 Discuss the issues associated with prisoners' rights in terms of their access to courts and religion Prisoners have claimed violations of many types of constitutional rights linked to such things as conditions of their confinement, lack of attention to medical needs, violation of privacy rights, and others. Of the types of lawsuits filed, those related to prisoner access to courts are particularly important because without that access prisoners would not be able to have a hearing on any of their other claims. Another important type of inmate lawsuit is when prisoners claim a violation of the ability to practice their religion. Review Questions Why is access to courts such an important right for prisoners? Summarize what steps the courts require prison officials to take so that prisoners have access to courts. Distinguish the freedom to believe and the freedom to practice as they relate to freedom of religion. Which one can prison officials restrict? Why that one and not the other? Explain the meaning and importance of the phrase "legitimate penological interests." Key Term legitimate penological interests 11.3 Describe how inmate litigation is limited In an attempt to limit what was becoming a very large number of inmate lawsuits, Congress passed the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) in 1995. That act was intended to reduce the volume of prisoner litigation and improve the merit of those claims that are filed. Indications are that the act has succeeded at both. Review Questions What do you think would be examples of frivolous lawsuits that prisoners might file? Why would prisoners file such lawsuits knowing that they will likely be tossed out by the courts? Explain the frequent-flier provision of the PLRA. Do you think this presents desirable and appropriate restrictions? Why or why not? Explain the three-strikes provision of the PLRA. Do you think this presents desirable and appropriate restrictions? Why or why not? Explain the exhausted remedies provision of the PLRA. Do you think this presents desirable and appropriate restrictions? Why or why not? Key Term Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) 11.4 Summarize the issues associated with the loss of civil rights A criminal conviction (usually a felony, but sometimes a misdemeanor) can result in the loss of certain rights that are typically associated with full citizenship. Depending on the jurisdiction, these lost civil rights might include the ability to vote, serve on a jury, receive welfare benefits, or engage in certain occupations. Because these sanctions are less obvious than the actual sentence an offender receives, they have been called invisible punishments and are important because of the collateral consequences they add to the sentence. Examples of those invisible punishments and their collateral consequences are sex offender registration and notification laws and the disenfranchisement of felons. Review Questions Distinguish between civil death and civil disabilities. What is meant by the concept of invisible punishments? Should defendants be told of collateral consequences associated with a felony conviction—much like suspects are informed of their rights when Miranda warnings are read? Why or why not? Distinguish between sex offender registration laws and public notification laws. What are some reasons offered in support of restricting convicted felons from voting? Which, if any, do you find persuasive? On what basis do some people claim that felon disenfranchisement laws were and are racially discriminatory? Key Terms civil death civil disabilities invisible punishments collateral consequence sex offender registration laws public notification laws residence restriction laws civil disenfranchisement 11.5 Explain the ways civil rights can be restored and collateral consequences mitigated following a conviction Increased attention to reentry has brought concern as to how collateral consequences of a felony conviction can hinder the reintegration and rehabilitation process. In some jurisdictions for some offenses, restoration of rights and mitigation of collateral consequences are automatic after sentence completion or some specific time period following sentence completion. When restoration or mitigation is not automatic, there are a variety of approaches that states may rely upon to accomplish those actions. Some of the methods, called individual restoration, include a pardon, expungement of the criminal record, an offense downgraded from a felony to a misdemeanor conviction, and the issuing of a certificate of rehabilitation. Other methods, called systemic relief, include ban-the-box policies that delay the point in a job application process when the applicant can be asked about his or her criminal record and attempts to provide defendants with more complete information about the collateral consequences of their conviction and inform persons completing their sentence about remedies to collateral consequences. Review Questions It is suggested that the granting of a pardon is less frequent today than in the past because of political pressure. Do you think that is true? If not, what other reasons can explain its less frequent use? When criminal records are expunged, the conviction information is often still available to law enforcement. Is that appropriate or not? Explain the idea behind a certificate of rehabilitation and whether you think it can be an effective way to lessen the negative effect of collateral consequences. Do you think ban-the-box policies are a good idea or do they keep important information about a job applicant hidden from the prospective employer for too long? Should states be legally required to tell convicted felons who are completing their sentence about any actions they can take to get relief from the collateral sanctions that accompany a conviction? Key Terms expungement offense downgrade certificate of rehabilitation ban-the-box Chapter 11 Key Term Flashcard Review

Chapter 12 Quiz

13/20- Since 1976, most (56 percent) of the persons executed were: White Correct. Since 1976, most (56 percent) of the persons executed were White.

Chapter 13 Quiz

14/20- Which of the following is true of treatment measures for youth in residential facilities? Aggression replacement training works well with institutionalized youths. Correct. Aggression replacement training, such as "anger control," which teaches participants what triggers their anger and how to control their reactions, has shown to work well with institutionalized youths.

Chapter 13 Quiz

15/20- Jeanine is a 16-year-old who is institutionalized for assault with a weapon. She will spend three years in the institution before she is released. With reference to the typical characteristics of institutionalized juveniles, it can be assumed that ________. Jeanine was performing below her grade level in school Correct. About half of youths in custody are functioning below grade level for their age, compared with 28 percent of youth in the general population.

Chapter 12 Quiz

9/20- In the 1970s the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in __________ that the death penalty—as it was being applied—was unconstitutional, but the __________ decision ruled the death penalty was constitutional when specific guidelines are followed. Furman v. Georgia / Gregg v. Georgia Correct. In the 1970s the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Furman v.Georgia that the death penalty—as it was being applied—was unconstitutional, but theGreggv. Georgia decision ruled the death penalty was constitutional when specific guidelines are followed.

Chapter 13 Quiz

1/20- Which of the following best defines the concept of parens patriae? The state is the ultimate parent of all minors and therefore has final responsibility for its younger citizens. Correct. This is a true element of the parens patriae philosophy.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

15/20- Which of the following policies represents a shift toward rationality in corrections policy? Allowing federal offenders, who are not a threat to the public, to become eligible for alternatives to prison Correct.

Chapter 13 Quiz

19/20- Minority youths ages 10-17 account for about one-fourth of the U.S. juvenile population but comprise __________ of juvenile arrests. One-third Correct.

Chapter 12 Quiz

19/20- Which of the following scenarios exemplifies proportional retributivism? Adrian killed a man who was trying to rape his wife; therefore, he was not given the death sentence but had to serve five years in prison. Correct. This is an example of proportional retributivism as mitigating circumstances were considered while trying Adrian. Proportional retributivism requires that the worst crime in any society be punished with the worst penalty.

Chapter 13.1: Quiz !3.1: Development and Operation of the Juvenile Justice System

2/2- Donald, a 35-year-old man, was convicted of sexually and physically assaulting a woman. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Which of the following punishments would Donald most likely receive if he had been a juvenile? He would be sent to a residential center. Correct. Donald most likely would be sent to a residential center. Youth development centers, residential centers, and youth correctional facilities are the juvenile system's equivalents of prison.

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy

3/6- Which of the following refers to a style of offender supervision where the officer is less interested in helping the offender succeed and is more interested in tracking failures and acting on rule violations? "Gotcha" game Correct. A style of offender supervision where the officer is less interested in helping the offender succeed and is more interested in tracking failures and acting on rule violations is called the "gotcha" game.

Chapter 10.3: Communication Corrections in Reentry Quiz

4/4-KenAdams was serving the last six months of his sentence in a prerelease center. Two months before he was to be released, Ken's father passed away. Ken was heartbroken as he prepared himself for his father's funeral. Which of the following was Kenneth granted so he could attend the ceremony? Correct. A furlough is an authorized temporary overnight leave of absence from 24 to 72 hours.

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy

4/6- Which of the following has been a characteristic of the corrections policy of the United States? The policy is overrun by politics and union control. Correct. The corrections policy in the United States has become overrun by politics and union control.

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

4/6- Which of the following is effective evidence-based practice? Probation or parole supervision with treatment Correct. This is an effective evidence-based practice.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

5/20- Which of the following is an element most likely addressed in a reentry program? Helping an offender find employment Helping an offender navigate through their legal responsibilities, such as repaying restitution. Providing assistance in anger management All of These Choices are Correct

Chapter 13 Quiz

5/20- Which of the following key events in the juvenile justice system took place in 1970? The US Supreme Court required the state to prove its case beyond a reasonable doubt in matters of juvenile delinquency. Correct. This event took place in 1970.

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

5/6- Nearly two-thirds of a corrections budget pays for ________. staff members' salaries Correct. Nearly two-thirds of a corrections budget pays for staff members' salaries, wages, and benefits.

Chapter 13 Quiz

6/20- Among serious offenses in delinquency cases, white offenders commit the highest number of ________. drug offenses Correct. Drug offenses are the offenses committed most often (75 percent of total delinquency offenses) by white offenders in delinquency cases.

Chapter 12 Quiz

6/20- Which of the following is an example of a capital crime that does not involve murder in Florida? Michael trafficked drugs across Florida state lines. Correct. In Florida, drug trafficking can be considered a capital offense punishable by the death penalty.

Chapter 11.4: Quiz 11.4: Civil Disabilities and Other Postconviction Sanctions

2/2- Juan was driving home after a late-night party. He was heavily intoxicated and fell asleep at the wheel. He collided with a car, which hit a sidewalk and flipped over, resulting in the driver's death. Juan injured his backbone. Following conviction, he was sentenced to prison for six years. Upon his release, he realized that he was not permitted to reside in public housing and that his driver's license had been revoked. Which of the following is the collateral consequence in this scenario? Juan's loss of his driver's license Correct. This is a collateral consequence. Collateral consequences are secondary consequences beyond the actual sentence that was imposed.

Chapter 13.2: Quiz 13.2: Processing Juvenile Offenders Reading

2/2- ________ are the most serious charge handled by juvenile courts in delinquency cases. Property offenses Correct. Property offenses are the most serious charge handled by juvenile courts in delinquency cases. It accounts for 38 percent of all cases.

Figure 11-2 Timeline: Important Prisoners' Rights Court Cases.

Figure 11-2 Timeline: Important Prisoners' Rights Court Cases.

Chapter 13.4: Juvenile Offenders in Adult Court Reading

Juvenile Offenders in Adult Court 13.4 Explain the procedures by which juveniles can be tried as adults in criminal court. Watch Trying and Punishing Juveniles as Adults Even as the first juvenile courts were being established, there was concern that some of the more serious offenses by juveniles should be handled in criminal court. The issue is certainly debatable, but a rise in juvenile violence in the 1980s and 1990s brought the issue to a head. This policy shift was based largely on the assumption that there would be specific and general deterrent benefits of having the more punitive adult sanctions imposed on juvenile offenders—although Figure 13-5 suggests that assumption was incorrect. Today every state allows or requires juveniles to be tried as adults in criminal court under certain circumstances. This transfer can occur in one of three ways: Judicial waiver: Juvenile court judge waives jurisdiction in the matter Direct file: Prosecutor decides to try the juvenile as an adult Statutory exclusion: Criminal courts have original jurisdiction for certain crimes committed by juveniles Figure 13-5 Negative Effects of Transfer Laws. Juveniles transferred to juvenile court, particularly those convicted of violent offenses, typically receive longer sentences than those sentenced in the juvenile court for similar crimes. Despite the assumption that punitive adult criminal sanctions will have a specific deterrent effect on juvenile offenders, research finding actually show a higher recidivism rates among juveniles convicted for violent offenses in criminal court when compared with similar offenders tried in juvenile court. Not only has no specific deterrent effect been shown, the bulk of empirical evidence suggests that juvenile transfer laws have little or no general deterrent effect. The higher recidivism rates of violent juvenile offenders tried in criminal court as compared to those adjudicated in juvenile court may be the result of negative labeling effects, resentment felt about being tried and punished as adults, and the learning of criminal values and behavior while incarcerated with adult offenders. Source: From Juvenile Transfer Laws: An Effective Deterrent to Delinquency?, NCJ 220595 by Richard E. Redding. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2010. It is possible that any particular state will have all three or just one or two of the strategies in place. In addition to these three transfer laws, some states have "once adult/always adult" laws that require criminal prosecution of any juvenile who was criminally prosecuted in the past—typically without regard to the seriousness of the current offense. Also, many states have "reverse waiver" provisions for transferring cases from criminal court to juvenile court under certain circumstances. Our interest is only in cases that end up in criminal court by one of the three typical strategies. The Three Models Transfer by judicial waiver is possible in most states (Griffin, Addie, Adams, & Firestine, 2011). Under this mechanism, a juvenile court judge can waive jurisdiction over a case and transfer it to criminal court. Prosecutors usually are the ones requesting such action, although in some states juveniles or their parents can request the transfer. Statutes typically limit judicial waiver by age, offense, or offense history and might also require the judge to consider the juvenile's amenability to treatment. In addition, waiver provisions are entirely discretionary in some states, whereas in others it is either presumed or mandatory that the judge waive the case. Hockenberry and Puzzanchera (2014) report that about 1% of all formally handled delinquency cases are waived nationally. Most of the cases waived involve offenses against a person or property offenses, whereas drug and public order offenses are less often waived. The majority of waived cases involve males of age 16 or older, but person, drug, and public order offense cases involving black youth were slightly more likely to be judicially waived than when those cases involved white youth. In some states, prosecutors have the authority to file certain juvenile cases in either juvenile or criminal court. This direct file procedure—also called prosecutorial discretion or concurrent jurisdiction—is usually limited by age and offense criteria. For example, in Virginia prosecutors can direct file against a child of at least age 14 who is charged with murder or such crimes as aggravated malicious wounding. In Florida, prosecutors have discretion to file in criminal court those cases in which juveniles of age 16 or older are charged with essentially any criminal offense and those of age 14 or older who are charged with murder, certain person offenses, and some property and weapon offenses (Griffin et al., 2011). State legislatures effectively transfer young offenders to criminal court by statutorily excluding them from juvenile court jurisdiction. Essentially, legislators in these states have predetermined which court is appropriate and have taken the decision out of both prosecutors' and judges' hands. Although this may not technically be a transfer, the large and increasing number of juveniles affected by these statutes makes it an important strategy for getting cases to criminal court, since minors accused of certain offenses cannot have their case heard by the juvenile court. In some states, those offenses are only the most serious kind—for example, in New Mexico only first-degree murder by a child at least 15 years old is excluded. But in other states, the range of excluded offenses is quite broad. For example, in New York and California all murders and certain person offenses are excluded when committed by 13-year-olds (New York) or 14-year-olds (California). In other states, even some property offenses or drug offenses are excluded (Griffin et al., 2011).

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8.2 Prison Industry

Prison Industry Prison industry jobs are highly competitive and are sought after by inmates because they provide the most realistic work environment of six- to eight-hour days and the best pay. There are few slots available for these jobs only because they are highly regulated by the government. The prison industry is typically a manufacturing plant or factory that produces prison-made goods for either open markets or sheltered markets (see Figure 8-9). The greatest concern is that prisoner labor might again unfairly compete with free-world labor, so restrictions were placed on the prison industry that operates under a free-enterprise system. Figure 8-9 Contemporary Prison Industry Systems. Reference: Adapted from Dwyer & McNally (1993). Figure 8-9 Full Alternative Text Description Federal Prison Industries, Inc. (FPI) was established by Congress in 1934 to provide prison-made goods for all federal agencies. In the 1970s, FPI introduced the name "UNICOR" as its new corporate identity. UNICOR is not only self-sustaining, but it makes significant profits every year. For example, during 2015, UNICOR employed about 6% of federal inmates in 80 factories and 3 farms across the country. The prisoners are paid between $0.23 and $1.15 per hour to make such things as clothing, office furniture, electronics, fleet management and vehicular components, and industrial products (UNICOR, 2016). Another open-market system is the heavily restricted PIE prison industry programs that operate with private business in up to 50 jurisdictions around the United States. The PIE program allows preselected inmates to work in a realistic environment, get paid for their efforts at wages that are equal for similar work elsewhere, and learn a trade. The inmates must be at minimum-custody level, hold at least a General Education Development (GED) or a high school diploma, and have not received a disciplinary report for six months. The government also requires the following of PIE programs (National Correctional Industries Association, 2011): They must not displace private-sector workers. Inmates apply voluntarily and are selected based on predefined standards. Inmate wages must be similar to those paid to private-sector employees. Up to 20% of inmate wages goes to pay court fines, victim restitution, or child support. Many of the PIE program jobs are skilled and require job training. Figure 8-10 examines the extent to which prisoner job training programs reduce recidivism after release from prison. Figure 8-10 Evidence-Based Practice-Does it Work? Prisoner Job Training. Until recently, data on job training program results were either anecdotal or based on less rigorous methodological studies. In past evaluations, the groups of prisoners who received job training differed from comparison groups of prisoners who did not seek out training because the trained groups already had more motivation while incarcerated, making evaluation of results difficult. Eight job training programs that used random group assignment were analyzed to look at whether the programs reduced rates of rearrest after release. Job training programs for ex-offenders had no significant effect on the likelihood that the treatment subjects would be rearrested compared to the group who did not receive such services. Source: Visher, C. A., Winterfield, L., & Coggeshall, M. B. (2005). Ex-offender employment programs and recidivism: A meta-analysis. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 1(3), 295-316. Having prisoners work while incarcerated involves a number of benefits and challenges that are illustrated in Figure 8-11. The benefits include reduction of idleness, learning of employable skills, and the maintenance of facility operations. In addition, for jobs in which prisoners earn wages, the wages can be garnished to pay victim restitution, child support, and court-ordered fines. In addition, private businesses receive tax incentives for agreeing to open a factory inside a prison instead of sending the jobs overseas to another country. A previous study conducted by the Bureau of Prisons found that UNICOR contributed to lower recidivism and increased job-related success of male inmates upon release (UNICOR, 2016). A similar study with female inmate federal prison industry programs found that UNICOR jobs did not necessarily advantage women inmates in the same way they did men, in that the skills that women were learning might not transition over as well to jobs they sought in the community (Richmond, 2014). Figure 8-11 Benefits and Challenges of Prisoner Labor. Figure 8-11 Full Alternative Text Description The next section discusses how prisoner labor may be used as a source of personal profit for inmates to use their jobs to move around contraband in the sub rosa economy.

Chapter 12.4: Statistics, Studies, and Deterrence Reading

Statistics, Studies, and Deterrence Interesting though the philosophical debate on deterrence might be, much of the discussion about deterrence and the death penalty has relied on statistics. Use of statistical analysis is especially popular among abolitionists because the evidence has consistently supported the position that the death penalty does not serve as a general deterrent to murder—with some exceptions noted next. Kronenwetter (1993) notes that as early as 1919, statistical studies showed that there was no measurable relation between the homicide rate and the existence or absence of the death penalty. Since then, researchers have repeatedly failed to find a general deterrent effect in executions (see Table 12-2). The studies are consistent in finding that factors other than execution are responsible for the variation and trends in murder rates. Table 12-2 Deterrence Research and Capital Punishment Found Deterrent Effect?Authors (Year)*FindingsNO Bailey & Peterson (1994) Peterson & Bailey (1991) Using a monthly time-series analysis, the authors found no evidence of a deterrent effect on police killings (Bailey & Peterson 1994) nor any consistent relationship between the number of executions and the rate of felony murder (Peterson & Bailey 1991).NOPeterson & Bailey (1998)After thoroughly reviewing the empirical literature on a deterrent effect of capital punishment, the authors conclude that factors other than execution are responsible for the variation and trends in murder rates.NOSorensen, Wrinkle, Brewer, & Marquart (1999)Suggesting that if the death penalty can have any general deterrent effect at all, it would have one in Texas (the most active death penalty state), researchers found that the number of executions influenced neither the rate of murder in general nor the rate of felony murder in particular.NO Donohue & Wolfers (2005) Donohue & Wolfers (2006) Following a thorough assessment of the statistical evidence that claims to support a deterrent effect for capital punishment, the authors conclude that the view that the death penalty deters is the product of belief, not evidence.YESEhrlich (1975)This highly controversial study, using econometric methods, concludes the death penalty reduces homicide rates in the United States.YESLand, Teske, & Zheng (2009)Based on a time-series analysis and independent-validation tests, the authors found evidence in Texas of modest, short-term reductions in homicides in the first and fourth months following an execution.YESDezhbakhsh & Rubin (2010)In disagreeing with Donohue and Wolfers (2005), these authors claim that deterrence findings based on econometric methods are, in fact, robust. Note: *See references section for complete citation. There are, however, some studies that claim to have found a deterrent effect. Sociologist Ted Goertzel (2004) explains that these studies primarily use econometric modeling wherein complex mathematical models are constructed on the assumption that the models mirror what happens in the real world. Some of these econometric models show that capital punishment deters homicide, but others do not (Fagan, 2005; Goertzel, 2004). One of the first such studies was conducted with data from the mid-twentieth-century United States. Isaac Ehrlich (1975) concluded that eight murders were prevented by each execution. His findings were roundly criticized, and attempts at replication failed to confirm a deterrent effect (Paternoster, 1991). The greatest damage to Ehrlich's study came from a board of experts commissioned by the National Academy of Sciences to review his findings. They determined that it offered no useful evidence for a deterrent effect of capital punishment (Kronenwetter, 1993). There has been a resurgence of interest in econometric modeling to test deterrence and capital punishment. Columbia Law School professor Jeffrey Fagan reviewed more than a dozen studies published since 1995 claiming the death penalty can prevent anywhere from 3 to 32 murders (Fagan, 2005, 2006). Some of the studies claim that pardons, commutations, and exonerations cause murders to increase; others claim that murders of passion can be deterred; and some even claim that executions can reduce robberies and even some nonviolent crimes. Abolitionists argue that the statistical evidence so far is on their side. Reviews of deterrence studies (Bohm, 2003; Donohue & Wolfers, 2006; Fagan, 2005, 2006; Goertzel, 2004; Radelet & Borg, 2000) consistently support Paternoster's (1991) summary that years of research with various methodologies and statistical approaches leads to the conclusion that capital punishment is not a superior general deterrent (p. 241). Or, as Donohue and Wolfers (2006) put it, empirical support for the idea that the death penalty deters is weak and inconclusive (p. 2). Importantly, however, even with statistics on their side, abolitionists have trouble responding to the retentionists' point that only the times when the death penalty has not deterred can be counted because only then is there something to count. There is no way of knowing when it did deter because there is nothing to count when the murder does not happen. In 2012, the National Research Council of the National Academies (Daniel & John, 2012) was asked to assess whether the available evidence provides a scientific basis for answering questions of if and how the death penalty affects homicide rates. That review of more than three decades of research concluded that studies claiming a deterrent effect on murder rates from the death penalty suffer from three fundamental flaws: The studies do not factor in the effects of noncapital punishments that may also be imposed. The studies use incomplete or implausible models of potential murderers' perceptions of and response to the use of capital punishment. Estimates of the effect of capital punishment are based on statistical models that make assumptions that are not credible. As a result of those flaws, the panel of experts reported that the research to date cannot conclusively determine whether capital punishment decreases, increases, or has no effect on homicide rates. Therefore, the studies should not be used to inform judgments regarding the effect of the death penalty on homicide or influence policy judgments about capital punishment. However, as the committee report notes, the presence or absence of a deterrent effect is hardly the only point of debate regarding the death penalty. Possibly, some of these other issues are more helpful and appropriate in influencing opinion or policy. Think About It... ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Stock Photo In the third Bush-Gore debate leading up to the 2000 presidential election, George W. Bush answered the following to the question: "Do both of you believe that the death penalty actually deters crime?" Bush said, "I do, that's the only reason to be for it. I don't think you should support the death penalty to seek revenge. . . . I think the reason to support the death penalty is because it saves other people's lives" (cited at http://deathpenalty.procon.org/view.answers.php?questionID=000983). Do you agree with President Bush? Why or why not?

Chapter 8.1 Who Is in Prison?

Who Is in Prison? 8.1 Discuss the evolution of prison norms and the changes in mainstream prison culture. Individuals in prison originate from all kinds of family backgrounds, nationalities, occupations, and socioeconomic levels. However, prisoners also share some similarities. First, most prisoners must overcome specific challenges to rebalance their lives in some way. They have either become excessively focused on a single behavior—such as drug addiction, money, or power—or they lack a fundamental skill or ability that has affected their lives in a significant way—such as their inability to control their emotions, lack of education, or employment in which they can make a livable wage. Many times, people who end up in prison are in both groups—they have lived a life of excess and of deficits. When we consider demographics, most prisoners are young men between the ages of 18 and 35. The average age of prisoners is actually 35, but averages factor in both the younger crowd and those between 35 and 75 years of age. The number of women in the prison population has always been disproportionately less than their percentage in the general population. For example, if women prisoners were proportional to the percentage they represent in the general population, we would expect female prisoners to comprise about 51% of the prison population. However, women accounted for only 7% of all prisoners nationwide, which makes women disproportionately underrepresented in prison. The types of offenses that prisoners commit are depicted as pie charts in Figure 8-1, separated by gender. Figure 8-1 Offenses that Prisoners Commit: A Comparison Between State and Federal and Gender. Source: Carson, E. A. (2015). Prisoners in 2014 (NCJ 248955). Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5387. Figure 8-1 Full Alternative Text Description Most prisoners tend to come from impoverished backgrounds riddled with childhood abuse, from parents who neglected them, and from underfunded school districts. Related to socioeconomic status is race/ethnicity—a disproportionate number of African-American and Hispanic individuals are in prison. For females, the national average was 21.2% African-American, 50% Caucasian, and 16.8% Hispanic. For men, 36.9% were African-American, 32.3% were Caucasian, and 22% were Hispanic, with the remaining percentage as "Other," which included Asians, Pacific Islanders, American Indians, and persons of two or more races (Carson, 2015). Of all race/ethnic groups, however, black men had the highest incarceration rates compared to their numbers in the general population. According to national statistics (Carson, 2015, p. 15), "Imprisonment rates for black males were 3.8 to 10.5 times greater at each age group than white males and 1.4 to 3.1 times greater than rates for Hispanic males. The largest disparity between white and black male prisoners occurred among inmates ages 18 and 19. . . . Black females were between 1.6 and 4.1 times more likely to be imprisoned than white females of any age group."

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Quiz Treatment Programs In Prison

2/4- Blake was cheated out of a million-dollar property deal by his best friend, Antonio. Blake could not forget the betrayal and was biding his time until he could get revenge. Blake got romantically involved with Antonio's sister, Reese. Once he had gained her trust, he took her for a weekend trip to his cabin in the mountains and sexually assaulted her before stabbing her to death. Blake later called Antonio, telling him where he could find his dead sister. Which of the following thinking errors is exemplified in Blake's treatment of Reese? Entitlement Correct. Blake's treatment of Reese is an example of entitlement, which is defined as viewing people as pawns or property to move around.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

4/20- Which correctional goal is accomplished when an individual offender creates a new life with changed thinking and behaviors? Rehabilitation Correct. Reformed offender creates a new life with changed thinking and behaviors.

Chapter 13 Quiz

4/20- Which of the following is an example of a status offense? Eddie, aged 12, was attending his cousin's wedding. He decided to try a little champagne but got drunk after one glass. Correct. Eddie has committed a status offense. Misbehavior that is considered wrong only because society does not consider the juvenile old enough for certain kinds of activities is called a status offense.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

7/20- Which of the following is an example of the sub-rosa economy? Angela was employed in a small prison-run factory to stitch clothes; she was paid $0.50 an hour. Aiden had a deal with the correctional officer; he would supply him with inside information in exchange for two cigarettes every day. Dylan worked in a furniture-making prison factory for 8 hours a day. A percent of his wages were used to pay his court fines. Jake, an inmate, was guaranteed protection by Marco, a gang leader, in return for which he had to do Marco's laundry every day. Correct. This is an example of the sub-rosa economy. A bartering system of reciprocity based on negotiation and exchange of goods and services between prisoners without the use of cash is known as the sub-rosa economy.

Chapter 11 Quiz

9/20- The Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) affects prisoner litigation through three provisions. Which of the following is NOT one of those provisions? Qualified assistant provision. To encourage legitimate suits, prisoner must have the assistance of a qualified person (e.g., a lawyer, law student, or paralegal) when filing a lawsuit. Correct. This is NOT one of the three provisions of the PLRA affecting prisoner litigation.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.2 Prisoner Job Assignments

1/3- Which of the following is true of Prison Industries Enhancement (PIE) programs? Inmates cannot displace private-sector workers. Correct. According to government requirements of PIE programs, inmates must not displace private-sector workers. Incorrect AnswerInmates are not permitted to use their wages to pay for expenses such as child support.Incorrect. According to government requirements of PIE programs, between 5 and 20 percent of inmate wages goes to pay court fines, victim restitution, or child support.Inmates are given significantly lesser pay than private-sector employees.Inmates who do not volunteer are often ordered to perform these jobs.

Chapter 10.3: Communication Corrections in Reentry Quiz

1/4- A ________ is a minimum-security prison-based or community-based facility that houses either prisoners who have not yet been granted parole or prisoners who have met with the parole board and been promised a future parole date. Prerelease center Correct.

Chapter 9.2: Quiz 9.2:

1/4- Lily is convicted of insider trading in her organization and is sentenced to four years in prison. Lilly has two children with her boyfriend, Frank —a four-year-old daughter and a seven-year-old son. Given the statistics regarding the living arrangements of children of incarcerated mothers, who among the following will be most likely to take care of the children during Lily's imprisonment? Lily's parents Correct. Maternal grandparents are most likely (44.9 percent) to take care of the children when the mother is incarcerated.

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

1/6- The most effective type of treatment for offenders is the ________. cognitive behavioral approach Correct. The most effective type of treatment for offenders is the cognitive behavioral approach, which involves changing thinking patterns and habits that lead to criminal behavior.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

17/20- Which of the following is the discretionary reduction of an offender's sentence length by a designated individual in the executive branch? Commutation of sentence Correct. A reduction of the sentence through action in the executive branch.

Chapter 13 Review: Juvenile Corrections

Chapter 13 Review: Juvenile Corrections 13.1 Outline the development of the juvenile justice system The country's first juvenile court was established in 1899 in Cook County, Illinois. The court's philosophy was based on the English concept of parens patriae, which meant that the court was considered to be the ultimate parent of all minors. In that role, the juvenile court came to have both a care function and a control function over children and adolescents. Review Questions What is meant by the age-crime curve concept? Do you accept the legitimacy of the concept of parens patriae? Why or why not? What is meant by the statement that the juvenile court has both a care and a control function? Key Terms age-crime curveparens patriae 13.2 Explain the age limits and types of offenses handled in the juvenile justice system The states vary in terms of the age for which their juvenile court has jurisdiction over juveniles, but the most typical oldest age is 17—that is, adult court starts on the defendant's 18th birthday. Although the juvenile court will hear cases in which the juvenile is more a victim than an offender (e.g., cases of neglect or abuse), the court's control function requires it to also hear cases involving certain behavior by juveniles. The types of behavior that can result in a juvenile court appearance include some actions that are perfectly acceptable when done by an adult (e.g., purchasing and using alcohol) and other offenses that would be criminal had they been done by an adult. Review Questions What is the youngest "age limit" for juvenile court jurisdiction in the United States? Many states exclude married juveniles from juvenile court jurisdiction even if they are at an appropriate age for juvenile court. Do you agree or disagree with that exclusion? Why? What term is used for cases brought to the juvenile court that involve behavior that is wrong only because the juvenile is not considered old enough for those kinds of activities? What is the corresponding criminal justice term for these juvenile justice system terms: delinquent child, adjudication, disposition? Key Terms status offensedelinquency offense 13.3 Describe the juvenile court process and the characteristics of juvenile offenders Cases come to the juvenile court primarily through referral by the police. The case can be handled either informally or formally. Formal processing means there will be a hearing at the juvenile court and a decision is made as to whether the youth will be found delinquent. When a finding of delinquency is made, the court decides what sanctions will be imposed. Most delinquency cases involve property offenses by white male youths, but the proportion of females has increased steadily over the last few decades. Review Questions Do you think placing a juvenile on informal probation is a fair or unfair practice? Why? What are the most frequently imposed sanctions in adjudicated delinquency cases? How does involvement in the four categories of delinquency cases (property, person, drugs, and public order) vary according to gender, race, and age? What explanations can you offer for why female property offense cases increased during a period when male property offense cases decreased? What are the four basic due process rights given to juveniles under the In re Gault decision? Distinguish "preponderance of evidence" and "beyond a reasonable doubt" as burden-of-proof requirements. Key Terms nonpetitioned caseinformal probationpreponderance of evidencebeyond a reasonable doubt 13.4 Explain the procedures by which juveniles can be tried as adults in criminal court Responding to a rise in juvenile violence in the 1980s and 1990s, states increasingly allowed juveniles to be transferred to adult court under certain circumstances. That transfer occurs in one of three ways, with judicial waiver being the one most commonly found across the country. Judicial waiver is most often used today for cases involving person offenses, but it is important to note that judicial waiver is used less often today than it has been in the past. When juveniles who have been transferred to adult court are sentenced, it is possible that they may receive a mix of both juvenile and adult sanctions. Review Questions What are the three ways under which a juvenile can be transferred to adult court? Which transfer model is found in all but five states? Distinguish juvenile blended sentences from criminal blended sentences. What are the three common ways of implementing a sentence of incarceration when a juvenile is convicted in adult court? What are some of the pros and cons of transferring juveniles to adult court? Key Terms judicial waiverdirect filestatutory exclusionjuvenile blended sentencecriminal blended sentencesteen courts 13.5 Describe community-based treatment programs for juvenile offenders The most frequently used community sanction for adjudicated juvenile offenders is probation. As part of their probation, juveniles may also be required to participate in such programs as drug counseling or community service. The most successful community-based programs are those emphasizing family interactions. Two good examples of such programs are Functional Family Therapy and Multisystemic Therapy. Review Questions Although juvenile and adult probation have more similarities than differences, what do you think are some problems confronting juvenile probation officers that adult probation officers do not have? Why are programs emphasizing family interactions especially successful for juvenile offenders? Describe Functional Family Therapy. Describe Multisystemic Therapy. Key Terms Functional Family Therapy (FFT)Multisystemic Therapy (MST) 13.6 Describe juvenile residential facilities and the treatment programs available in them Juveniles who are placed outside the home are generally sent to a group home, camp, or correctional facility. Most of these residential facilities are small and private, but the large public facilities are where most juvenile offenders are held. Youths in these facilities are less likely than their peers to have been enrolled in school and many of them are functioning below grade level. Most facilities respond to this situation by providing educational services in the facility. Offense patterns of youths in custodial facilities show gender differences wherein females are more likely to be in custody as the result of a status offense or simple assault. Review Questions Because learning to interact with the opposite sex is important for all juveniles, should more juvenile residential facilities be coed? Why or why not? Is a custodial facility appropriate for a juvenile whose most serious offense is a public order offense? Why or why not? What are some general characteristics of successful treatment programs in residential facilities? Describe the Missouri Model. Key Term Missouri Model 13.7 Summarize the issues confronting juvenile corrections The juvenile justice system as a whole is confronted with questions about the need for due process rights when processing juveniles, the appropriateness of transferring juveniles to adult court, and the desirability of applying adult sanctions to juvenile offenders. Particular concerns for the corrections component of the juvenile justice system include the high number of American youth in confinement compared with the youth of other countries and the type of treatment they receive in those custodial facilities. Two issues of particular note are the disproportionately high representation of minorities in all aspects of the juvenile system, but especially in residential facilities, and the consequences of applying a system designed for boys to an increasing number of girls. Review Questions Describe some of the issues confronting the juvenile justice system as a whole and identify one that you consider to be especially problematic. Why did you choose that one? Should we care that the United States has more youths in custody than do other countries? Why or why not? What are some of the negative consequences that imprisonment can have on a young person's long-term economic productivity? Explain what is meant by Disproportionate Minority Contact. Do you think this is a legitimate concern for America's juvenile justice system? Why or why not? Are you convinced that there should be gender-specific programs in the juvenile justice system? Why or why not? Key Term Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) Chapter 13 Key Term Flashcard Review

Chapter 13.1: Development and Operation of the Juvenile Justice System Reading

Chapter 13.1: Development and Operation of the Juvenile Justice System Reading Development and Operation of the Juvenile Justice System 13.1 Outline the development of the juvenile justice system. A separate system of juvenile justice did not appear in the United States until 1899, when the first juvenile court was established in Cook County (Chicago), Illinois. Other communities had made informal movements to respond differently to juvenile offenders before Cook County's formal action, but the Cook County juvenile court clearly became the model around the country. The court was established to provide for both the care and control of juveniles. The court's "care" function was based on the concept of parens patriae, which is the idea that the court is the ultimate parent of all minors, and therefore has final responsibility for its younger citizens. This philosophy came from the English system wherein children who were not receiving proper parental care could be brought before the Chancery Court. That court was concerned with protecting the property rights of juveniles and with a child's general welfare. It was with this philosophy in mind that the Illinois legislators gave the juvenile court concern for, and authority over, a child's welfare. In this manner, children deemed in need of supervision—those who are dependent, neglected, or abused—are taken to the juvenile court, which has incorporated the old English Chancery Court care functions. The need to control misbehaving young people was a second function of the new juvenile court. Prior to the court's establishment, there was no age distinction (in Chicago or anywhere else in the country) as to how younger and older defendants were treated—everyone accused of a crime was handled in the regular criminal justice system. As far as the criminal courts were concerned, a 10-year-old was simply a small, misbehaving adult. But that began changing in the late nineteenth century as widespread interest in bringing about child- welfare reforms took hold across the country. The result was a desire to control misbehaving young people with more compassion than was present in the criminal justice system. As a result, when America's version of a separate justice system for juvenile offenders began in 1899, the guiding philosophy of the new juvenile courts was clearly protective and rehabilitative. Reflecting this philosophy were terms that differed from those used in criminal court. Table 13-1 shows that rather than being a criminal who is found guilty of committing a crime, the juvenile is adjudicated a delinquent for committing a delinquent act. Table 13-1 Comparison of Terms Used in Juvenile and Adult Justice Systems Juvenile TermAdult TermThe person and the act DelinquentDelinquent act CriminalCrime Interaction with police Take into a custody detention facility ArrestJail Interaction with courts PetitionAdjudication hearingAdjudicated delinquent ChargeTrialConvicted offender Interaction with sentencing and corrections Disposition hearingCommitmentYouth Development Center, Residential Center, Youth Correctional Facility, Aftercare SentencingIncarcerationPrisonParole Importantly, as Kurlychek (2014) notes, sentiment and terminology regarding juvenile justice have changed over the years. Today, we sometimes hear of juveniles being "arrested" and "sentenced"—terminology traditionally reserved for the criminal court. Nevertheless, the dual functions of care and control are still part of today's juvenile justice system, but the control function is not so clearly protective and rehabilitative. Instead, there has been some movement back toward the view that at least some juvenile offenders are best handled as adult offenders. But before looking at those situations, it is necessary to understand better just who comes under the juvenile justice system's jurisdiction and what happens to them once they are there. Check Your Understanding Criminal Justice v. Juvenile Justice Terminology Match the term with the correct system. The adult criminal justice system Juvenile justice system Trial Detention facility Sentencing Aftercare Arrest Petition

Chapter 9.2 Quiz

After she was convicted of assault and assigned to the state penitentiary for the duration of her incarceration, Megan was tested for chronic diseases. She had contracted a disease through injected drug use. Megan's skin had a yellow tinge to it and her liver was considerably damaged. Which of the following diseases was Megan suffering from? Syphilis Gonorrhea Hepatitis B Hepatitis C Correct. Megan was suffering from hepatitis C. Hepatitis C is a virus that affects the liver and is spread primarily through injected drug use, unsafe sexual practices, and unsterile tattooing.

Chapter 10.3 Community Corrections in Reentry reading

Community Corrections in Reentry 10.3 Outline the different forms of release from prison, including the evolution of parole. Community corrections programs were discussed in detail in Chapter 5. Many of these programs are vitally important for persons being released from prisons or jails. The community-based programs that are most often used in the reentry process include residential community corrections facilities (halfway houses and prerelease centers), outpatient substance-abuse relapse-prevention aftercare programs, day reporting centers, electronic monitoring/global positioning devices, and reparation boards. Instead of repeating material here (refer back to Chapter 5 for descriptions of each program if needed), we will discuss a few ways that these programs are applied to reentry. Prerelease Facilities First, when a prisoner is getting ready for release, he or she is typically transferred to a minimum-custody facility either within the department of corrections (still considered prison-based) or to a facility in the community (prerelease center). A prerelease center is a minimum-security step-down facility that houses either prisoners who have not yet been granted parole or prisoners who have met with the parole board and been promised a future parole date if they can successfully complete 6-12 months in a community-based facility. Prerelease facilities that are prison-based or community-based centers grant furloughs. A furlough is an authorized temporary overnight leave of absence from 24 to 72 hours. Acceptable reasons for a furlough include seeking postrelease employment or housing, attending funerals, or simply establishing community contacts and maintaining family ties. About 5% of all prerelease prisoners received at least one furlough while at a minimum-security facility. Of the ones approved for a furlough, most inmates visited family to get gradually reacquainted, and about 17% of both federal and state inmates attended a funeral. Some furloughs that are granted while the inmate is still in prison must receive special permission, and sometimes the prisoner's family must agree to pay for officer security to accompany the releasee during the leave period. Community Reparation Boards Restorative justice (introduced in Chapter 2) plays an important role in the reentry process. Community members and treatment providers are involved in offender reentry through community reparation boards, and this process is particularly valuable for offenders. In addition to the community, crime victims have become involved with reentry to assure that the offender remains accountable for paying back victim restitution. Community reparation boards are useful in assisting the offender with finding a job, and, in turn, influence employers' perceptions of former offenders. Some reparation boards have an offender sign a contract that incrementally moves the offender toward self-sufficiency and independent living. Formal reentry partnerships that attempt to address needs while the offender is still incarcerated appear to have less of an effect on recidivism reduction than reentry programs that help offenders once they are released (Duwe, 2014). However, the majority of evaluations on reentry programs showed no significant differences on rearrest and reincarceration rates between prisoners who received reentry services compared to groups who did not (Lattimore & Visher, 2009). Some individual reentry sites were found to have modest reductions in recidivism due to employment, social support, and restorative justice methods (), or worked better with female prisoners than with male prisoners (Garland & Hass, 2015). Now that we've discussed reentry issues and reentry programs, we move to getting released from jail and prison. Think About It... Do Parolees Have a Criminogenic Effect or a Deterrent Effect on Probationers? Community-based prerelease units, used in one out of every five state correctional systems, are important for transitioning prisoners from an institutional setting to complete freedom. Whereas prison-based prerelease units have only prisoners who are nearing release, community-based facilities have both probationers and parolees within the same facility. As you know, parolees have already experienced longer-term incarceration, whereas most probationers have at most experienced jail, but not prison. Would the presence of the parolees have a criminogenic effect or a deterrent effect on the probationers? How might probationers be able to influence parolees? Robertharding/Alamy Stock Photo Check Your Understanding Community Reparation Boards

Chapter 13.5: Community-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders Reading

Community-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders Reading 13.5 Describe community-based treatment programs for juvenile offenders. Watch A Jury of Your Peers: Teen Courts for Juvenile Offenders Several community-based programs for juvenile offenders exist for all offense types. As you will recall from Figure 13-3, most of the formally processed (petitioned) cases result in probation; but even quite a few of those that are informally processed (nonpetitioned) will also result in probation (called informal probation in these cases). Especially in the formally processed probation dispositions, there will also be accompanying requirements such as drug counseling, weekend confinement, or community service. The structure of juvenile probation and the work of juvenile probation officers are very similar to those of adult probation, so they do not need elaboration here. However, brief mention of some successful programs is useful. One interesting program has the juvenile's age peers providing an alternative to formal juvenile court proceedings. In McKeiver v. Pennsylvania, the U.S. Supreme Court found no constitutional requirement to a trial by jury in juvenile court. But the justices went on to say that individual states should be free to experiment and may install a jury system or use an advisory jury to assist the judge. Some states have taken advantage of that offer (National Juvenile Defender Center, 2014). In Massachusetts and Texas, youth are tried by jury in delinquency cases unless the child files a written waiver, but in other states the juvenile's right to a jury trial is considered waived if not demanded (e.g., Montana and New Mexico). In Michigan, youth have a right to a trial by jury if requested by a person interested in the hearing or by action of the court. More frequently, states have chosen to experiment with advisory juries composed of other juveniles. These teen courts (also called youth courts, peer courts, or student courts) began taking shape in the 1970s and have remained popular till today. The National Association of Youth Courts (2015) reports that there are more than 1000 youth courts in 47 states and the District of Columbia. Although teen courts use court-like procedures, they are more accurately juvenile diversion programs. Young offenders charged with less-serious law violations (such as theft, vandalism, purchasing and using alcohol, and disorderly conduct) and school disciplinary cases can voluntarily have their case heard before a panel of age peers who take the roles of prosecuting attorney, defense lawyer, jurors, bailiffs, and clerks (Butts & Buck, 2002; Mullins, 2003). In some teen courts, the judge is also an age peer, but mostly that role is played by an adult volunteer. A few youth courts are structured to conduct trials that determine whether the charges are valid, but the majority work only with young people who have already admitted to an offense or problem behavior (Mullins, 2003; Norris, Twill, & Kim, 2011). In those cases, and also in adjudication cases, when the youth court decides the offender committed the act, the teen court determines the offender's sentence. Most often that sentence is to community service, but also popular are apologies to victims and parents, essays, teen court jury duty, curfews, and restitution. Teen courts are widely assumed to reduce recidivism, save money for the jurisdiction, and to produce other benefits such as community service for nonprofit agencies, and provide law-related education. However, many of those assumptions remain untested or unverified. Research on teen courts is scant, and the studies that have been conducted vary widely in their methodology and type. Further, the research has produced inconsistent and conflicting findings (Norris et al., 2011; Vose & Vannan, 2013). Literature reviews find some studies where teen court participants were less likely than comparison groups to reoffend, but other studies found no such distinction. However, as Norris and his colleagues note, there seem to be no studies in which teen court groups had worse outcomes than comparison groups. Some studies have found negative effects of specific teen court sanctions (e.g., written assignments and community service), and the number of sanctions imposed, and there are concerns about net widening (see Chapters 1 and 2). Vose and Vannan (2013) looked specifically at the number of sanctions and sanction type and found that the number of sanctions imposed was not associated with the likelihood of recidivism nor were most of the sanction types. They suggest that sanctions may have been assigned based on availability rather than on the individual's risks and needs. A preferred procedure, they argue, would be to include only treatments that have been empirically demonstrated to reduce the likelihood of recidivism, such as those reviewed next. Community-based programs are appropriate for youths placed on either informal or formal probation, but also for those returning to the community after residential placement. Greenwood (2008) explains that the most successful programs are those emphasizing family interactions—possibly because they include the providing of skills to the adults who supervise and train the child. Two particularly effective programs for juveniles on probation are Functional Family Therapy and Multisystemic Therapy. Functional Family Therapy (FFT) targets youths aged 11 to 18 who are facing problems with delinquency, substance abuse, or violence. It is designed as a short-term intervention program with an average of 12 sessions over a three- to four-month period. The program can be offered in both clinic and home settings, but has also been successfully used in schools, probation offices, and mental health facilities. The focus, which is on altering interactions between family members, seeks to improve family functioning by increasing family problem-solving skills, enhancing emotional connections, and strengthening parents' ability to provide appropriate structure, guidance, and limits for their children (Functional Family Therapy, 2016; Greenwood, 2008). The program has been found to be effective for a wide range of problem youths and with different types of therapists and has received an evidence rating of "effective" from CrimeSolutions.gov (Office of Justice Programs, 2013a). Multisystemic Therapy (MST) is also a family-based program, but it has a community-based aspect as well. MST views the individual as part of a complex network that includes his or her family, peers, school, and neighborhood. Parents learn to deal effectively with their youth's behavior problems by recognizing barriers to effective parenting and learning to address problems through collaboration with a social support network that might include other family members, teachers, or other adults supervising the youths. Intervention may be necessary in any one or a combination of the network units, so MST could be provided in the home, school, or other community locations. Master-level counselors provide 50 hours of face-to-face contact and continuous crisis intervention over four months. As with FFT, MST has been proven an effective program for serious juvenile offenders aged 12 to 17 and has received an "effective" evidence rating from CrimeSolutions.gov (Greenwood, 2008; MST, 2014; Office of Justice Programs, 2013b). There are, of course, community-based programs that focus on the individual offender rather than on the family. However, these have been found to be much less successful than the family- and community-based programs. Other programs such as intensive supervision probation, probation with extra services, and deterrence approaches such as Scared Straight have not been found effective (Greenwood, 2008). An important meta-analysis by Sawyer, Borduin, & Dopp (2015) summarized evidence on psychosocial interventions and drew several interesting conclusions related to long-term reduction in youth antisocial behavior. For example, it seems that peer group interventions were less effective when samples contained more boys or older youths than when samples had fewer boys or younger youths. This suggests that peer interventions may be appropriate with younger populations but less useful for intervening with older youths who may exhibit more severe antisocial behavior or a greater number of risk factors. The meta-analysis also showed that girls benefited most from interventions involving their families and that samples with relatively high numbers of ethnic minority youths experienced the greatest benefits from parent group interventions—leading Sawyer and his colleagues to suggest that family involvement may be an especially important element for interventions serving high proportions of female and ethnic minority youths. Such conclusions speak well for current and future interventions and for the need to implement evidence-based interventions that reduce youth antisocial behavior and decrease victimization.

Chapter 10.2 GED and Secondary Education

GED and Secondary Education Inmates who score over an 8.5 on the TABE are eligible for GED program placement. Table 10-2 displays the prevalence of educational and vocational programs offered in various correctional facilities. It seems that the best educational opportunities are offered in federal prisons, with less opportunities in state prisons, especially for special education and vocational training (Stephan, 2008). Many GED programs are self-paced so that students do not become bored or frustrated, as may happen in a traditionally structured classroom. Despite this, few inmates earn their GED while incarcerated, so some state prisons are trying to increase the educational level of inmates prior to their release. Earning a GED or diploma while incarcerated seems to improve an ex-con's chances of securing post-release employment compared to inmates who did not improve their education (Duwe & Clark, 2014). However, a GED or diploma does not seem to be enough to have a significant reduction in recidivism, especially compared to offenders who have achieved an associate's degree or trade certificate. Table 10-2 Educational and Vocational Programs Offered in Correctional Facilities ProgramState PrisonsFederal PrisonsAdult literacy66%98%English as a second language31%98%GED/secondary education76%98%College courses32%98%Special education33%98%Vocational training50%98% Note: Percentages will not add to 100% because facilities may have more than one educational program. References: Stephan, J. J. (2008). Census of state and federal correctional facilities, 2005 (NCJ 222182). Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. College Programs The 1960s G.I. bill provided tuition assistance to veterans of World War II and did not limit these benefits if the vets ever became incarcerated. In the 1960s, federal grants provided assistance for tuition to low-income individuals, including inmates. These benefits provided the impetus for college programs in prison. Although prisoners received less than 1% of the Pell grants offered annually by the government, the principle of this practice became so controversial with the public that these benefits were discontinued in 1994. College-level classes became virtually extinct as a result of the provision that denied all prisoners access to federal Pell grants. Enrolling in college classes has been made possible again through online courses and correspondence programs, although prisoners are responsible for paying their own tuition and fees. One federally funded distance-learning program called Correctional Learning Network provides general education classes that lead to an associate's degree. Earning an associate's degree or becoming certified in a trade while incarcerated was related to higher pay, more hours, and less recidivism for former offenders after release (Duwe & Clark, 2014). Another learning program, called Inside Out, began in the mid-1990s between Temple University and Graterford State Prison in Philadelphia. Half of the students are inmates and half are college students who complete a seminar-style course together, and the semester-long course is delivered within a nearby prison. While most inmates are not getting credit for the course, they are still actively challenged and motivated to complete the readings, papers, and tests. Now, at over 200 correctional facilities nationwide, Inside Out provides a structured curriculum for interested instructors and facilitates a unique educational opportunity for college students and inmates to learn from each other. Most prisoners who attend college classes while incarcerated are a select group and unrepresentative of most prisoners in the larger population. That said, most studies comparing recidivism of prisoners who enroll in college classes to general population prisoners suffer from self-selection bias, in that college-level prisoners already have characteristics that are different from the rest. Think About It... Source: Marjorie Kamys Cotera/Polaris/Newscom Prisoner Earns College Degree Prisons are not designed with the student in mind due to safety and security concerns, and therefore enrolling in college and studying are that much more difficult in a noisy atmosphere where the vast majority of people are hustling, manipulating, and emotionally immature—likely functioning academically at a much different level (Meyer, Fredericks, Borden, & Richardson, 2010). Given their situation, is it possible that prisoners who enroll in college have as much or more motivation than most college students outside of prison?

Chapter 11.5: Restoring Civil Rights Following a Conviction Reading

Restoring Civil Rights Following a Conviction 11.5 Explain the ways civil rights can be restored and collateral consequences mitigated following a conviction. As states and the federal government turn their attention toward reentry issues, there is increased recognition that some collateral consequences—especially those that impact employment, housing, and health—hinder the reintegration process. Between 2009 and 2014, 41 states and the District of Columbia enacted legislation designed to mitigate the burden of collateral consequences for individuals with certain criminal convictions (Subramanian, Moreno, & Gebreselassie, 2014). In some jurisdictions for some offenses, restoration of rights is automatic after sentence completion or some specific time period following sentence completion. When restoration is not automatic, the granting of a pardon was the primary method by which harsh consequences of a criminal conviction could be lessened or removed. However, the pardon power has fallen victim to political pressure, and has been used less often over the last several decades (Love, 2006; Subramanian et al., 2014). Instead, and in addition to any available automatic restoration mechanisms, a variety of new approaches are relied upon to bring relief from collateral consequences. Some of these are geared toward the individual offender whereas others affect the system more generally. Individual Restoration Methods Pardons are certainly included in this grouping, but so too is the expungement or sealing of a conviction. When a conviction has been expunged or sealed, the criminal record is typically destroyed or made inaccessible to the public and the person is often able to deny his or her conviction—when completing employment forms, for example. However, the conviction normally remains available for law enforcement purposes. Expungement or sealing is increasingly important as information technology and criminal records databases make it easier to find a person's criminal history online. Since 2009, more than 30 states and the District of Columbia have broadened the scope and impact of expungement and sealing remedies. For example, states have extended the eligibility for the remedy to more offenders, reduced the waiting periods before expungement, or sealing can be requested, or even making it automatic in some instances (National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, 2014; Subramanian et al., 2014). Another individual restoration method is to offer an offense downgrade (e.g., from a felony to a misdemeanor conviction) to persons who have complied with conditions of supervision. In this way, compliant individuals avoid certain collateral consequences that attach to felony convictions. One of the newer methods is to issue certificates of rehabilitation to people who have met certain rehabilitative standards. Also called "certificates of recovery," these documents are meant to help third parties, such as employers and landlords, make better-informed decisions about individuals with criminal records. Georgia inmates may receive certificates of program and treatment completion when they have fulfilled the terms of their treatment plans in prison and their reentry plans during probation or parole. New York's version is especially unique. Two types of certificates are offered in New York: a certificate of relief from disabilities (CRD) and a certificate of good conduct (CGC). They differ primarily in their eligibility requirements, with the CRD available to misdemeanants and first-time felons and the CGC available to repeat offenders. Both certificates have a similar legal effect in that they create a presumption of rehabilitation that must be considered by employers and licensing boards (Porter, 2015, 2016; Subramanian et al., 2014). Systemic Relief Methods In addition to approaches that effect persons individually, many states are using relief methods that apply more broadly. One such method is directed toward employment-related collateral consequences and is often referred to as ban-the-box policies because they prohibit inquiries into a job applicant's criminal history—at least upon initial application. That little box may discourage some people with convictions to even apply for a job, and those that do apply and check the box may never even get an interview. The ban-the-box initiative urges prospective employers to screen applicants based on job skills and individual qualifications before looking at criminal history. The laws take quite varied forms, however. Some apply only to public employers, whereas others include private employers. Some specify a point at which an employer is allowed to obtain criminal history information (for example, at the interview stage or after a conditional offer is made), but others establish time limits after which criminal convictions may no longer be considered at all (National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, 2014; Subramanian et al., 2014). Another systemic relief method involves improved access to information. Specifically, states have enacted laws that provide convicted individuals better access to information about collateral consequences resulting from their conviction. Such measures are needed because there is no constitutional requirement that defendants be told of these consequences before being convicted. As a result, despite their availability, few offenders take advantage of—or may even be aware of—remedies to the collateral consequences of a criminal conviction. Vermont has addressed this issue with a law requiring state officials to prepare a comprehensive list of the consequences accompanying each offense in the Vermont criminal code. Not only are defendants informed of the collateral sanctions that accompany a conviction, they also are reminded of them upon release from prison and offered assistance in seeking relief from them (Porter, 2015). The presence of collateral consequences has resulted in laws, regulations, and policies that require or allow employers, licensing agencies, landlords, and other decision makers to discriminate against applicants with criminal records. The results are significant and often insurmountable barriers for people with criminal histories as they seek housing, public benefits, employment, and even certain civil rights. Since most collateral consequences do not advance public safety—but may prevent persons with criminal records from moving on with their life—there is spreading support for the idea that punishment should end when a criminal sentence has been completed (National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers 2014; Subramanian et al., 2014). As the criminal justice system shifts in perspective from tough-on-crime policies to having reentry and reintegration as guiding principles, there is a growing acceptance among leaders across the political spectrum—and with the public at large—that rehabilitation, treatment, and education should be important goals and that collateral consequences are not consistent with those goals.

Chapter 9.2: Quiz 9.2:

3/4- Children who have at least one parent behind bars are more likely to experience ____________. committing a criminal act before the age of 18 Correct.

Chapter 13.2: Quiz 13.2: Processing Juvenile Offenders Reading

1/2- Ann, Julien, Heidi, and Morgan were a group of 14-year-old friends who met once a week to play games or watch movies. One weekend, they each decided to do something "exciting." Ann smoked a cigarette, Julien had a glass of scotch from his father's bar cabinet, Morgan skipped school for the day, and Heidi stole her neighbor's bicycle. Who among the four committed a delinquency offense? Heidi Correct. Heidi committed a delinquency offense. A delinquency offense is an act that would be criminal had it been done by an adult.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.2 Prisoner Job Assignments

2/3- The prison warden at a state penitentiary employed 200 prisoners in agricultural work on a farmland surrounding the prison. The program, however, failed to be profitable as the sale of prison-made goods was prohibited in most states. The passage of the ________ would have resulted in regulatory changes that made the warden's program profitable. Ashurst-Sumners Amendment Correct. The Ashurst-Sumners Amendment of 1940 allowed state agricultural prison products to be sold in other states. Ashurst-Sumners Act Prison Industries Enhancement (PIE) Act Hawes-Cooper Act

Chapter 10 Quiz:

3/20- There are many challenges that prisoners face when returning to the community. Which of the following is NOT one of them? All of the choices are correct. Correct. Offenders face many challenges upon reintegration. Such challenges include, establishing structure and stability, choosing supportive relationships, and connecting to the appropriate social services within the community. Creating new connections that reinforce non-criminal attitudes Abstaining from drug use after recovery Finding affordable and stable housing

Chapter 13 Quiz

3/20- When determined to have committed an act that would otherwise be a crime, rather than being found guilty of a crime, juveniles are _______________. adjudicated a delinquent for committing a delinquent act Correct. When determined to have committed an act that would otherwise be a crime, rather than being found guilty of a crime, juveniles are adjudicated delinquent.

Chapter 11 Quiz

3/20- Which doctrine best expresses the contemporary approach by the courts to limit the amount of judicial involvement in prison administration, instead proposing that court rulings should respect the assessment of prison officials? The deference doctrine Correct. Since 1980, the U.S. Supreme Court and lower federal courts have based decisions regarding the constitutionality of prison restrictions with deference to the assessment of prison officials. In Bell v. Wolfish, Justice Rehnquist expressed a belief that courts had become too involved in the minutiae of prison operations. Rehnquist, writing for the majority, explained that court involvement in prison management must be limited to whether a particular prison requirement violates the Constitution.

Chapter 11 Quiz

4/20- A law that prohibits imposing a greater punishment for a crime than was in effect when the crime was committed is called _________. ex post facto law Correct. A law imposing a greater punishment for a crime than was allowed when the crime was committed is known as an ex post facto law.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

4/20- Prior to an offenders release, a prison case manager develops a _________ that serves as an assessment of what each offender needs to accomplish prior to the release date and while in the community. Transitional accountability plan Correct.

Chapter 11 Quiz

6/20- Which of the following requests is most likely to be denied based on the Court's understanding of the First Amendment? Moema's request to use peyote, a hallucinogen, in a Native American prayer ceremony. Correct. The use of a hallucinogen cannot be allowed in a prison because it may disrupt security. Moema's request can be denied on these grounds. The Court understands that the First Amendment gives all people the absolute right to whatever religious beliefs they wish, but not necessarily to every action they may want to carry out.

Chapter 10.1 Quiz: The Reentry Process

1/2 Which of the following is true of prisoners who return to the community? Correct. State corrections departments form partnerships with social services, mental health services, economic development services, health and senior services, and court administrators.

Chapter 13.4: Quiz 13.4: Juvenile Offenders in Adult Court

1/2- Which of the following is a disadvantage of transferring juveniles to adult court? Juveniles have a higher probability of recidivating if convicted of a violent offense in criminal court rather than a juvenile court. Correct.

Chapter 13.5: Quiz 13.5: Community-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders

1/2- Which of the following is a similarity between Functional Family Therapy (FFT) and Multisystemic Therapy (MST)? Both aim at improving ties between offenders and their parents. Correct.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

9/20- Which correctional goal is accomplished when victims and others have a feeling that the offender has received his or her just deserts? Retribution Correct. Victims and others feel that the offender has received his or her just deserts.

Chapter 9.3 Check Your Understanding Question

1. Elizabeth, an inmate, has debilitating migraine headaches that prevent her from going out in daylight and can make her extremely physically ill. She was recently moved to a different prison and the staff physician has purposely ignored orders to obtain Elizabeth's medication because it is expensive and will cut into the budget. Under what Supreme Court case can Elizabeth sue the Department of Corrections? You correctly answered:Estelle v. Gamble. Rhodes v. Chapman Press enter after select an option to check the answerJohnson v. AveryPress enter after select an option to check the answerKatz v. USPress enter after select an option to check the answerEstelle v. GambleCorrect!Correct. This case allowed inmates to sue based on deliberate indifference to medical care.

Chapter 13.1: Quiz !3.1: Development and Operation of the Juvenile Justice System

1/2- Cook County in Chicago, Illinois was where the first ________. the juvenile court was established Correct. A separate system of juvenile justice did not appear in the United States until 1899 when the first juvenile court was established in Cook County (Chicago).

Chapter 12.3: Characteristics of Death-Row Prisoners

1/2- Which of the following is a characteristic of people on death row? There is a high rate of prejudicial error while giving people a death sentence. Correct. The overall rate of prejudicial error in death sentences is around 68 percent, which is quite high.

Chapter 12.5: Quiz 12.5: Public Opinion and the Death Penalty

1/2- Which of the following is true of the public knowledge and support of the death penalty? People may reduce their support for the penalty if they are educated about it. Correct. Educating the public can reduce support for capital punishment.

Chapter 12,4: Quiz 12.4: Arguments for and Against Capital Punishment

1/2- ________ has been instrumental in DNA exonerations of persons who had served time on death row and is actively involved in reforming the criminal justice system to prevent future injustices. The Innocence Project Correct. The Innocence Project is an organization instrumental in securing DNA exonerations of persons who have served time on death row.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

14/20- When prisoners are returned to the community without supervision they are said to have received a(n) __________ release. unconditional Correct. Unconditional release refers to returning prisoners to the streets without post release supervision.

Chapter 12 Quiz

17/20- Which of the following is an argument made by abolitionists? Murder is seldom a rational act. It typically occurs in the heat of the moment. Correct. This is an argument made by the abolitionists. Thus, if rational decision making is not apparent during a murder, and it takes place generally during the heat of the moment, the death penalty will not deter offenders because they are not likely to weigh the pros and cons of the proposed act.

Chapter 13 Quiz

18/20- Sasha and her friends were walking past a bar late one night when a group of boys began shouting profanities at them. They complained to a policeman standing nearby, who told them to wait while he spoke to the boys. The policeman came back with four African-American boys and asked the girls if they were the same people who had been verbally harassing them. Sasha told the policeman that he had the wrong people as the ones teasing them were white. The policeman's assumption that the offenders were black is an example of ________. selection bias Correct. A procedure known as selection bias occurs when the actions or histories of minority youth are scrutinized more carefully than are the actions or histories of non-minority juveniles.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

18/20- Which of the following components is typically included in a prison's performance-based measures database? Public safety Correct. Public safety is typically included in a prison's performance-based measures database.

Chapter 11 Quiz

18/20- Which term refers to sanctions that operate mostly beyond public view, yet have very serious consequences for the individuals affected? Invisible punishment Correct. Invisible punishment refers to sanctions that operate mostly beyond public view, yet have very serious consequences for the individuals affected.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

19/20- A national organization for the state department of corrections directors that seek to educate top administrators on broad correctional issues and influence correctional policy is the ______. Association of State Correctional Administrators (ASCA) Correct. A national organization for the state department of corrections directors that seek to educate top administrators on broad correctional issues and influence correctional policy is the association of State Correctional Administrators.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

19/20- Sir Walter Crofton, the developer of the Irish prison system, created a procedure that allowed inmates to be released from prison before their actual sentence was completed. What term was applied to this forerunner to modern-day parole?- Ticket of leave Correct. The Irish system was a three-stage incremental process that eventually resulted in release through a ticket-of-leave.

Chapter 11 Quiz

19/20- Which of the following is a generic term for an official recognition that a criminal offender has shown reliability and good character over time and deserves to regain lost civil rights? Certificate of rehabilitation Correct. A certificate of rehabilitation is a generic term for an official recognition that a criminal offender has shown reliability and good character over time and deserves to regain lost civil rights.

Chapter 13.3: Quiz 13.3 Juvenile Offenders in Juvenile Court

2/2- Kayson's stepfather, Xavier, thought of him as a financial burden. He wanted to frame Kayson for a crime so that he would be arrested and then become a ward of the state. Xavier convinced Kayson to break into a house. Once Kayson entered, Xavier sounded the alarm and ran away. Kayson was arrested for burglary. Xavier, with the help of a friend, told the judge that he was unaware of Kayson's activities as he was at home with his friend at the time of the crime. Kayson was convicted because his defense seemed weak—he kept repeating that it was all Xavier's idea. In this scenario, Kayson was convicted because of ________. preponderance of evidence Correct. Kayson was convicted because of preponderance of evidence. Preponderance of evidence is a burden of proof that requires evidence supporting a charge to have greater weight or be more convincing than the evidence offered in opposition to it.

Chapter 11 Quiz

20/20- Sebastian was released after being imprisoned for over a decade for a nonviolent crime. Besides being apprehensive of adjusting to life outside of prison, he also had to cope with being denied public housing and welfare benefits. Sebastian's criminal record further decreased his chances of being employed. His pitiable case earned him the governor's forgiveness and his civil rights were reinstated. Which of the following helped restore Sebastian's rights? Pardon Correct. Sebastian was granted executive pardon. In many U.S. jurisdictions, an executive pardon by the state's governor or an appointed board is the only way civil disabilities can be mitigated.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

20/20- The Kansas Department of Corrections projects that if nothing major changed within a three-year period of time, the number of their prisoners would increase by _______. 9% Correct. The projections estimated that if nothing major changed, based on the rate they were going, within a three-year period of time, the number of prisoners would increase by 9%.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

3/20- Which of the following is true of the Big House era? The prison system was focused on the deprivation model. Correct. The focus of prisons during the Big House era was on the deprivation model, which assumed that prison culture developed as a response to procure the things that prisoners did not have anymore. Correctional officers were solely responsible for ensuring that prisoners abided by prison rules. During this era, prisons focused more on rehabilitating prisoners than punishing them. Prisons lacked discipline and prisoners had more liberty than they do today.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.2 Prisoner Job Assignments

3/3- Arthur owns a company that manufactures denim clothing and accessories. He wants to set up a new factory, and, instead of outsourcing work to another country, he approaches the state prison authority which houses 2,000 inmates. Arthur's factory will be governed by the Prison Industries Enhancement (PIE) Act. How will this arrangement benefit Arthur? He can close down his existing factories to reduce cost, and concentrate only on the prison-run factory. If prison authorities agree, he can employ all 2,000 inmates in the factory. He will not have to pay wages to the prisoners, which will help in reducing costs. He will receive tax incentives for opening a factory inside a prison. Correct. Private businesses receive tax incentives for agreeing to open a factory inside a prison instead of sending the jobs overseas to another country.

Chapter 13 Quiz

7/20- Upon receiving a referral, a judge may decide to handle a youth's case in an informal manner, in which the courts response will involve a nonjudicial disposition. This is referred to as _________. a nonpetitioned case Correct. When a case is taken to an adjudicatory hearing where a juvenile court judge determines (based on evidence and witnesses) whether the juvenile will be found delinquent, the case is said to be handled formally through a petition.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

7/20- Which of the following is an example of the problems faced by women who participated in vocational programs in the 20th century? Litty was ambitious—she wanted training in the field of financial management but was forced to enroll in data entry classes as the prison vocational programs offered only limited options. Correct. This is a typical example of the problems related to women's vocational programs. Women are trained in low-paying jobs, and they often do not have an option to pursue anything besides the limited programs.

Quiz 11.3: Limiting Inmate Litigation

1/2- Which of the following was a negative consequence of the passage of the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA)? Cases concerning rape, assault, and religious rights violation were unable to get filed in federal court. Correct.

Chapter 12.1: Capital Punishment Today and Yesterday Reading

1/3- Which of the following is true of the history of capital punishment in the United States? The first recorded execution was in the year 1608. Correct. The first recorded execution in the colonies was in 1608 in the Jamestown Colony of Virginia.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

11/20- Today, prison gangs are typically called: Cell Clubs Security threat groups Correct. Prison gangs are also known as security threats groups (STGs) because their objectives are predatory and their presence poses a threat to the security and safety of staff and inmates. Protection cliques Convict crews

Chapter 12 Quiz

1/20- In the period from 1930 to 1976 executions were typically for murder, with African-Americans accounting for about half of those executions. About 12 percent of the executions during that period were for rape. African-Americans made up what percentage of the executions for rape? 90 percent Correct. African-Americans made up 90 percentage of the executions for rape.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

1/20- Isaac was convicted of corporate fraud and sentenced to five years of imprisonment. He was the operational head of his organization and believed that he had been framed by others in his department. Isaac has pinned his hopes on an appeal hearing or, at the very least, an early release. To increase his chances of release, Isaac avoids following mainstream prison norms and is always well behaved. He has also volunteered his time to teach programs and is a diligent worker. In this scenario, Isaac can be best categorized as a ________ in the prisoner hierarchy. Snitch Fish Square Correct. Isaac is a square. Squares are inmates who oppose mainstream prison culture by being well behaved and who take advantage of every self-improvement program they can to keep themselves busy. Punk

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy

1/6- Aaron was part of an initiative that made a series of recommendations to develop a rational crime control policy that wasn't driven by politics, union control, and/or emotional reactions to terrible tragedies. These recommendations included: 1) decentralization which allowed prosecutors to create their own agendas for identifying crime problems and needs unique to their area; 2) reducing federal prison sentence lengths for drug offenders with no ties to gangs or other large-scale criminal organizations; 3) offering alternatives to prison for nonthreatening federal offenders; 4) increase eligibility to inmates seeking a compassionate release. Which initiative was Aaron a part of? The "Smart on Crime" initiative Correct.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

11/20- A state prison in Ohio wants to begin a Justice Reinvestment project to utilize its funds in the best possible way. Which of the following is an example of such a project? An initiative that seeks to incarcerate only those criminals who actually need it Correct. A Justice Reinvestment project includes diverting people from the prison system by imprisoning only those who actually require it.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

11/20- Which of the following incorporates the principles of restorative justice by involving community members and treatment providers in the reentry process? Community reparation boards Correct. Community members and treatment providers are involved in offender reentry through community reparation boards, and this process is particularly valuable for offenders.

Chapter 13 Quiz

11/20- Which of the following is an example of Multisystemic Therapy (MST)? Suzie attends a corrective program with her parents and teachers to help her with her substance abuse problem. Correct. MST views the individual as part of a complex network that includes family, peers, school, and neighborhood. Parents learn to address problems through collaboration with a social support network that might include other family members, teachers, or other adults supervising the youths.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

12/20- Two prison facilities, one in Nebraska and the other in Texas, differ in some of the ways in which they handle their prisoners. The members of the Nebraskan prison's staff are more considerate toward the prisoners and have never used force when dealing with them. The members of the Texan prison's staff, on the other hand, have been reported several times for sexual and physical assault of the inmates. According to the performance-based measures system, the two facilities differ on which parameter? Institutional safety Correct. Sexual misconduct by the staff or use of force are performance standards that are used to measure institutional safety.

Chapter 13.2: Processing Juvenile Offenders Reading

13.2 Explain the age limits and types of offenses handled in the juvenile justice system. The ways in which juvenile offenders are processed through the juvenile justice system are different enough from the ways adults are processed in the criminal court system that they are not possible to elaborate in detail here; but you can see the stages involved from the case flowchart in Figure 13-1. However, it is necessary to give brief attention to the process so that we can understand to whom this system applies and the reasons for which juvenile offenders can be processed. Figure 13-1 Case Flow Through the Juvenile Justice System. Source: Case Flow Diagram from the Statistical Briefing Book. Published by U.S Department of Justice. Figure 13-1 Full Alternative Text Description Age Limits: Who Are the Juveniles? Determining who will be processed in the juvenile justice system rather than the adult criminal justice system is not as easily accomplished as one might suppose. Figure 13-2 shows the oldest age at which a state's juvenile court can have jurisdiction over the juvenile. But even the map is a bit deceiving because many states have higher ages of juvenile court jurisdiction in such matters as abuse or neglect. For example, a young person identified by the juvenile court as having been neglected by his or her parents could be under the court's jurisdiction through age 20. In addition, many states exclude married or otherwise emancipated juveniles from juvenile court jurisdiction.

Chapter 11 Quiz

13/20- Luke was sentenced to eight years in a Florida state prison for manslaughter after he killed a pedestrian in a hit-and-run. Luke was driving under the influence of alcohol. Which of the following invisible punishments will affect Luke after his release? Civil disenfranchisement Correct. Luke will be affected by civil disenfranchisement. Civil disenfranchisement is the loss of the right to vote.

Chapter 13 Quiz

16/20- The ________ is an example for juvenile institutions that emphasizes rehabilitation in small groups, constant therapeutic interventions, and minimal force. Missouri Model Correct. The Missouri Model is a model for juvenile institutions that emphasizes rehabilitation in small groups, constant therapeutic interventions, and minimal force.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

16/20- Which of the following is an example of a triggering event? Since the penitentiary was originally built to house only half the current population, groups of five prisoners were now having to share a cell, which resulted in loss of privacy and poor sanitation. A majority of the prisoners labored for eight hours a day making plastic toys and were paid only half of the amount they were rightfully due. A correctional officer struck an inmate who refused to eat stale food. The inmates who witnessed this were enraged and attacked the officer and all others who were on guard. Correct. This is an example of a triggering event. A triggering event is one or several specific events that spark a riot. The officer's action triggered the riot which actually stemmed from the dissatisfaction over overcrowding, sexual assaults, and unfair payment. Incorrect AnswerMany inmates had been victims of sexual assault by correctional officers. The continued violations were giving rise to fear and anger among the prisoners.Incorrect. This is an example of a predisposing factor. Predisposing factors are underlying conditions that occur over an extended period of time and provide the foundation for a riot.

Chapter 13.5: Quiz 13.5: Community-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders

2/2- Harriett was only 14, but was out of her parents' control. She was part of a street gang and was frequently involved in incidents of vandalism, spraying graffiti, shoplifting, and mugging. Harriet's parents were unsuccessful in trying to connect with her, and had given up on trying to get her to change her ways. Which of the following methods will be most appropriate in improving and stabilizing their relationship and will assist Harriet's parents in providing her better guidance? Functional Family Therapy Correct. Since only Harriet and her parents are involved in this situation, Functional Family Therapy (FFT) would be considered the most appropriate method. Functional Family Therapy (FFT) is an effective short-term intervention program targeting youths aged 11-18 who are facing problems with delinquency, substance abuse, or violence.

Chapter 11.5 Quiz: Restoring Civil Rights Following a Conviction

2/2- Jacqueline was a first-time offender who was convicted for a drug-related offense. She served a brief prison sentence in New York, during which time she participated in a treatment program. Jacqueline partially lost some of her civil liberties from her conviction. She continued treatment and was certified clean for 180 days. Jaqueline is eligible for a ________ that will allow her to regain her lost civil rights. certificate of relief from disabilities Correct. Jacqueline is eligible for a certificate of relief from disabilities. It is an official recognition that a criminal offender has shown reliability and good character over time and deserves to regain lost civil rights. It is offered only to misdemeanants or first-time felons.

Chapter 13.4: Quiz 13.4: Juvenile Offenders in Adult Court

2/2- Rob and his friends brutally raped and killed a woman. Rob's friends were adults and he was the only juvenile in the group. The juvenile court that was trying Rob's case decided that his crime was too heinous to be tried in the juvenile system. The court decided that he should be tried in an adult court along with his friends. This is an example of ________. a judicial waiver Correct. This is an example of a judicial waiver. A judicial waiver is when a juvenile court judge waives jurisdiction over a case and transfers it to criminal court.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

2/20- The Second Chance Act was passed and reauthorized in order to help meet the goal of _____________. Assisting offenders in stabilizing their lives so they may eventually become fully independent. Correct. The Second Chance Act provides federal funding for reentry initiatives that include housing assistance, employment, mentoring, and substance abuse treatment.

Chapter 12 Quiz

2/20- Today, __________ U.S. states, plus the federal government and the military, have death penalty statutes. 31 Correct. Today, 31 U.S. states, plus the federal government and the military, have death penalty statutes.

Chapter 11 Quiz

2/20- Two primary federal sources of prisonersʹ rights are the _______ and _______. U.S. Constitution / Civil Rights Act Correct. The U.S. Constitution and two of the Constitution's amendments serve as the basis for many inmate claims. The Civil Rights Act is also a federal statute that is increasingly being used to support inmate claims of discrimination.

Chapter 12.2: Quiz 12.2: Capital Punishment and The Law

2/3- Brianna Swans was suspected of killing her husband and two neighbors. During her first hearing, she pleaded not guilty. However, the evidence incriminated her, and she was found guilty of committing the three murders. During her second hearing, the jury contemplated whether Brianna deserved a death sentence. The verdict was in her favor, and she received life imprisonment. Which of the following is exemplified in this scenario? Bifurcated trial Correct. This scenario is an example of a bifurcated trial. A bifurcated trial is a requirement that death penalty cases have two stages, with the first stage being the traditional trial to determine guilt and a second stage to decide the sentence—death or life imprisonment.

Chapter 9.3: Quiz 9.3: Health Care And Medical Issues

2/4- Which of the following is a characteristic of geriatric prisons? Prisoners residing in these facilities tend to care for each other instead of being hostile. Correct. Inmates in these facilities tend to care for each other instead of placing each other in jeopardy.

Quiz 11.1: The Sources of Prisoners' Rights

3/3- Gavin was imprisoned for the sexual assault of an eight-year-old. The correctional officer, John, particularly loathed child sex offenders and decided to make life miserable for Gavin. He confined Gavin to a small cell where he was unable to stand or stretch his legs and kept him on a liquid diet for a week. When he was finally taken out of the cell, Gavin was critically ill and had to be hospitalized. John's treatment of Gavin violated the ________. Eighth Amendment Correct. John violated the Eighth Amendment. The Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits cruel and unusual punishments.

Chapter 12.1: Capital Punishment Today and Yesterday Reading

3/3- James sold used cars in the late 1980s. His neighbor, Bobby, was his biggest competitor and business rival. After losing a particularly lucrative deal to Bobby, James sought revenge by tying Bobby to a chair and burning down his shop. He was convicted of arson and murder and awaited his execution in prison. Unfortunately for James, he committed his crime in the state most known for carrying out executions since 1977. Which of the following states is James most likely awaiting his execution? Texas Correct. James most likely belonged to Texas, which is a southern state. More than 80 percent of all executions after 1976 occurred in the South, with Texas having the highest number of executions, followed by Oklahoma and Virginia.

Chapter 11.2: Quiz 11.2: A Sampling Of Prisoners Rights Issues

3/3- Which of the following factors is irrelevant regarding a decision of whether or not a prison regulation interferes with a prisoner's constitutional rights? Whether the number of prisoners asserting their rights is a considerable figure Correct. The number of prisoners making a claim does not matter; the validity of prison regulations is evaluated even if challenged by a single prisoner.

Chapter 9.3: Quiz 9.3: Health Care And Medical Issues

3/4- After she was convicted of assault and assigned to the state penitentiary for the duration of her incarceration, Megan was tested for chronic diseases. She had contracted a disease through injected drug use. Megan's skin had a yellow tinge to it and her liver was considerably damaged. Which of the following diseases was Megan suffering from? Hepatitis C Correct. Megan was suffering from hepatitis C. Hepatitis C is a virus that affects the liver and is spread primarily through injected drug use, unsafe sexual practices, and unsterile tattooing.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

6/20- Donald was arrested for gravely injuring five people in a bar fight. When he entered prison, he was asked to take the test for adult basic education (TABE). He scored a five on the test. Which of the following will Donald enroll in based on his TABE score? Corrective Reading Correct. A TABE score of six of lower will qualify Donald for a corrective reading program.

Chapter 12 Quiz

7/20- According to a review of legal issues related to capital punishment, it has been found that most of the people on death row in America are basically there for _______. first-degree murder with aggravating circumstances Correct.

Chapter 12.2: Capital Punishment and the Law Reading

Capital Punishment and the Law 12.2 Explain the legal provisions for capital punishment in the United States. The Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states that cruel and unusual punishments will not be inflicted. Unfortunately, for those preferring simple directions, the Constitution defines neither cruel nor unusual. But most constitutional scholars believe that the Founding Fathers intended to allow for the death penalty. Not only was capital punishment authorized in all 13 colonies, but there are also specific provisions in the Constitution that suggest the taking of life is possible (e.g., the Fifth Amendment's provision that no person shall be deprived of life without due process). But the ambiguous nature of the terms cruel and unusual and the Supreme Court's finding that the Eighth Amendment "must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society" (Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. at 101, 1958) have kept the topic of capital punishment at the forefront among social and legal issues. This section looks first at legal issues related to whom the death penalty applies to, and then it considers key court cases that have shaped how the death penalty is implemented. Entering Death Row To the surprise of some people (who, e.g., think all murderers should be subject to execution), the death penalty is reserved for only the most heinous crimes. Bohm (2003) notes that the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the death penalty should be limited to aggravated or capital murder. In fact, all executions since 1976 have been for murder with aggravating circumstances. Although there have been no executions since 1976 for crimes other than murder with aggravating circumstances, there are state and federal statutes that provide for the death penalty in cases other than those involving the death of the victim. State statutes for nonmurder capital crimes include the following (Snell, 2014): Treason (Arkansas, California, Colorado, Georgia, Louisiana) Aggravated kidnapping (Colorado, Idaho, Montana, and the federal government) Drug trafficking (Florida) Aircraft hijacking/piracy (Georgia, Mississippi) Despite those statutes, the likelihood that the Supreme Court will allow someone to be executed for a crime not involving murder is very remote. The Court has already ruled in Coker v. Georgia (433 U.S. 584, 1977), Eberheart v. Georgia (433 U.S. 917, 1977), and Kennedy v. Louisiana (554 U.S. 407, 2008) that the death penalty was a disproportionate, and therefore unacceptable, punishment for the crime of rape of an adult woman who was not killed (Coker), the crime of kidnapping when the victim was not killed (Eberheart), and the rape of a child that did not result in the victim's death (Kennedy).

Chapter 10 Introduction

Chapter 10 Reentry Programs and Parole Andrew Aitchison/Corbis Historical/Getty Images Learning Objectives 10.1 Describe the importance of reentry in reducing the challenges that prisoners face when they are released from prison. 10.2 Explain the benefits of education and vocational programs to inmates. 10.3 Outline the different forms of release from prison, including the evolution of parole. Former Governor is Now Ex-con Travis Spradling/AP Images Former Louisiana governor Edwin Edwards was released from federal prison in 2011 after having served over 8 years of a 10-year sentence for 17 counts on activities that included mail fraud, money laundering, extortion, and racketeering in how he awarded riverboat casino contracts while in public office. Edwards, who turns 90 in 2017, was a well-known political figure over a span of nearly three decades, including four terms as governor. Over the years, he was allegedly involved in gambling, bribery, corruption, and accepting illegal campaign contributions, but was acquitted of these charges in the 1980s. Federal charges resulted in a conviction in the late 1990s. As a part of Edward's mandatory supervised release conditions, he lived under home confinement and reported to a federal halfway house three times a week for six months (Scram, 2011). Edwards successfully completed his federal sentence in 2013 and has stated his intentions to run again for governor of Louisiana. However, Louisiana currently has a statute that bars convicted felons from running for public office until 15 years have passed since sentence completion and the individual has had no new convictions (O'Brien, 2013). Discuss If the number of years was reduced by the Louisiana legislature to allow former Governor Edwards to run for an election sooner, do you see this as a good idea? Why or why not?

Chapter 12 Introduction: Capital Punishment:

Chapter 12 Capital Punishment Epa european pressphoto agency b.v./Alamy Stock Photo Learning Objectives 12.1Outline the history of capital punishment in the United States. 12.2Explain the legal provisions for capital punishment in the United States. 12.3Describe the characteristics of death-row prisoners and explain how some leave death-row without being executed. 12.4Summarize the arguments for and against the use of the death penalty. 12.5Discuss the influence of public opinion on the death penalty. Letting the Murder Victim's Family Speak On February 18, 2011, the Lakeland (FL) Ledger read, "Jurors Cry as Victim's Son Testifies in Leon Davis Murder Trial." The story went on to explain how several jurors dabbed at tears as 11-year-old Damon Lugo told them how lonely and sad his family was now that his mother was gone. Damon explained that they were a happy family of four but now a lonely and sad family of three (Schottelkotte, 2011). Just a few days earlier, the same jury had found Leon Davis, Jr., guilty of murdering Yvonne Bustamante, Damon's mom. The jury was now in the penalty phase and was hearing testimony from both victim and offender family members. The opportunity to speak during the penalty phase of a capital trial is provided as a way for jurors to hear thoughts and feelings that would not have been allowed during the trial. The U.S. Supreme Court (Payne v. Tennessee, 501 U.S. 808, 1991) recognized that victims have rights in criminal cases—including the right to explain how a crime has affected their lives. In murder cases, the victim's family is allowed to tell about the victim and about the harm caused by the offender. A concern expressed by some is that allowing these victim impact statements in capital cases could arouse the emotions of jurors and bias them in favor of imposing death. A study by Paternoster and Deise (2011) suggests that this concern might be valid. According to their research, when victim impact evidence was used, the research subjects were more likely to have favorable perceptions of the victim and the victim's family and unfavorable perceptions of the offender. Those positive feelings toward the victim and the victim's family were related to a heightened risk of them imposing the death penalty. Jenny Swanson/Getty images Discuss If victim impact statements do bias jurors toward imposing death, should they still be allowed? Why or why not? The topics of capital punishment and the use of the death penalty give rise to some of the most emotional, yet academically interesting, debates of any criminal justice issue. The breadth and depth of issues are too many to tackle here, so we begin with a brief review of the history of capital punishment. Then we consider some of the related legal issues before moving to the characteristics of persons on death row. We conclude with arguments for and against the death penalty.

Chapter 14 Introduction: Chapter 14 Revisiting Evidence-Based Practices and What Works

Chapter 14 Revisiting Evidence-Based Practices and What Works Pressmaster/Shutterstock Learning Objectives 14.1Summarize evidence-based practices that work in corrections to reduce recidivism. 14.2Articulate how the corrections system can become "Smart on Crime." Is a National Criminal Justice Commission Necessary to Make System-Wide Changes? In 2015, then Michigan Senator Gary Peters reintroduced a bill in the Senate judiciary committee to create a bipartisan 14-member president's commission to examine the criminal justice system as a whole—what works, what does not work—and to make specific policy recommendations for the future. The bill was initially introduced back in 2009 by Senator Webb of Virginia. If passed, the "National Criminal Justice Commission Act" would authorize members to be appointed by the president and members of the House and Senate. Over an 18-month period, the commission would examine issues such as the over-incarceration of nonviolent and drug offenders, prison violence reduction, reentry programs, treatment of the mentally ill in the system, transnational crime, prison gangs, and drug cartels. The only time a comprehensive study of the criminal justice system was ever commissioned by Congress was in 1965 when Congress authorized President Johnson's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice. This commission released its final report as a publicly available book entitled "The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society" and it was the impetus for dramatic changes in the criminal justice system for the next two decades. These changes included minimizing pretrial detention for defendants prior to conviction, installing call management and arrest records systems tied to 911 in every police department, installing mainframe computers in every courthouse to process cases, and increasing alternatives to incarceration (Blumstein, 2016). Academics such as Professor Blumstein and members of Congress seem to recognize that a comprehensive assessment is long overdue for the criminal justice system, and there is still hope that the bill will eventually pass. In the meantime, the Justice Department took it upon themselves to conduct a "Smart on Crime" assessment of the federal justice system (Department of Justice, 2013). This effort is discussed toward the end of this chapter. John Rous/AP Images References: https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/ 1119/text; Blumstein (2016); Department of Justice (2013). Discuss Look up the latest version of the National Criminal Justice Commission Act. What are the arguments in favor of and the arguments against this bill? What changes could be made to increase the chances of the bill's passage by the House and the Senate?

Chapter 11.4: Civil Disabilities and Other Postconviction Sanctions Readings:

Civil Disabilities and Other Postconviction Sanctions 11.4 Summarize the issues associated with the loss of civil rights. Walter Mosley's fictional character Socrates Fortlow is an ex-con trying to readjust to life on the streets. At one point, Socrates exclaims that just because a guy's no longer in prison that doesn't mean he's free. That sentiment is shared by many released inmates who find that opportunities are blocked because of their ex-con status. In many jurisdictions, persons convicted of a felony lose some of their civil rights, meaning that they are not legally full citizens even after finishing their sentence. That status hinders full reintegration and contributes to recidivism. The sanctions imposed on convicted felons after serving time are discussed in this section. These sanctions are defined as "civil" rather than criminal in nature and as "disabilities" rather than punishments. Under early English common law, a convicted offender might, in addition to his sentence, lose all his civil rights and have to forfeit his property. As a result of this civil death sanction, offenders forfeited all rights and privileges of citizenship, including things such as the right to enter into a contract (even marriage) or the right to sue. They were, in other words, civilly dead. Today, criminal offenders are more likely to suffer civil disabilities—that is, partial rather than absolute loss of civil rights—and, in this sense, are more civilly disabled than civilly dead. States and the federal government impose these civil disabilities in ways that can affect offenders both during incarceration and after release. The disabilities that continue to affect the offender after release from prison are the concern of this section.

Chapter 11.4: Residence Restriction Laws Reading

Residence Restriction Laws In addition to the registration and notification laws, sex offenders are also subject to residence restriction laws that may require them to live in certain areas or restrict them from living in other areas. Tewksbury (2011) points out that limits on where registered sex offenders may live have been widely shown to impose negative consequences on both offenders and their families. For example, registered sex offenders end up being concentrated either in very dense, socially disorganized communities or in rural communities lacking employment, treatment, and transportation options. Despite those negative consequences, residential restrictions are increasingly common across the nation. Presumably, if residence restriction laws contributed to public safety, the negative consequences on the offenders would not be of much concern. However, existing research suggests that residential restrictions are likely to contribute very little to public safety. This is probably because of the faulty assumptions upon which residence restriction laws are based. For example, the general assumption is that all sex offenders victimize children and, most likely, children who are strangers to them. Tewksbury (2011) points out that both of those ideas are inaccurate. In addition, residence restrictions assume that if offenders live farther away from schools, day cares, and so on, they are unable or unlikely to access those facilities. That, of course, ignores the point that motivated offenders can use public transportation. When the proof of negative consequences to offenders and their families is set against the unproven assumptions that residence restrictions increase public safety, an increasing number of scholars and policymakers question the need for the residence restriction laws. Think About It... Pearson Education Inc. Public notification of lawbreakers is designed to shame offenders and deter against future offending, as demonstrated by judges who order convicted sex offenders to display a sign in their front yard as part of the punishment. Is it sufficient to let people call their local law enforcement agency or check on a website to determine if there are registered sex offenders in their neighborhood, or would it be better to require signs to be posted? What are some of the implications of either approach?

Chapter 12.4: Social Class and the Death Penalty Reading

Social Class and the Death Penalty A second important topic related to fairness and the death penalty concerns social class. Supreme Court Justice William Douglas commented (Furman v. Georgia) that "one searches our chronicles in vain for the execution of any member of the affluent strata of this society" (408 U.S. 251-252). The characteristics of persons on death row seem to reflect those of the poor and lower class in society as a whole. Although most of the criminal justice system's clients are poor, death-row inmates are among the poorest. Unfortunate and unfair as it is, persons from the lower socioeconomic classes elicit little sympathy from justice system officials, jurors, or the general public. We know that punishments for other crimes, such as marijuana possession, have eased as more and more members of the middle class indulge in the behavior. Those offenders do draw sympathy from officials, jurors, and the community, with a result being a lessening of penalties associated with the behavior. One wonders how long the death penalty would have lasted if most of those executed had reflected typical middle-class characteristics. Proponents of the death penalty argue that inequities in the application of the death penalty should draw criticism of its application, not of its use. As van den Haag (1991) argues, and as shown in Figure 12-6, just because guilty poor people are executed but guilty whites or wealthy people are not, the poor or black are no less guilty nor do they deserve less punishment (p. 158). Figure 12-6 Is the Death Penalty Unfair Because of Its Discrimination by Social Class? Figure 12-6 Full Alternative Text Description A good, experienced lawyer will improve the defendant's chances at each stage in the legal process, so it is not surprising that having a good lawyer also improves a defendant's chances of escaping execution. Unfortunately, almost all defendants in capital cases cannot afford their own attorney, so they are provided a public defender or court-appointed attorney. Certainly, there are good, well-trained, and imminently qualified public defenders and court-appointed attorneys handling death penalty cases around the country, but there are also public defenders and court-appointed attorneys who are overworked, underpaid, or who lack the trial experience required for death penalty cases. In a study of death penalty cases in Texas, researchers found that capital defendants with court-appointed lawyers were more than twice as likely to receive a death sentence as were those able to hire their own attorneys (Kronenwetter, 1993).

The Case Should You Be Able to Watch an Execution on Television or Your Smartphone?

The Case Should You Be Able to Watch an Execution on Television or Your Smartphone? On August 14, 1936, the last public execution was held in the United States. Rainey Bethea was hanged in Owensboro, Kentucky, for the rape and murder of a 70-year-old woman. Some 20,000 people came to witness the event, which also involved the country's first hanging conducted by a woman (National Public Radio, 2001). The carnival atmosphere—as some reporters called it—is believed by some to have encouraged the eventual banning of public executions in America. But the suitability of public executions in contemporary society still pops up on occasion, as some argue that it could increase the death penalty's deterrent effect and others say it would only serve to desensitize people to violence. In 1991, a public television station sought permission to videotape and televise a California execution. The request was denied, in part, out of respect for the privacy of prison personnel who participate in the execution process and their concern that harm could come to themselves or their families in retaliation from those opposed to the execution. Proponents of televised executions argue that private nighttime executions leave the public uninformed about the facts surrounding capital punishment—with a result being the degrading of America's democracy by restricting public access to information and suppressing public debate. More recently, Timothy McVeigh said he had no objection to the broadcast of his 2001 execution for the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing that killed 168 people. In the end, McVeigh's execution had a restricted broadcast to more than 200 survivors and family members who watched on a closed-circuit television feed in Oklahoma City. The idea of having public executions raises several interesting questions: A presumed benefit of public executions is to maximize the deterrent effect of capital punishment. When it is obvious to everyone that the death penalty will be used—and, humiliatingly, with thousands of others watching—it will discourage others from committing a capital offense. Is the potential for general deterrence sufficient to reintroduce public executions? An argument against public executions is that it could desensitize people to violence. Do you agree or disagree with that argument? What other reasons can you think of for why executions should not be public? In agreeing to a closed-circuit television broadcast of his execution, McVeigh wondered why it should not be truly public via public broadcast. Would you have watched a televised execution of Timothy McVeigh? Why or why not?

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

10/20- The prison bartering system based on negotiation and exchange of goods and services between prisoners without the use of cash is called the _______. hidden marketplace under-the-table economy secret market sub-rosa economy Correct. Every jail and prison has a bartering system of reciprocity based on negotiation and exchange of goods and services between prisoners without the use of cash. The illicit, underground economy is forbidden, and is known as the sub-rosa economy. 1 attempt used

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

14/20- According to the history of correctional violence, which of the following is true of prison riots? Riots in the 1970s and 1980s were more organized and destructive than they are today. Correct. The Attica, New York riot in 1971 and the Santa Fe riot in 1980 were two of the worst in the history of prison riots. They resulted in major loss of life and property. A triggering event does not start a riot, but it is always the cause. Banging on cell doors, setting fire to property, and cell extraction problems are examples of typical riots. Most prison riots are caused by confrontations with correctional staff.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

19/20- Which of the following is considered the most frequent cause of prison riots and disturbances? Conflict among prisoners Correct.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Quiz Treatment Programs In Prison

4/4- The treatment of sex offenders is distinct from the treatment of other types of offenders because it includes ________. mandatory polygraph testing Correct. Mandatory polygraph testing as part of the treatment of sex offenders makes the treatment of sex offenders distinct from all other types.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 Sexual Assault and Rape Reading

Sexual Assault and Rape Sexual behavior between inmates, and especially between inmates and staff members, has always been prohibited-this includes sexual assault (intentional touching) or nonconsensual sexual acts. In the past, a climate of acceptance that rape and sexual harassment were part of the punishment dominated prisons across the United States. "Turning out" a vulnerable inmate by force was a way for another prisoner to enhance his or her own status among peers, whether it was blatantly through rape or through more subtle strategies such as loaning new prisoners more than they could ever afford to pay back and then demanding payment through sex (Santos, 2004). Sexual harassment, derogatory or profane comments, or acts of staff sexual misconduct (indecent exposure, voyeurism, or requested sexual acts) had few, if any, negative consequences. Prison conditions have greatly improved since the 1970s, but anecdotal evidence suggested that sexual assault was still entrenched in prison culture because it was overlooked by correctional officers and encouraged by the prisoner subculture. Reducing sexual victimization of prison inmates became a priority nationwide with the passage of a federal act called the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA). PREA sought for the first time to measure the incidence of prison rape in federal, state, and local institutions, and to provide guidelines to protect prisoners from rape. The provisions of the act are shown in Figure 8-16 and included staff training on the new law, a zero-tolerance policy of sexual misconduct and rape incidents, and victim access to counseling and protective custody housing (PREA, 2003). Figure 8-16 Reducing Incidents of Sexual Assault and Violence in Correctional Institutions. References: 1. Austin, J., Fabelo, T., Gunter, A., & McGinnis, K. (2006). Sexual violence in the Texas prison system (NCJ 215774). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice and The JFA Institute. 2. Zweig, J. M., Naser, R. L., Blackmore, J., & Schaffer, M. (2007). Addressing sexual violence in prisons: A national snapshot of approaches and highlights of innovative strategies (NCJ 216856). Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Figure 8-16 Full Alternative Text Description Five years after PREA's passage, the nationwide rate of inmates who, when surveyed, reported sexual victimization at least once within a prior 12-month period was still 4.4% in prisons and 3% in jails. This equated to 88,500 incidents every year. At some units around the country, rates ranged from less than 1% to a high of nearly 20% (Beck, Harrison, & Guerino, 2010). Facilities with higher rates of sexual abuse had a higher number of violent offenders, high racial conflict, dormitory housing, and areas without video surveillance, and were understaffed compared to the number of offenders (English, Heil, & Dumond, 2010). About 90% of these incidents that inmates anonymously reported to researchers were not reported to prison officials, in part because few incidents could be substantiated (proven that they occurred) due to lack of evidence. About 45% of youth sexual victimization in correctional facilities involved staff-on-youth while the remaining were youth-on-youth (Beck & Rantala, 2016). However, about 70% of reported incidents of adult sexual abuse of inmates were committed by staff members rather than by other inmates. In both men's and women's units, staff member sexual abusers were more likely to be of the opposite sex relative to the inmate victim (Beck et al., 2010). The unequal power relationship that exists between correctional staff and confined prisoners is particularly important to address due to these findings. All sexual acts involving staff are considered to be forms of coerced sexual misconduct and may result in termination and/or additional criminal charges. Adult inmate perpetrators of sexual assault tend to have spent time in juvenile facilities, have committed a violent crime as an adult, be gang affiliated, be more likely to be involved in all types of misconduct, and be under age 30. Targeted inmate victims tended to be young, first-time, nonviolent, Caucasian, and from a middle-class background. Individual characteristics that increased victimization even more (whether they were actual or perceived by others) were those who were developmentally disabled or mentally ill, unaffiliated with a group, known to be gay or bisexual, perceived to be a snitch, possessed certain physical traits (effeminate traits if a man and masculine traits if a woman), and those who were convicted of a crime against a minor (English et al., 2010). Victims who reported being sexually abused were targeted between three and five times during that year. Most sexually coerced incidents by other inmates involved sexual harassment or forced sexual assault. Sexual coercion led to incidents of sexual assault when other prisoners perceived their advances were being ignored. In women's facilities, once a woman was targeted for physical and/or sexual violence, it was difficult to escape the situation. If rape occurred, it involved a group of women (Alarid, 2000b). In general, across the United States, sexual victimization reporting rates in prison have increased since PREA, as expected. PREA provides victims with more options and has changed the culture of prisoner sexual victimization to one that punishes prison staff for looking the other way.

Chapter 10.2 Vocational Programs

Vocational Programs Vocational training efforts have a long history in prisons. Beginning in the mid-1800s, inmates received vocational training in a multitude of fields, such as welding, auto mechanics, or masonry, but it was primarily for the benefit of the institution. In the 1970s, the focus shifted to vocational training for reentry. However, vocational programs for women and men were quite different. Programs in women's prisons consisted of cosmetology, sewing, custodial, food service, horticulture, clerical, data entry/processing, and service dog trainer. Vocational programs for men included auto repair, business, barber, construction, computer repair, carpentry, culinary, drafting, furniture/upholstery, horticulture, machining, masonry, printing, and welding. At that same time, prison administrators were criticized for not providing enough variety of opportunities for women to learn vocational skills that would assist them in obtaining good jobs. Court rulings have recognized the right to equivalent programming, but opportunities "... should be based on the interests and needs of the female inmates rather than short-sighted efforts to duplicate the programs offered at male institutions" (Glover v. Johnson, 1979 [478 F.Supp. 1075, E.D. Mich.], 1087). Women inmates are offered training in the types of jobs they want, and prison administrators are merely giving women what they want. Another view of this issue suggests that women do not seek fields that pay better because they have never been exposed to other choices they have beyond the stereotypical low-paying service, food, and sales jobs. They either seek out familiar jobs they have been successful at in the past, or they seek an area similar to that of a fellow inmate they know. Many prison administrators, on the other hand, feel that male-dominated vocational skills are of little interest to women. This is an excuse, critics say, for not spending the money to open up more opportunities for women. "The majority of the jobs these women are being trained for are among the most underpaid and unstable jobs in society. A woman leaving prison with minimal skills, earning minimum wage, will not be able to support herself or her family, and thus may turn to the government for aid or recidivate and find herself back in prison" (Lahm, 2000, p. 45). Figure 10-4 examines the effectiveness of vocational programs compared to traditional academic programs with regard to which is better at reducing recidivism after release from prison. As it turns out, vocational programs are more marketable for postrelease employment than simply getting a GED. Until women begin to demand more valuable job skills, women's prisons will likely not provide the same opportunities for women that prisons provide men. Figure 10-4 Evidence-Based Practices—Does it Work? There are a number of in-prison programs provided to prisoners that help with finding a job at reentry. One route is through academic education programs that ensure that students have adequate reading, math, and problem-solving skills to obtain employment. Prisons offer traditional classrooms, individual tutors, and self-paced computer-aided instruction. There was no difference in test scores for prisoners who learned with face-to-face methods compared to prisoners who used computer-aided methods. However, prisoners who used computer-aided instruction learned mathematics in a shorter period of time than with traditional classrooms or tutors (Davis, Bozick, Steele, Saunders, & Miles, 2013). A second route of helping prisoners find employment is vocational programs that train students for a specific occupational field or career. The odds of finding a job after release from prison are 28% higher when an inmate completes a vocational program while incarcerated (Davis et al., 2013). Davis and colleagues conducted a meta-analysis that compared educational programs with vocational programs, and found that for prisoners, vocational programs were more effective than obtaining a GED for obtaining employment. However, both education and vocational programs effectively reduced recidivism. Obtaining a GED or high school diploma while incarcerated reduced the odds of recidivism by 30% after three years, but reduced the recidivism rate by 13% compared to inmates who left prison without obtaining their GED. But there are so many levels of education—so what are we talking about here? Although college education counteracts the negative stigma of a criminal record and produced the most positive results of all education programs (Batiuk, Lahm, McKeever, Wilcox, & Wilcox, 2005), postsecondary education, in particular, received the best post-prison results for the majority compared to lesser adult basic education/literacy programs, which are only classified as "promising" (Chappell, 2004). Is Academic Education or Vocational Training Better for Prisoners? Think About It... Drew Crawford/The Image Works Vocational Programs for Women Approximately one-third of male inmates participate in vocational training at some point in their sentence. In comparison, only 4% of women prisoners complete vocational programs while incarcerated (Harlow, 2003). Women prisoners have traditionally been offered fewer vocational opportunities than men prisoners. One exceptional program is fiber-optics training in a federal prison in Danbury, Connecticut (shown in the photo). The vocational programs at the Danbury women's prison will no longer be available because female prisoners are being relocated to another federal prison in Alabama so that more low-security beds could be made available for male inmates (Arons et al., 2014). How can demand for vocational programs be increased so that choices for women prisoners can be expanded?

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

6/6- Which of the following statements is true of the cost of correctional interventions? Correctional education is cost-effective because it reduces recidivism. Correct. Correctional education is cost effective, because prisoners who obtained a GED (General Education Development) while incarcerated reduced their own recidivism rate by 13 percent over a three-year period.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

8/20- Minimum-security-level inmates who earn this status by not causing behavioral problems are called ________. players punks trustees Correct. snitches

Chapter 14 Quiz:

10/20- Which of the following factors is likely to contribute to an unsuccessful community supervision outcome for an offender? The offender is under the age of 30 Correct. The factor likely to contribute to the unsuccessful supervision of an offender in the community is if the offender's age, specifically if he/she is under age 30.

Chapter 12 Quiz

11/20- Bifurcated trials are required in capital cases. What does this mean? Death penalty trials must have two stages, with the first being used to determine guilt and the second stage to decide the sentence. Correct. A bifurcated trial is a requirement that death penalty cases have two stages, with the first stage being the traditional trial to determine guilt and a second stage to decide the sentence—death or life imprisonment.

Chapter 9.3: Quiz 9.3: Health Care And Medical Issues

4/4- Martin was a 40-year-old who was convicted of violent sexual assault. He was suffering from stage 3 cancer but was not eligible for medical parole because he was still considered unfit to return to society. Nevertheless, he had only a bleak chance of surviving beyond a year. Martin's medical expenses were paid for by the state and he was taken care of by nurses and other prisoners who volunteered to help. Martin was most likely housed in a ________. prison hospice Correct. Martin was housed in a prison hospice. Prison hospices are based inside prisons and are available for terminally ill prisoners whose sentences do not qualify them for medical parole or whose application was denied.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

5/20- The ______ has its own norms, values, and beliefs. importation model inmate subculture Correct. prison industry open markets

Chapter 14 Quiz:

8/20- Cognitive-behavioral treatment can be effectively used in which of the following settings? Prison Residential community programs Outpatient community programs All of the above Correct. Cognitive behavioral treatment can take place in prison, in residential community programs, or in outpatient community programs. Prison-based EBP treatment programs have been found to benefit prisoners by changing their behavior and reducing misconduct while they are still incarcerated.

Chapter 11 Quiz

8/20- Of the many possible religions, the one(s) that the courts have consistently ruled cannot be practiced in prison because it (they) threatens prison security is _______. Islam Correct. Court decisions beginning in the 1960s allowed restrictions on the freedom of the Nation of Islam (Black Muslims) to practice their religion. Prison officials readily acknowledge that Black Muslims were not afforded the same opportunity to practice their religion as were followers of more traditional faiths.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8 Review Prison Life

Chapter 8 Review: Prison Life 8.1 Discuss the evolution of prison norms and the changes in mainstream prison culture Prisoners are primarily young men who lack skills and education. Women account for a disproportionately small group of offenders compared to men, but are still growing at a greater rate. Non-U.S. citizens and aliens, detained in special ICE units, now comprise one out of four federal prisoners. The norms and values of the inmate subculture are the result of a combination of losses inherent in prison conditions and importation of street norms and behaviors that represent the code of the streets. The elements of prison life that define the incarceration experience include socialization, the inmate code, language, group membership, working a job, disciplinary reports, and involvement in the sub rosa economic system. Review Questions Why do prisoners tend to come from impoverished communities, and why do they lack education? How would a new prisoner best learn the ropes of prison life without getting victimized in the process? Are there ways that staff members can influence or change the inmate subculture? If so, how? If not, why not? Which theory (deprivation or importation) best explains the sub rosa economy? Which theory (deprivation or importation) best explains women's play families? Why? Key Terms disproportionateBureau of Prisons (BOP)prisonizationinmate subcultureBig Housetotal institutiondeprivation modelimportation modelinmate codeprison argot or "prison-proper"playerssquaressnitchespunksfish 8.2 Explain the benefits and challenges of assigning jobs to incarcerated inmates Most prisoners are assigned to work a part-time maintenance job, and have the opportunity to attend school or other programs. Working life closely resembles outside society for only a chosen few prisoners who work full-time in prison industry. Prison-made goods are mainly sold in sheltered markets, but some private businesses partner with prisons to sell goods on the open market. A substantial number of prisoners use the sub rosa economy illicitly for personal profit and to obtain goods and services in an environment that lacks access to resources. More lucrative smuggling and movement of contraband is controlled by prison gangs. Review Questions Although prisoner labor should not compete with free-world labor, with all the private businesses relocating to other countries, isn't the relocation (e.g., to India and China) a greater threat than simply allowing U.S. prisoners that same opportunity? What would happen if our government increased the number of jurisdictions that could have a private factory inside a prison from 50, across the whole United States, to 500? Would you support paying all inmates a wage for their work, and then deducting that money for rent, utilities, and paying restitution? Debate the pros and cons of this policy. If it is known that stealing and other workplace deviance exist in prisoner jobs, then why have prisoners work at all? How can common illicit behaviors—such as loaning, gambling, extortion, and running commissary stores—be minimized? How much illicit behavior is tolerated simply because officers are so outnumbered by inmates? Key Terms institutional maintenancetrustysagricultural work prison industry open marketsheltered marketfree enterprisesub rosa economycommissarymerchantsjailhouse lawyerscontrabandcrews 8.3 Compare and contrast prison gangs and play families in terms of their structure, purpose, and management The social structure of men's prisons is built on crews and gangs—many of which are racially and ethnically segregated. Security threat groups are widespread in men's prisons and have a formalized structure and constitution with rigid rules. In some states, active STG leaders and members are segregated in an attempt to decrease prison violence. The social structure of women's prisons is less influenced by violence, gangs, and race/ethnicity. Play families reflect an informal structure built on bonding, social control, and economic assistance; they do not pose an institutional threat, so fewer attempts are made to control them. Review Questions Given what you know about the prisoner subculture and the limited freedoms of prison life, how can racial hostility in jails and prisons be realistically reduced? Can prison gangs be abolished in prisons, or are they just too powerful? Which strategies do you think are most effective in managing security threat groups? Are play families problematic in women's prisons? If so, how? If not, why not? Key Terms state-raised youthsecurity threat group (STG)paramilitary STGregional cell STGplay families 8.4 Discuss the incidence of sexual assault and violence in prisons Individual-level violence for men is most often caused by personality clashes, racial tensions, unpaid debts, sexual assault, and retaliation. Violence for women is caused most often by jealously, unreciprocated love, and sexual coercion/harassment. The PREA act was passed to further prevent inmates from getting sexually assaulted and harassed. Most acts of collective violence are classified as disturbances involving small groups of prisoners or security threat groups. Disturbances are different from riots in that they do not involve any intent to take over a prison. Riots have the intent of prisoners taking over the control of a prison. Review Questions What forms of individual-level violence do you see as most problematic and why? Discuss how the following three policies for staff would or would not reduce prisoner sexual assault in prisons on their own merit: Provide staff training on sexual assault Mandate staff intervention for sexual assault victims Encourage staff to consistently enforce the rules for predatory inmates Discuss how the following three policies for prisoners would or would not reduce sexual assault in prisons on their own merit: Provide prisoner training on sexual assault Provide condoms to inmates Increase conjugal visitation Can disturbances lead to riots, or are they completely different events? How can prison riots be decreased or prevented? Key Terms deliberate indifference voluntary lockdown disturbance prison riot predisposing factors triggering event

Chapter 9 Review: Special Correctional Populations

Chapter 9 Review: Special Correctional Populations 9.1 Summarize prison treatment programs that address the differences among sex offenders Rehabilitation requires offenders to admit that something within themselves needs to be changed and then to be open to redefining what those new values and possibilities might be. Some treatment programs address offender needs that require specialized treatment, such as for sex offenders. Other treatment programs prepare inmates for community reentry by teaching new skill sets. Sex offenders are a heterogeneous group with different motivations, thinking patterns, targeted victims, and personality styles. The three main types are rapists, child molesters, and incest offenders. Sex offender treatment programs use multiple regimens that include cognitive behavioral therapy to address thinking errors and minimization, victim empathy, polygraphs, and aversive conditioning. For child molesters and incest offenders, medication to decrease libido is imperative. Long-term treatment and medication regimens of sex offenders can significantly reduce rearrest rates after release. Review Questions What kind of staff qualifications (educational background, practical experience, type of person, personal characteristics, etc.) might be most effective for in-prison sex offender treatment? Research the term "chemical castration." What is your view on chemical castration as an alternative treatment regimen for sex offenders? What other types of thinking errors are typical with criminal offenders? Key Terms thinking errorssex offensesaversive conditioningantiandrogensselective serotonin reuptake inhibitors 9.2 Describe the alternatives that pregnant mothers have once they give birth to their babies while incarcerated Most incarcerated parents will resume custody of their children when released, so contact with outside family members is encouraged. Pregnant women who have their babies while incarcerated must find outside family members who are available and willing to accept temporary custody, or else the children go to foster care or become wards of the state. A small number of states provide prison nurseries where qualified mothers can care for their newborns while incarcerated. Review Questions Given what you know about why family members do not visit, what ideas do you have for how prisons can increase visitation? Do you agree that a pregnant prisoner should be shackled while being transported to the hospital? Should she be shackled while in labor? If so, why? If not, how are you going to assure that she doesn't escape? Discuss the pros and cons of raising children in correctional institutions. How would you expand or limit such programs? 9.3 Explain the issues caused by the growth in the number of prisoners who have special health care needs The number of prisoners with HIV has steadily declined; however, it remains disproportionately high per 100,000 people compared to outside society. States test for HIV at admission and upon request of the prisoner, court, or a doctor. Inmates with HIV are housed in the general population until they become too weak with AIDS. Other communicable diseases that are problematic inside correctional facilities are tuberculosis (TB), hepatitis B, hepatitis C, syphilis, and gonorrhea. TB has become a serious problem in places of confinement where crowded conditions and poor ventilation provide ideal conditions for the spread of an infectious disease. As prisoners serve longer sentences, they also age in prison. Prisoners over the age of 50 are the fastest growing segment in the prisoner population. Geriatric prisons are separate facilities for aging inmates where they have no contact with the younger general population. Terminally ill prisoners either experience prison-based hospice programs or are released through medical parole supervision. Review Questions Discuss the issue of patient confidentiality of medical records versus the right of staff to know of prisoner medical conditions. Under what conditions would the right to know be acceptable? How would a jail or prison control an outbreak of tuberculosis in the facility if 15 people tested positive who all had casual contact with a carrier in the general population? How can prisoners be effectively quarantined to avoid infecting the whole facility? What do you think about the policy of releasing terminally ill prisoners to the community? What could be done to ensure that these prisoners do not pose a safety risk to the community if released? Key Terms aging prisonergeriatric prisonscompassionate release Chapter 9 Key Term Flashcard Review

Chapter 13.6 Quiz: Residential Based Responses To Juvenile Offenders

1/1- Wallace, a 15-year-old, was a first-time juvenile offender. He was sent to a residential correctional facility where he would live and study until he was 18. If the residential facility is based on the Missouri Model, Wallace will ________. wear his own clothes instead of a uniform Correct. Wallace will be able to wear his own clothes instead of a uniform.

Chapter 12.3: Characteristics of Death-Row Prisoners

2/2- Sandra Perez was charged with the murder of her three family members. Evidence showed that she had drugged their meals and then set fire to the house. She was on death row when she appealed to the Court to listen to the testimony of her neighbor, who was a witness to the incident. The Court put her execution on hold for a period of one month to verify the neighbor's testimony. Sandra received a ________ in this case. reprieve Correct. Sandra received a reprieve in this case. A reprieve is a stay of execution that grants time for something, such as an appeal, to happen.

Chapter 13.4: Blended Sentencing Reading

Blended Sentencing Comparing sentences of transferred juveniles is complicated by some states using creative alternatives that essentially mix juvenile and adult sentences. These blended sentences allow the court to impose either juvenile or adult sanctions, or a combination of these sanctions. In this manner, the blended sentence resembles transfer laws in that they define juveniles who may be treated as though they were adults (Snyder & Sickmund, 2006). Importantly, in all states where juveniles in juvenile court are at risk of receiving adult sanctions, those juveniles are entitled to the basic procedural rights afforded to criminal defendants (e.g., the right to a jury trial). When used in juvenile court, these juvenile blended sentences allow the juvenile court judge to impose both juvenile and adult sanctions on certain categories of serious juvenile offenders. In most of the states using juvenile blended sentencing, any adult sanction imposed is suspended and functions as a kind of guarantee of good behavior. If the juvenile cooperates, he or she will remain in the juvenile system; if not, he or she may be sent to the adult system (Griffin et al., 2011; Snyder & Sickmund, 2006). When juveniles are tried and convicted as adults, some states authorize their criminal courts to impose, under some circumstances, juvenile sentences that would ordinarily be available only to a juvenile court. In this way, juveniles who have left the juvenile system for criminal prosecution may be returned to it for sanctioning purposes (Griffin et al., 2011). These criminal blended sentences may be a combination of juvenile and criminal sanctions. If the resulting sentence involves incarceration, there are three common ways it can be implemented: Straight adult incarceration: Juveniles are sentenced and imprisoned as adults with little differentiation in programming between juveniles and adults. Graduated incarceration: Juveniles are sentenced as adults but imprisoned in juvenile or separate adult correctional facilities until they reach a certain age. At that age, they may be released or transferred to adult facilities to serve the remainder of their sentence. Segregated incarceration: Juveniles are sentenced as adults but housed in separate facilities for younger adult offenders (usually 18- to 25-year-olds), and occasionally with specialized programming (Torbet, 1997). Trends in Judicial Waiver Transfer laws generally (including judicial waiver, direct file, and statutory exclusion) expanded dramatically during the 1980's and 1990's. Statistics are most easily kept on the waiver procedures, and the use of waivers over time reflects variation in justice policy. For example, from 1989 through 1992, drug offenses were more likely to be waived to adult court than any other offense category. Between 1993 and 2011, person offense cases were more likely to be judicially waived than cases involving other offenses (Puzzanchera & Hockenberry, 2015). Changes are also being seen in the transfer laws themselves. In recent years, states such as Arizona, Indiana, Nevada, Missouri, Ohio, and Vermont have limited their transfer and waiver criteria, thereby creating more options for juvenile courts to handle youth. Missouri, for example, changed its "once an adult, always an adult" provisions to allow youths to return to the juvenile system who were found not guilty in adult court. Indiana now allows some youth convicted as adults to remain in a juvenile facility until age 18 and then be placed into a community-based corrections program or in-home detention. Revised statutes in California, Maryland, and Nebraska require juvenile court judges to take into account factors such as age, physical and mental health, and the possibility of rehabilitation when considering transfer. A 2015 Illinois law eliminates the automatic transfer to adult court of children aged 15 and under and allows the transfer of 16- and 17-year-olds only when charged with certain serious offenses (Brown, 2015). These changes are consistent with other reforms in the juvenile and adult justice systems as legislatures and the public place increased importance on preventive services and community-based alternatives to detention.

Chapter 9.2 Pregnant Women and Parents of Minor Children Reading

Pregnant Women and Parents of Minor Children 9.2 Describe the alternatives that pregnant mothers have once they give birth to their babies while incarcerated. Over half of all male prisoners and 75% of female prisoners have dependent children under the age of 18, but just over half of these parents provided primary financial support before they were arrested. The parents who could not provide financial support were likely to be homeless or suffer from mental health or medical problems. According to Table 9-1, mothers in prison were more likely to have experienced past physical or sexual abuse, medical problems, and homelessness than were incarcerated fathers (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). Table 9-1 Backgrounds of Prisoners who were Parents and Lived with Minor Children FathersMothersHas another family member ever been incarcerated?48.9%58.4%Did you ever experience physical or sexual violence?16.1%59.7%Were you homeless in the year before your arrest?4.0%8.5%Any substance dependence/abuse?65.0%63.6%Any current medical problems?39.7%50.0%Contact/Communicate with Your Children While Incarcerated?Yes, at least once a week38.5%55.7%Yes, once a month or less39.6%29.3%No contact/communication11.9%15.0% Source: Glaze, L. E., & Maruschak, L. M. (2008). Parents in prison and their minor children (NCJ 222984). Washington, DC:U.S. Department of Justice. All people who are incarcerated, particularly parents with young children, miss important milestones in their children's lives or in the lives of other family members—births, baby's first steps, first days of school, birthdays, proms, graduations, weddings, and even funerals. Incarceration is particularly difficult for single-parent caretakers who become dismayed and overcome by feelings of failure and guilt at not being there for their children. The children and their nonincarcerated caregivers are also affected when the family support system is disrupted (Turanovic, Rodriguez, & Pratt, 2012). Prisoners are encouraged to remain in contact with family or friends by writing letters/sending cards, or calling collect on the phone, but prisoners on disciplinary status may not make phone calls or receive personal visits (Pierce, 2015). According to Table 9-1, mothers were generally more likely to keep in contact with family members. Having contact with outside family members can be a double-edged sword. Although it gives some prisoners something to hold on to, others find it more bearable to do time if they cut off all family ties while incarcerated (Crawley & Sparks, 2006). For prisoners who look forward to visits, visits are stressful on family because of the long distance, the cost, the lack of transportation, and the painful reminder of seeing their family members locked up. For example, for one person to take a bus round-trip to a prison located 250 miles away, and to be there for the predefined visiting hours, the visitor needs to leave around 5:00 am, with needed $150-$200 for transportation, food, and any gifts. Visits are also stressful on inmates, from the anticipation leading up to the visit, to the depression that immediately follows (Pierce, 2015). While maintaining contact with outside family members can provide emotional and instrumental support (Barrick, Lattimore, & Visher, 2014), visitation has a small to modest effect in reducing later recidivism for inmates who are serving shorter sentences (Mears, Cochran, Siennick, & Bales, 2012). Some prisons are now experimenting with "virtual visits" (similar to Skype) that allow children to see their parents on a computer screen from home while communicating with them on the telephone.

Chapter 9.2 Quiz

Which of the following is true of the medical treatment of prisoners? Health care expenses constitute a small percentage of rising costs of incarceration. The annual cost of treatment for an HIV-positive prisoner is much less than that of the general population considered to be in average health. Most states charge a medical co-payment from prisoners for infirmary visits. Correct. Nearly 40 states deduct $20.00 for each infirmary visit, or a copayment is deducted annually to curb the rising health care costs. Inmates are often denied treatment if they do not have money to pay for the medical co-payment.

Chapter 12,4: Quiz 12.4: Arguments for and Against Capital Punishment

2/2- Owen is an African-American man from a low-income family who worked as a waiter at a neighborhood restaurant. He often waited on Zac, a white man, who was a regular patron. Zac was always rude to Owen, but Owen never reacted. One evening, after a few beers, Zac started picking on Owen and made a number of racist remarks. Owen physically assaulted him and the fight escalated, resulting in Zac's death. Based on statistics related to sentencing and capital punishment, Owen is more likely to receive the death sentence because ________. he killed a white man Correct. The fact that Owen killed a white man will be most likely to increase the probability of his getting the death penalty.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

2/20- Ethan is a quiet 22-year-old serving his time in prison for armed robbery. He was a first-time offender and, in inmate code, could be termed a fish. A member of a prison gang passed along false information about Ethan to a correctional officer, effectively getting Ethan into trouble with prison authorities. If Ethan follows the mainstream prisoner code for men and assimilates to convict norms, he will most likely ________. ask for protective custody make friends with the prison staff to get into their good books be bullied and harassed by other inmates react immediately and with violence Correct. According to the mainstream prisoner code for men, if a prisoner tries to (or succeeds) in getting over another inmate, the possible victim should react immediately and with violence. He should never ask for protective custody.

Chapter 11.2: A Sampling of Prisoners Rights Issues Reading

A Sampling of Prisoner Rights Issues 11.2 Discuss the issues associated with prisoners' rights in terms of their access to courts and religion. Because of the many issues that could be addressed in this section, we review only a few. We cover those in only a cursory manner to provide a basic overview of the types of issues confronting prisoners and prison authorities. Specifically, this section considers inmate access to the courts and the issue of religion. Access to the Courts Possibly the most basic right for prisoners is access to the courts. Without it, any other rights would be moot because prisoners would be unable to bring their claims to the court's attention. This issue actually has two components: Procedures by which inmates get their claims before the court Having the necessary legal knowledge to make their access effective The "getting a claim to court" issue was resolved in 1941 when a Michigan State Prison inmate challenged the prison policy of requiring prisoners to first submit all types of legal documents to prison authorities. The prison officials would then forward to the appropriate court those documents they considered to be properly written. The U.S. Supreme Court held (ex parte Hull, 312 U.S. 546, 1941) that prison authorities cannot restrict an inmate's right to apply to a federal court for a writ of habeas corpus. But having direct access to courts via a writ of habeas corpus is only one step in the process of accessing the courts. Prisoners who are not familiar with the law may need assistance to ensure their right to access is meaningful. Similarly, prisoners who are familiar with the law can only have meaningful access if items such as law books and other legal materials are made available for their use. In Bounds v. Smith (430 U.S. 817, 1977), the Court addressed the question of what constitutes meaningful access and ruled that prisons must provide adequate law libraries (e.g., holding such references as state statutes, court reports, legal dictionaries, and law textbooks) or adequate legal assistance from persons trained in the law (e.g., lawyers, paralegal assistants, and/or law student interns). In Lewis v. Casey (516 U.S. 804, 1996), the Court provided further explanation saying that Bounds did not create a freestanding right to a law library or even to legal assistance. Instead, Bounds simply established the right of prisoners to access the courts. So, for a violation of Bounds to occur, prisoners must show that the provided prison library or legal assistance program is hindering their efforts to pursue a legal claim.

Chapter 12.3: Characteristics of Death-Row Prisoners

Characteristics of Death-Row Prisoners 12.3 Describe the characteristics of death-row prisoners and explain how some leave death‑ row without being executed. Based on the review of legal issues related to capital punishment, we know some of the characteristics of persons who are on death row in America. Basically, they are offenders who have been convicted of first-degree murder with aggravating circumstances, who are neither mentally ill nor intellectually disabled, and who were at least age 18 when committing their crime. Actually, there are questions as to whether persons who have been executed may have been mentally ill or intellectually disabled. In their review of 100 recent executions, Smith, Cull, and Robinson (2014) found that most of the executed offenders suffered from intellectual disability, borderline intellectual functioning, traumatic brain injury, or were diagnosed with or showed symptoms of mental illness. That these people were still executed speaks to the variability among jurisdictions regarding the identification of mental illness and intellectual disability. The Atkins v. Virginia decision barred states from executing persons with mental disabilities, but the Court left it to the states to determine who qualified. Florida, for example, set an I.Q. score of 70 as the cutoff—persons scoring 70 and over could be executed. Florida inmate Freddie Lee Hall (whose I.Q. had been measured various times at 71, 73, and 80) challenged that standard as inappropriately inflexible (Liptak, 2014). In Hall v. Florida (2014), the U.S. Supreme Court agreed and ruled that states cannot rely solely on a fixed I.Q. score to determine death eligibility. The extent to which that ruling affects executions remains to be seen. Looking at demographic characteristics, we find that most (51%) of the state prisoners on death row in the United States are in the South and the fewest are in the Northeast and the Midwest (about 7% each). Thirty-five percent of death-row prisoners are in the West, but California, with more than 700, has the greatest number of prisoners under a death sentence. Almost half of all death-row prisoners are in the states of California, Texas, and Florida (Snell, 2014). As shown in Table 12-1, most of the prisoners on death row at the end of 2013 were white non-Hispanic males. Check Your Understanding Table 12-1: Demographic Characteristics of Prisoners under Sentence of Death Sixty percent of the people on death row were not involved in the criminal justice system at the time of the capital offense. However, those who were "in the system" were more likely to be on parole (17%) than probation (11%). A slightly higher percentage of Hispanics (32%) and black (31%) inmates were on probation or parole at the time of their capital offense, compared to 24% of white inmates (Snell, 2014). Among death-row inmates for whom criminal history information was available, 67% had prior felony convictions, including 9% with at least one previous homicide conviction. Criminal history patterns of death-row inmates differed by race and Hispanic origin. More black inmates had a prior felony conviction (73%), compared to Hispanic (65%) or white (64%) inmates. However, similar percentages of white (9%), black (10%), and Hispanic (7%) inmates had a prior homicide conviction (Snell, 2014).

maybe used along with therapy (Harris, 2004).

Medications such as antiandrogens or selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors.

Chapter 11.3: Limiting Inmate Litigation Reading

Limiting Inmate Litigation 11.3 Describe how inmate litigation is limited. By the mid-1990s, prison and jail inmates were bringing annually to federal court more than 40,000 new lawsuits challenging the conditions of their confinement. The cases were noteworthy for their sheer number and for being the federal court case type with the lowest plaintiff win rate. These statistics highlight two qualities long associated with prisoner lawsuits: their volume and the low rate of plaintiffs' success (Ostrom, Hanson, & Cheesman II, 2003; Schlanger, 2003). Many of the lawsuits were filed at taxpayer expense because the prisoners claimed they lacked funds to pay filing fees (i.e., they took in forma pauperis status). The nature of many of the lawsuits, their growing number, the increasing burden they placed on federal courts, and the expense to taxpayers having to support the judicial system's handling of the cases resulted in strong public opinion for reform. Congress's response to the public outcry was the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA). The act attempted to limit the ability of prisoners to complain about conditions of their confinement or alleging violation of their constitutional rights. That goal was to be achieved, as Figure 11-3 summarizes, by discouraging in forma pauperis lawsuits (frequent-filer provision), reducing meritless claims (three-strikes provision), and requiring inmates to first use the prison's grievance procedures (exhausted remedies provision). Figure 11-3 PLRA Provisions Affecting Prisoner Litigation. Three PLRA provisions affecting prisoner litigation may be summarized as follows: Frequent-filer provision: To discourage prisoners from filing meritless lawsuits in forma pauperis, inmates must pay the full $150 fee (and costs, where applicable) when filing a complaint, or they must make an initial down payment followed by periodic installment payments. A truly indigent prisoner can still file his or her claim or appeal without paying the fee, but he or she may accumulate a substantial bill over time. Three-strikes provision: To keep prisoners from filing meritless claims, indigent prisoners are prohibited from filing new lawsuits when they have previously filed three or more actions that were dismissed as frivolous or malicious. That provision is waived if there is an immediate threat of physical harm. Exhausted remedies provision: Inmates must exhaust all available administrative remedies through the inmate grievance systems at their place of confinement before filing a complaint. With these provisions, the PLRA was intended to reduce the volume of prisoner litigation and to improve the merit of those claims that are filed. Research indicates that it has been successful at both, with most studies concluding that the PLRA has produced a statistically significant decrease in both the volume and trend of Section 1983 lawsuits since its passage. Similarly, research on the "more meritorious" question suggests that the PLRA has weeded out the more frivolous cases (Cheesman II, Ostrom, & Hanson, 2004; Ostrom et al., 2003; Schlanger, 2003). However, critics suggest there have also been negative, if unintended, consequences such as the inability of cases concerning, rape, assault, and religious rights violations to get filed in federal court (Alvarado, 2012).

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.1 Who is In Prison? Quiz 8.1

Question 1 / 3- Which of the following is a federal offense? Drug possession Motor vehicle theft Manslaughter Bank robbery Correct. Bank robbery is a federal offense.

Chapter 10.1 The Reentry Process

The Reentry Process 10.1 Describe the importance of reentry in reducing the challenges that prisoners face when they are released from prison. In the broadest sense, about 95% of all prisoners incarcerated right now will eventually return to the community. Every year, about 460,000 people are released from prison to continue supervision in the community (Kaeble, Maruschak, & Bonczar, 2015). Although short-term jail releasees may leave in the middle of the night with their own street clothes and no extra money, there is greater concern about the release of state and federal prisoners who have arguably served more time away. Long-term prisoners must go through a period of readjustment in transition from the rigidity of institutional life to living with choices in the larger society. Reentry is a process of release preparation that begins within the institution and continues in the community. Reentry begins by asking the question, "What is needed to effectively prepare an offender to lead a law-abiding life in the community?" Figure 10-1, shows a model of the reentry process that was developed by the National Institute of Corrections to help state correctional departments develop their own transition programs from prison to the community. A prison case manager develops a "transitional accountability plan" that serves as an assessment of what each offender needs to accomplish prior to the release date and in the community. Offenders may be transferred to a minimum security prerelease center when they are close to release to ensure they have met some of the plan goals and to move them toward concrete strategies for obtaining employment and housing before or upon release (Cherney & Fitzgerald, 2016). To be successful, state corrections departments have formed partnerships with social services, mental health services, economic development services, health and senior services, and court administrators. Figure 10-1 Model of Reentry Process. Source: From Model of Transition from Prison to the Community. Published by National Institute of Corrections.

Chapter 13 Quiz

10/20- Gary was addicted to drugs at the age of 17. He often stole money from his parents to buy crack cocaine from a vendor. When his parents confronted him, Gary got angry and started arguing with them. The argument escalated and Gary attacked his parents with a weapon, resulting in his mother's death. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison—he would be imprisoned in a juvenile facility until he turned 18, after which he was to be transferred to a federal prison. Gary's sentence is an example of ________. graduated incarceration Correct. Gary's sentence is an example of graduated incarceration. Graduated incarceration is when juveniles are sentenced as adults but imprisoned in juvenile or separate adult correctional facilities until they reach a certain age.

Chapter 11 Quiz

10/20- The Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) became law in 1996 in an attempt to reduce frivolous lawsuits by prisoners. Which of the following most accurately reflects the results of current research regarding the PLRA? The PLRA has succeeded in both reducing the volume of prisoner litigation and in encouraging the filing of only the more meritorious cases. Correct. The Prison Litigation Reform Act's three provisions have had an impact on the volume and trend of Section 1983 lawsuits, weeding out the more frivolous cases.

Chapter 13 Quiz

12/20- Research suggests that the most successful community-based treatment programs for juvenile offenders emphasize which of the following issues? Family interactions Correct. Greenwood explains that the most successful programs are those emphasizing family interactions—possibly because they include the providing of skills to the adults who supervise and train the child.

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy

2/6- James has two daughters. After his wife passed away, he raised them on his own. He is a responsible citizen and a loving father. He was arrested for physical assault when he attacked a man who was harassing his daughter. Which of the following aspects should the judge consider while trying James under a rational crime control policy? The effect of the imprisonment on James' daughters Correct. The judge should consider the question "What are punishment effects on offenders' spouses, parents, and children?"

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

2/6- Mike is sentenced on five counts of armed robbery and two counts of homicide. He is known to have a violent streak, having killed two officers during previous encounters. Which of the following methods of punishment will be most suitable for an offender such as Mike? Mike should be kept under the supervision of a high-caliber correctional staff. Correct. High-caliber and better-trained staff are essential to ensure that prisons are not mere schools (of crime).

Chapter 10 Quiz:

20/20- In addition to meeting the minimum eligibility requirements, a prisoner cannot be paroled without having: A majority of parole board members agreeing that the prisoner is ready for parole. Correct. Besides meeting the minimum eligibility requirements, a prisoner cannot be paroled without having a majority of parole board members agreeing that the prisoner is ready for parole

Chapter 12 Quiz

4/20- Which of the following is an example of the preferred method of execution in the twenty-first century? Andrew, who was injected with a legal drug for strangling his business partner Correct. The preferred method of execution in the twenty-first century is actually a return to one of the oldest—administering a lethal drug.

Chapter 10.2: Quiz 10.2: Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation

4/4- Jason was convicted of being an accomplice in the murder of a drug kingpin in 1971. He spent four years in prison and completed vocational training during this time. Since he was incarcerated during the 1970s, Jason would most likely have received training in ________. Printing Correct. Printing was a vocational program offered to male prisoners in the 1970s.

Chapter 12 Quiz

5/20- Which of the following was a key change that occurred in the nineteenth century regarding capital punishment? The discontinuance of public executions Correct.

Chapter 11 Quiz

7/20- Of the two religion clauses found in the First Amendment, which presents the greater problem for prison officials? The exercise clause Correct. The issue of free exercise presents greater problems in a prison environment, because it not only states that an individual has the freedom to believe, but it also states that they have the freedom to act.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

7/20- Which of the following treatments has been found to be successful in reducing the recidivism rate for juvenile offenders? Teen courts Correct. Teen courts, diversion for low-risk juveniles works as a diversion to treat the juvenile offenders successfully.

Chapter 12 Quiz

8/20- The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled the death penalty to be a disproportionate punishment, and therefore unacceptable, for which crime? Rape of an adult woman who was not killed. Kidnapping when the victim was not killed. Rape of a child that did not result in the victim's death. All the above have been ruled to be disproportionate and unacceptable. Correct. The Court has already ruled that the death penalty was a disproportionate, and therefore unacceptable, punishment for the crime of rape of an adult woman who was not killed (Coker), the crime of kidnapping when the victim was not killed (Eberhart), and the rape of a child that did not result in the victim's death (Kennedy).

Chapter 10 Quiz:

9/20- The best educational opportunities for prisoners are offered in __________ and the fewest opportunities in __________. federal prisons/state prisons Correct. This is especially true for special education and vocational training.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

9/20- Which of the following is characteristic of the use of contraband in prison? Smuggling of contraband is higher in maximum-security prisons. The extent of contraband in a prison depends on the level of custody. Contraband normally comprises items such as snacks and hygiene products. Crews typically assist in the movement of contraband. Correct. Movement of contraband typically involves crews, but a large amount of the most lucrative part of the illegal economy is claimed by prison gangs.

Chapter 12.2: Capital Punishment and the Courts Reading

Capital Punishment and the Courts In the 1960s, there was a decline in the use of the death penalty and an unofficial moratorium meant no executions occurred in the United States from 1968 to 1977. The moratorium resulted from increasing legal challenges to the death penalty in the 1960s. During this moratorium, the states with death penalty statutes were unsure about the Supreme Court's view of the constitutionality of the laws, so they refrained from any executions. Their concern was well-founded because the Court's 1972 Furman v. Georgia decision held that the death penalty—as it was then being used—amounted to cruel and unusual punishment. Figure 12-4 highlights this and other key Supreme Court decisions related to the death penalty. The Furman Decision What is referred to as the Furman decision actually involved three cases, each with a black defendant, that the U.S. Supreme Court heard together: Furman v. Georgia, Jackson v. Georgia, and Branch v. Texas. Furman v. Georgia, however, is the cited case when reviewing the Court's decision. Furman, a 26-year-old black man with a sixth-grade education, tried to enter a private home at night. The homeowner surprised Furman while he was in the act of burglary. While trying to escape, Furman shot and killed the homeowner with one pistol shot fired through a closed kitchen door from the outside. At his trial, Furman said he accidentally tripped over a wire while backing away, causing the gun to fire. Prior to his trial, Furman was committed to the Georgia Central State Hospital for a psychiatric exam regarding his plea of insanity. Initially, the superintendent reported that the diagnostic staff had concluded that Furman's diagnosis was of mild to moderate mental deficiency, with psychotic episodes associated with the convulsive disorder. The physicians agreed that Furman was not presently psychotic but said he was incapable of cooperating with his counsel in preparing his defense. Furthermore, the staff believed that he needed further psychiatric hospitalization and treatment. However, at a later time, the superintendent reported that, although the staff diagnosis was the same, he concluded that although Furman was not currently psychotic, he knew right from wrong and was able to cooperate with his counsel in preparing his defense. All the jury knew about Furman was that he was black, 26 years old, and worked at an upholstery shop. After deliberating about 90 minutes, the jury returned a verdict of guilt and a sentence of death. In Furman v. Georgia (1972), the U.S. Supreme Court determined that the death penalty was cruel and unusual. Two of the justices said it is cruel and unusual in all cases, but the majority said it was cruel and unusual because it was imposed in an arbitrary and capricious manner. Justice Douglas, taking the arbitrary-and-capricious position, said it was not possible to determine from the facts of the three cases that the defendants were sentenced to death because they were black. However, he expressed concern that the laws left the decision of death or imprisonment to "the uncontrolled discretion of judges or juries" and in doing so, "people live or die, dependent on the whim of one man or of 12" (Furman v. Georgia). In the Furman case, three of the five justices in the majority took the position that the death penalty was cruel and unusual because it was applied arbitrarily. The other two justices in the majority believed the death penalty was cruel and unusual in itself. Had the majority held the second position, the death penalty would essentially have been abandoned throughout the United States. But the "arbitrary" position left the door open for laws that would allow for nonarbitrary use of the death penalty. Said differently, in the Furman decision, the Court's ruling was not against capital punishment itself; it was against the way it was being imposed. Under that reasoning, states assumed, death penalty statutes that removed the arbitrary nature of executions would be constitutional. The Gregg Decision Because each Court justice wrote a separate opinion in Furman, it was not immediately clear just what kind of death penalty law would be acceptable to the Court. Two major types of laws were tried by different states: mandatory and guided discretion. The mandatory laws tried to completely eliminate discretion in capital sentencing by requiring the death penalty upon conviction of specific crimes. Those types were held unconstitutional in a series of 1976 rulings (see Roberts v. Louisiana, 428 U.S. 325, and Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U.S. 280). The guided discretion statutes require juries to administer capital punishment after considering both aggravating and mitigating circumstances. The Court upheld these statutes in several other 1976 rulings (Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153; Jurek v. Texas, 428 U.S. 262; and Proffitt v. Florida, 428 U.S. 242), but the Gregg decision is typically cited as initiating the guided discretion era. The Georgia, Texas, and Florida statutes each require a bifurcated trial, with the first stage being the traditional trial to determine guilt. When guilt is established, the second stage takes place to decide the sentence—death or life imprisonment. It is during the second stage that guided discretion occurs; this is when the sentencing authority hears about aggravating and mitigating factors that will affect the sentencing decision. Further refinements to the death penalty laws have included decisions such as the Coker v. Georgia, Eberhart v. Georgia, and Kennedy v. Louisiana decisions mentioned earlier. In addition, the Court has ruled that it is unconstitutional to execute persons who are mentally insane (Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U.S. 399, 1986), mentally retarded [sic] (Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S 304, 2002), or were younger than age 18 when they committed their crime (Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 2005).

Chapter 11 Introduction: Legal Issues In Corrections

Chapter 11 Legal Issues in Corrections trekandshoot/Shutterstock Learning Objectives 11.1Outline the development and sources of prisoners' rights. 11.2Discuss the issues associated with prisoners' rights in terms of their access to courts and religion. 11.3Describe how inmate litigation is limited. 11.4Summarize the issues associated with the loss of civil rights. 11.5Explain the ways civil rights can be restored and collateral consequences mitigated following a conviction. Deciding What's Right Oklahoma City bombing conspirator Terry Nichols is serving a life sentence at the Federal Administrative Maximum prison in Colorado for conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter in the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. In 2009, Nichols filed a lawsuit claiming his constitutional rights were being violated because the prison food did not meet his medical and religious needs. He claimed to need a fiber-rich diet of whole-grain foods, bran products, and unpeeled and uncooked fruits and vegetables. Nichols argued that not only does he have a medical condition requiring such a diet, but his Christian belief is that God created our foods to be consumed in their whole unrefined state. In 2010, a federal judge ruled his claims to be invalid, saying that Nichols did not prove his diet constituted cruel and unusual punishment nor did he offer proof that it violated his Christian beliefs (Doucette, 2010). Lyralisa Stevens is one of more than 300 inmates in the California state prison system diagnosed with gender identity disorder. This psychiatric condition is treated with hormone replacement therapy and, in some cases, sex reassignment surgery. Stevens was born male but lives as a female. She is serving 50 years to life for killing a woman in a dispute over clothes. In a 2011 lawsuit, Stevens asked the court to require California to pay for a sex-change operation. She claims that removal of her penis and testicles and transfer to a women's prison are the best way to protect her from rape and abuse by male inmates (Dolan, 2011). Her fears seem well founded, as at least one study has found that transgender prisoners are 13 times more likely to suffer sexual assault than other inmates (Jenness, 2009). Both of these cases present issues related to prisoners' rights. Nichols's argument may seem silly, but what if he was of the Jewish faith and asking for kosher meals? Would that be a more legitimate request? Whether you consider the Stevens case to be frivolous or not, there certainly are issues of safety to be considered. Would it be irresponsible for prison officials to put a 17-year-old juvenile who was convicted and sentenced as an adult in a cell with a convicted child molester? Does the state have some responsibility for the safety of prisoners? worker/Shutterstock Discuss Are prisons obligated to meet the religious and safety needs of their prisoners?

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.3 Groups in Women's Prisons Readings

Groups in Women's Prisons Watch Difference Between Men's and Women's Prisons Although their numbers are growing, women tend to recruit less actively and are less likely to make group membership a security threat issue. Less than 4% of female inmates are recruited into a gang during imprisonment, and 6.3% of female prisoners were gang members before imprisonment (Knox, 2005). Female gang members seem to be less active while incarcerated, as the environment inside the institution does not support gang behavior (Petersen, 2000). Instead, female groups were organized based on make-believe families, friendships, and couples that crossed racial lines. Small, close-knit make-believe families were encouraged because being well connected was important to being part of "the drama" or "the mix." "Their advocacy is emotional and personal; their allegiance is to a few rather than to many" (Pollock, 2002, p. 138). Close friendships were the most prevalent type of relationship found in women's prisons. Most women had between 1 and 10 close friends whom they considered to be trustworthy, with an average of 2 close friends. Friendships allowed women to share problems and commissary, but were not used very often for hustling goods and services or for protection (Alarid, 1996). Only 12% of adult women reported being loners. These women were not necessarily social outcasts or unable to form social bonds. Rather, loners chose a different path, after deciding that "commissary and sex games" were not the way to do time (Alarid, 1996). One of the most widely documented aspects of the social structure of women's prisons is a fabricated kinship network that has been called pseudofamilies, make-believe families, or prison families. The most common term is play families, which refers to relationships among women prisoners that borrow the structure, terminology, and function of families in larger society. About 4 in 10 women joined play families in prison, whereas only 12% reported doing so in jail. Play families shared commissary, persuaded members to be compliant with prison rules, and protected each other from predatory inmates. Most play families existed as mentoring relationships, where the play mother is the family's center (Alarid, 1996). The most common roles are mother-daughter and sister'sister. Mothers, especially, may have several daughters for whom they listen to problems and offer advice. The relationships created in the play family likely do not represent the women's previous familial experiences. Instead, the play mother may be a better mother to her inmate daughters than her real-life mother was to her while growing up, or better than the inmate was to her own children before imprisonment. Generally, women's prisons had less incidents of serious misconduct than men's facilities.

Chapter 9.3 Check your Health and Medical Care Issues Readings

Health Care and Medical Issues 9.3 Explain the issues caused by the growth in the number of prisoners who have special health care needs. When we incarcerate individuals, we remove the opportunity for inmates to care for themselves, so the system takes on the full responsibility for the health and welfare of every prisoner. As a result, the government must make available to inmates a level of medical care that is reasonably designed to meet routine and emergency health care needs, including physical ills, dental care, and psychiatric care. However, the prevailing principle of less eligibility suggests that jail and prison conditions must be more severe than conditions for law-abiding people. Regarding medical care, jails and prisons are not only obligated to provide medical care for incarcerated offenders, but staff can also be held legally accountable for ignoring medical conditions based on a standard of "deliberate indifference" (Estelle v. Gamble, 1976). However, inmates do not have the right to better medical care than free-world citizens, and the courts restrict the recourse that inmates have for inadequate medical care. When offenders enter correctional facilities, most need immediate testing and medical attention because they have neglected their health while living on the streets and they have engaged in lifestyles that may put them at risk, such as intravenous drug use and unprotected sex. The number one issue that is linked to rising costs of incarceration is the growth in the number of prisoners who have special health care needs (Maruschak, Berzofsky, & Unangst, 2015). Jails and prisons provide all the basic health care services that an average clinic does, including examinations, diagnostic testing, and treatment. As prisoners serve longer sentences, they may contract communicable diseases and terminal illnesses, and an increasing number of them have aged and now require special care. More specific treatments and procedures requiring surgery may necessitate a supervised trip to a hospital outside the prison walls. The best indicator of the types of medical needs that prisoners have is to examine causes of death. According to Figure 9-6, most prisoners die from cancer, heart disease, or other illness (such as stroke, diabetes, cirrhosis, or kidney malfunction). Only a small number of prisoner deaths are ruled as accidental, suicides, homicides, or overdoses from illegal drugs or homemade alcohol. Figure 9-6 Cause of Death in Custody, 2013 Source: Noonan, M., Rohloff, H., & Ginder, S. (2015). Mortality in local jails and state prisons, 2000-2013 (NCJ 248756). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Figure 9-6 Full Alternative Text Description Due to increased health care costs and the belief that inmates should share responsibility for their own health, nearly 40 states deduct less than $20 from inmates for each infirmary visit, or a co-pay is deducted on an annual basis to curb rising health care costs (Ollove, 2015;). Charging inmates medical co-payments for requesting doctor visits while incarcerated reduces some health care costs for taxpayers, but critics say that it passes on the costs to family members who deposit money into the offender's account and it may cause some inmates to avoid seeking medical care for more serious conditions which may lead to worse health outcomes (Fisher & Hatton, 2010). Indigent inmates who request to see a doctor cannot be denied medical treatment, according to the court's ruling in Estelle v. Gamble (1976). Collecting medical fees adds administrative costs, but also deters inmates from abusing the system through visits for frivolous or false conditions.

Chapter 13.6: Institutional Programs Reading

Institutional Programs Treatment programs for youths in residential facilities have been evaluated over several years and some consistent patterns have emerged (Greenwood, 2008). Generally speaking, Programs that support mental health issues are more successful than those focusing on punishment—so treatment programs administered by mental health professionals are more effective than similar programs administered by regular correctional staff. Programs focusing on specific skills (e.g., behavior management, interpersonal skills training, family counseling, group counseling, and individual counseling) have all demonstrated positive effects in institutional settings. Cognitive behavioral therapy, with its goal of changing the thinking process, has been found to work well with institutionalized youths. Aggression replacement training, such as "anger control," which teaches participants what triggers their anger and how to control their reactions, has also been shown to work well with institutionalized youths. Although effective institutional treatment programs are clearly needed—such as the one reviewed in Figure 13-7—one state has undertaken a bigger change than mere program implementation. When facilities for juvenile offenders were first considered, not much thought was given to whether they should physically resemble those for adult offenders—it was just assumed they would. They were often given nicer-sounding names (reformatories, training schools, and so on), but they were essentially large congregate-care facilities that, at best, were built on a campus-style design rather than a cell block or dormitory plan. Figure 13-7 Evidence-Based Practice—Does It Work? The Mendota Juvenile Treatment Center (MJTC) is a secured correctional facility located in Madison, Wisconsin. MJTC provides specialized treatment and programs for delinquent youths whose behaviors present a serious problem to themselves or to others. The MJTC program has been evaluated in one quasi-experimental and two preexperimental studies and is included in the National Registry of Evidence-Based Programs and Practices (http://nrepp.samhsa.gov/) and is rated as "promising" by CrimeSolutions.gov. The program provides school services and group therapy focused on anger management, improved social skills and problem solving, and issues of substance abuse and sexual offenses. Youths in the program typically have several individual counseling sessions each week with a psychologist, psychiatrist, or social worker. The program goals are to help youths accept responsibility for their behavior, learn social skills, resolve mental health issues, and build positive relationships with families (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2013). Research findings show that the program had the greatest benefit on serious violent offenders, with those youth in the treatment group being more than six times less likely to engage in felony violence than a comparison group. Youth who received treatment in the MJTC program were also less likely than a comparison group to be involved in community violence within two years of release (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2013). Can Juveniles Receive Successful Treatment in an Institution? For many years, Missouri saw no reason to rely on anything other than the traditional congregate-care training school institution. In the 1970s, the Missouri Division of Youth Services (DYS) began questioning having youths mostly kept under the watchful gaze of correctional officers in a setting that was not especially conducive to the DYS-stated mission of rehabilitation. Instead, the DYS began experimenting with smaller correctional programs by securing small sites across the state—abandoned school buildings, large residential homes, a convent—and outfitting them to house delinquent teens. As it invested in these community-based alternatives to incarceration, Missouri changed the philosophy and operation of its long-term secure confinement facilities to provide counseling and education in a more home-like setting. The largest of these new facilities houses only 36 juveniles (Mendel, D., 2003; Mendel, R. A., 2010). Today, this emphasis on rehabilitation in small groups, constant therapeutic interventions, and minimal force is known as the Missouri Model and is influencing the direction taken by other states such as Florida, Illinois, and Louisiana (Moore, 2009) and the District of Columbia (Daly, Kapur, & Elliott, 2011). The Missouri facilities are positioned in five regions (allowing confined youths to be within driving distance of homes and family), and each facility is staffed mostly with college-educated youth specialists (selected more for their interest in nurturing than guarding) who receive extensive training. The facilities themselves are designed and furnished in a distinctly noncorrectional style. The youth, who wear their own clothes rather than a uniform, sleep in carpeted, warmly furnished dorm rooms. More important, the approach seems to be working. Missouri has one of the lowest recidivism rates in the country, with 77% of youths released after 24 months remaining law-abiding and 68% remaining law-abiding after 36 months (Missouri Department of Social Services, 2015). R. A. Mendel (2010) points out that when measured against states that calculate recidivism in similar ways, Missouri's outcomes are far better—and they are exceptionally strong compared with states like Texas and Arizona where youth are reincarcerated for violating probation and parole rules.

Chapter 13.3: Juvenile Offenders in Juvenile Court Reading

Juvenile Offenders in Juvenile Court 13.3 Describe the juvenile court process and the characteristics of juvenile offenders. Youths come to juvenile court officials' attention mostly as the result of police contact but also through social service agencies, schools, parents, probation officers, and victims. Upon getting a referral, an intake officer, prosecutor, or judge decides whether to handle the case informally or formally. In Figure 13-3, the informal response involves a nonjudicial disposition that is referred to as a nonpartitioned case. Dispositions available at this point include probation (more accurately, informal probation), some other sanction, or having the case dismissed. Nearly every state has authorized informal probation, and the practice is commonly used across the country. Typically, juveniles are placed on informal probation only when they have admitted to the charges against them, and they and their parents have voluntarily agreed to submit to the conditions of the informal probation. In the absence of such admission and agreement, the case will be dismissed or formally processed. Critics of the practice argue that it allows the imposition of substantial constraints on the youth's liberty without providing adequate due process safeguards. Figure 13-3 also shows that most delinquency cases are handled formally through a petition. This involves the filing of a petition that requests an adjudicatory hearing. During this hearing, the juvenile court judge or referee determines whether the youth will be adjudicated (found) delinquent. That decision is made after evidence and witnesses are presented by a prosecuting attorney (in some cases and jurisdictions this is done by a probation officer), and after the juvenile or his attorney presents evidence and cross-examines witnesses. The juvenile may admit to the charges at the hearing, but when an admission is not forthcoming, the judge or referee must dismiss the case or must find beyond a reasonable doubt that the juvenile is delinquent. Figure 13-3 Case Flow for a Typical 1,000 Delinquency Cases in 2013. Source: Case Flow for a Typical 1,000 Delinquency Cases in 2013 from Delinquency cases in juvenile court, 2013 (NCJ 248899) by Julie Furdella and Charles Puzzanchera. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2015. Figure 13-3 Full Alternative Text Description When a finding of delinquency is made, a disposition (or sentencing) proceeding follows. Sometimes the disposition stage occurs immediately after the adjudication stage—especially if a predisposition investigation has already been prepared to expedite matters—but it might also be delayed until a social history is completed. Figure 13-3 shows that most of the adjudicated cases result in either probation or placement in a residential facility. Characteristics of Juvenile Offenders Most delinquency cases handled by the juvenile courts involve property offenses as the most serious charge (35%), followed by public order offenses (26%), person offenses (26%), and drug offenses (13%). Public order offenses include such activities as obstruction of justice, disorderly conduct, and liquor law violations. The rankings vary by gender, by race, and by age—with the juveniles younger than age 13 at the time of their referral being responsible for 11% of the person offenses (Furdella & Puzzanchera, 2015). Females make up about 28% of the delinquency caseload nationwide (Furdella & Puzzanchera, 2015). That is a relatively small proportion, but it is noteworthy that the proportion increased steadily from 19% in 1985 (Knoll & Sickmund, 2012). In recent years, the female proportion of delinquency caseload has remained around 28% and the proportion by offense type has remained steady (see Table 13-2). Table 13-2 Female Proportion of Delinquency Caseload, 2004-2013 Most Serious Offense20042013Total delinquency27%28%Person3031Property2728Drugs1920Public order2828 Source: Female Proportion Of Delinquency Caseload, 2004-2013 from Delinquency cases in juvenile court, 2013 (NCJ 248899) by Julie Furdella and Charles Puzzanchera. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2015. Most juveniles processed through the juvenile court are white, but black youths are disproportionately represented. Although they account for 16% of the U.S. juvenile population, Table 13-3 shows that young African-Americans were 35% of all delinquency cases (Furdella & Puzzanchera, 2015). This overrepresentation is especially high for crimes against persons, but less so for drug offenses. Asian youth (including Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islanders) are 6% of the U.S. juvenile population, and Native American youth (including Alaska Natives) comprise 2%. The representation of Asian youth is disproportionately low for all categories, whereas Native American youth are essentially represented across all offense categories at a proportionate level. Table 13-3 Race Profile of Delinquency Cases, 2013 Most Serious OffenseWhiteBlackNative AmericanAsianTotal delinquency62%35%2%1%Person554211Property613622Drugs762121Public order623611 Note: Detail may not add to totals because of rounding. Source: Race Profile Of Cases 2013 from Delinquency cases in juvenile court, 2013 (NCJ 248899) by Julie Furdella and Charles Puzzanchera. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2015. Discuss What explanations can you offer for why white offenders have drugs as their highest offense category and why black offenders have person offenses as their highest category? What about the respective lowest categories?

Chapter 13.2: Juvenile Offense Categories: Reasons for Coming to Juvenile Court Reading

Juvenile Offense Categories: Reasons for Coming to Juvenile Court Because of the parens patriae doctrine, the initial philosophy of the juvenile court was to assume that all the court personnel were interested in the welfare of the child and constantly had the child's best interests in mind. The result was a juvenile court system with jurisdiction over three perceived problem areas: Situations wherein the child or juvenile has been neglected, abused, exploited, or in some other way mistreated Certain offenses committed by juveniles that are deemed inappropriate or undesirable for persons under a certain age Offenses committed by juveniles that would be a crime if committed by an adult It is those last two items that occupy most of the juvenile court's time, because they deal with the juvenile's actual misbehavior. Misbehavior that is considered wrong only because society does not consider the juvenile old enough for certain kinds of activities is called a status offense; these include violating administrative rules (such as staying out past a city's curfew, skipping school, and purchasing and using alcohol and tobacco) and being "out of control" (e.g., running away from home, not obeying parents, and sexual promiscuity). Before 1974, many states responded to status offenders in the same way they responded to delinquents. It was assumed that a runaway or truant would quite likely become involved in delinquent activities if some formal action was not taken. Consequently, juveniles were placed on probation or put in a correctional institution for nothing more than running away from home or being unmanageable. Today, it is more typical for status offenders to be handled separately under some nondelinquent categories such as PINS (persons in need of supervision), JINS (juveniles in need of supervision), CHINS (children in need of supervision), and MRAI (minors requiring authoritative intervention). These supervision categories allow the state to become involved in the child's life but do not confer the stigma of delinquency proceedings or the effects of such formal action as incarceration. Status offenses present a dilemma for society. On the one hand, it is argued that young people who are truant, have run away from home, are using alcohol, or are generally beyond their parents' control are in great danger of committing crimes. Property crimes might support the runaway, vandalism may give the truant something to do, or violent acts could be a way for the ungovernable to express their continued frustration. A desire to prevent those more serious violations by "doing something" when the acts are merely at the status-offense level has been the motivation for most of the status-offense laws. But critics of those laws argue that "doing something" may actually push the offender further toward delinquency. The third type of misbehavior that can bring a young person before the juvenile court is the one people are most familiar with—delinquency offenses, or committing an act that would be criminal had it been done by an adult. Such acts include both petty and serious offenses ranging from shoplifting to murder. Because this type of behavior is the one to which the juvenile corrections system responds, we use it to discuss the juvenile court's operation. Check Your Understanding Status v. Delinquency Offenses Match the act with the appropriate category. Status offenses Delinquency offenses Smoking cigarettes Murder Breaking curfew Arson Truancy Robbery

Chapter 12.3: Leaving Death Row Without Being Executed Reading

Leaving Death Row Without Being Executed Most death-row prisoners actually leave death row without being executed. In the modern era, more than 8,000 prisoners have entered prison under sentence of death and about 16% were executed. The other 85% either remain on death row or were removed from their death sentence (Snell, 2014). The reasons for their removal include death from causes other than execution and receiving clemency, but usually it was because their sentence or conviction was overturned by an appeals or higher court. Clemency, which is an act of leniency in the criminal justice system, typically refers to one of three things: a reprieve, a commutation, or a pardon (Burnett, 2002; VanBrocklin, 2003). A reprieve is a stay of sentence execution that grants time for something else to happen (e.g., pursuing an appeal); a commutation of sentence is a reduction of the penalty (e.g., death sentence to a life sentence); and a pardon releases the person (partially or fully) from the legal consequences of the crime. The clemency process varies among states (at the federal level, clemency lies with the president), but is consistently situated in the executive branch. In some states, the governor has sole authority regarding clemency and in other states clemency is granted by the governor only after receiving a recommendation from a board or advisory group. In a few states (Georgia, Nebraska, Nevada, Utah), a board or advisory group determines clemency (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016a). Burnett (2002) and VanBrocklin (2003) explain that clemency is designed to serve as a check on the judiciary. Chief Justice Rehnquist (Herrera v. Collins, 506 U.S. 390, 1993) described executive clemency as the fail-safe mechanism in the criminal justice system wherein miscarriages of justice (e.g., an innocent person found guilty) can be corrected. For example, executive clemency is the final step prior to a death sentence being carried out and may be the only stage at which a person claiming innocence (rather than, e.g., claiming improprieties during trial) might avoid execution. Unfortunately, governors may see clemency in death sentence cases as political suicide and be unwilling to fully embrace their "fail-safe" role (Bohm, 2003; VanBrocklin, 2003). Clemency in capital cases has been granted for such reasons as proof of actual innocence, in cases where guilt is now in doubt, and in instances when the death penalty is deemed inequitable when compared with the punishment given to equally guilty codefendants. The Death Penalty Information Center (2016a) provides a continually updated list of death sentence commutations that have been granted on humanitarian grounds. Through the end of 2015, there were 280 acts of clemency listed since 1977. Persons more often leave death row as a result of their conviction being overturned than as a result of clemency. A serious or prejudicial error occurs when the defendant can show that something happened in the processing of a capital case that adversely affects the trial's outcome. Those errors, when accepted as such by appellate courts, provide reason for reversal of convictions and sentences and explain some of the removals from death row (Bohm, 2003). The appeals process, which can be very lengthy, is viewed by some as a reason that the death penalty is an ineffective general deterrent (i.e., it lacks swiftness and certainty) or to explain why it creates a greater financial burden on the state than does life imprisonment without possibility of parole. Others, however, suggest that the appeals process is necessary to help assure this harshest of penalties is applied in a fair manner. Because there are very stringent legal requirements that must be met to show that serious error occurred (see Bohm, 2003, pp. 163-165), one might think that only small numbers of death sentences are reversed on serious-error grounds. However, after reviewing 23 years of state death sentences, Liebman, Fagan, and West (2000) determined the overall rate of prejudicial error as being 68%. That is, courts found serious, reversible error in nearly 7 of every 10 capital sentences that were fully reviewed by appellate courts between 1973 and 1995. Further, 80% of state postconviction review reversals and over 70% of federal court reversals occur because of egregiously incompetent lawyering, prosecutorial misconduct or suppression of evidence, misinstruction of jurors, or judge or juror bias (Gelman, Liebman, West, & Kiss, 2004). Many of those mistakes were said by the courts to have resulted in defendants receiving a death sentence when a sentence less than death was deserved; and in 7% of the cases the defendant was determined to be innocent of the capital crime. It seems that even though the appellate process takes a long time, the goal of justice benefits from that wait. Check Your Understanding Leaving Death Row Without Being Executed You answered 0 out of 1 questions correctly on the first attempt. 1. Michael was sentenced to death after the murder of an elderly couple in a burglary gone bad. He was granted the automatic appeal due all death row inmates, but now his attorney has filed a motion for another appeal based on testimony that is being revoked. The judge grants the motion for an appeal and delays Michael's execution that was supposed to occur next week. This is called a: You correctly answered:Reprieve. Expungement Press enter after select an option to check the answer. Commutation of sentence Press enter after select an option to check the answer Reprieve- Correct! Correct. A reprieve is a stay of sentence execution that grants time for something else to happen.Press enter after select an option to check the answer Pardon

Chapter 9.2 Quiz

Martin was a 40-year-old who was convicted of violent sexual assault. He was suffering from stage 3 cancer but was not eligible for medical parole because he was still considered unfit to return to society. Nevertheless, he had only a bleak chance of surviving beyond a year. Martin's medical expenses were paid for by the state and he was taken care of by nurses and other prisoners who volunteered to help. Martin was most likely housed in a ________. Incorrect Answermega jailIncorrect. Mega jails are the country's largest jails, holding over 1,000 people each.Big Houseprison hospiceCorrect. Martin was housed in a prison hospice. Prison hospices are based inside prisons and are available for terminally ill prisoners whose sentences do not qualify them for medical parole or whose application was denied.private prison

Point/Counterpoint: Prisoner Rights

Point/Counterpoint: Prisoner Rights The following videos provide a pro- or con- stance on a controversial issue. Listen to the speaker's opinion on the issues and then decide which point of view is best supported by the evidence. Watch Point/Counterpoint: Prisoner Rights Pro Position Watch Point/Counterpoint: Prisoner Rights Con Position Pro Script Con Script References for Further Study

Chapter 10.3 Release From Prison

Release from Prison Watch Why Method of Release from Prison Matters As shown in Figure 10-5, there are four ways to leave prison—two of which involve no supervision and two involve continued supervision in the community. Unconditional release refers to returning prisoners to the streets without postrelease supervision. Two reasons for unconditional release are sentence expiration and commutation. An expired sentence means that the maximum time on the prison sentence has been served. Although an attempt is made to transition prisoners down to lower security levels one to two years prior to release, prisoners with disciplinary infractions or protective custody levels may be released directly from maximum security. Figure 10-5 Ways to Get Out of Prison. Figure 10-5 Full Alternative Text Description Commutation of sentence involves a discretionary reduction of the sentence length by a designated individual in the executive branch. State prisoners can be commuted by a governor or a parole board, whereas federal prisoners are commuted by the president of the United States. A sentence might be commuted if it is found to be excessive or if the governor or board simply believes commutation would be in the society's best interest. Prisoners must file an application for commutation, typically after they have served a minimum amount of time. All commutations are considered, but most go to prisoners on death row who get their sentences reduced to life without parole; nonetheless, the conviction remains on record. It is rare for prisoners to be released from prison due to a commuted sentence. Conditional release involves postrelease supervision in the community. The governing authority that releases the prisoner is the parole board in discretionary parole and the law in mandatory supervision. Discretionary parole is the most common release method used in northeastern states and comprises just over half of all releases in southern states. Supervised mandatory release includes all inmates who—by law—are automatically released to the community when they have completed their maximum prison sentence less any good time credit they have received. Mandatory parole entries are persons whose releases from prison were not decided by a parole board. This includes those entering because of determinate sentencing statutes, good time provisions, or emergency releases. But because the full sentence is not really completed, the inmate's release is conditional and requires supervision. Supervised mandatory release is the most common release mechanism in the United States today, particularly in the western and midwestern regions. We first examine the predecessors of discretionary parole in the United States, which are detailed in Figure 10-6. Parole was first influenced by the banishment of British prisoners to Norfolk Island, a small island located 1,000 miles off the coast of Australia. Figure 10-6 Predecessors of Parole in the United States. Figure 10-6 Full Alternative Text Description Check Your Understanding Methods of Release

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.3 Table 8-1 Examples of Security Threat Groups

Table 8-1 Examples of Security Threat Groups Group FormationLatino GroupsCaucasian GroupsAfrican-American Groups1950s Latin KingsMexican Mafia (CA) Hell's Angels MCPagans MC Vice Lords1960s Texas SyndicateNuestra FamiliaSureños18th StreetBandidos MCMongols MC Diablos MCSons of Silence MCWarlocks MCVagos MCBrother Speed MCAryan Brotherhood CRIPs/Folk NationBloods/People NationBlack Guerilla FamilyBlack Panther PartyBlack P Stones 1970s NetaNorteñosMexikanemi (TX) Nazi Low RidersSimon City RoyalsSkinheads DC BlacksEl Rukns 1980s Barrio AztecaRaza UnidaHermanos de Pistoleros LatinosBorder BrothersMara Salvatrucha 13 PeckerwoodsAryan CirclePublic EnemyNumber OneDirty White BoysWhite Knights Gangster DisciplesNation of IslamFive PercentersUnited Blood Nation 1990s Tri-City BombersTexas Chicano BrotherhoodPartido RevolucionarioMexicanoTango Blast Dead Man, Inc.United Aryan BrotherhoodWhite Aryan Resistance The OrderFruits of Islam2000s Gulf CartelSinaloa CartelZetasJuarez CartelPaisas/Mexicles Christian IdentityWorld Church of the Creator Jam-iyyat Ul-Islam Is-Saheed (JIS)Moorish Science TemplePrison Islam Groups

Chapter 13: The Case Should Juveniles Receive a Life Sentence?

The Case Should Juveniles Receive a Life Sentence? When Terrance Graham was 16 years old, he was convicted of armed burglary and attempted armed robbery. Under a plea agreement, the Florida trial court sentenced Graham to probation, but six months later he violated that probation by committing an additional crime, a home-invasion robbery. The trial court revoked his probation and sentenced him to life imprisonment for the original armed burglary charge. Because Florida has abolished its parole system, the life sentence was essentially one without the possibility of parole. Graham argued that the life sentence without the possibility of parole constituted cruel and unusual punishment (Denniston, 2009; The Oyez Project, 2011). The case reached the U.S. Supreme Court in 2009 and the question before the Court was whether the Eighth Amendment is violated when a life sentence is imposed on a juvenile convicted of a nonhomicide crime. In 2010 (Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48), the Court decided that such a sentence does indeed violate the Eighth Amendment's prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment. If life imprisonment without parole is unconstitutional for juveniles convicted of nonhomicide crimes, might it also be unconstitutional for juveniles convicted of homicide crimes? Cases asking that question began making their way to the Supreme Court in 2011 when attorneys with the Equal Justice Initiative asked the U.S. Supreme Court to address whether it is constitutional to impose life imprisonment without parole sentences on juveniles convicted of homicide (Equal Justice Initiative, 2011). In one case, Evan Miller, who suffered physical and emotional abuse so severe that he tried to kill himself when he was just seven years old, was convicted of capital murder and received a mandatory life sentence without any consideration of his age or the abuse and neglect he suffered throughout his short life. The question was answered in 2012 when the Supreme Court ruled that mandatory life sentences cannot be given to juveniles who commit murder (Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. ___). That ruling left open the possibility that judges and juries may choose to give a life sentence to juvenile murderers, but only after they consider the characteristics of the defendant and the details of the offense. Court decisions on life sentences for juveniles raise several interesting questions: In its 2005 Roper v. Simmons (543 U.S. 551) decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that it is unconstitutional to execute persons who were under age 18 when they committed their crime. In a Missouri case that resulted in mandatory life imprisonment for a 15-year-old boy convicted of killing a police officer, State Supreme Court Judge Michael Wolff wrote, "Juveniles should not be sentenced to die in prison any more than they should be sent to prison to be executed" (Missouri v. Andrews, No. SC91006; 2010). Do you agree or disagree with Judge Wolff? Why? Some of the factors considered by the justices when ruling in favor of defendant Graham were the belief that teenagers are different from older criminals because they are less mature, more impulsive, more susceptible to peer pressure, and more likely to be rehabilitated. Which, if any, of those reasons do you believe are especially compelling in the argument that juvenile offenders should not be given sentences of life imprisonment without parole? The Miller decision was made retroactive by the Supreme Court in its 2016 Montgomery v. Louisiana (577 U.S. __) ruling. That decision requires states to remedy a Miller violation either by permitting juvenile homicide offenders to be considered for parole or by resentencing them. The Court said this was necessary because a remedy such as parole "ensures that juveniles whose crimes reflected only transient immaturity — and who have since matured — will not be forced to serve a disproportionate sentence in violation of the Eighth Amendment." Does this seem fair and/or reasonable to you?

Chapter 10: The Case

The Case Faith-Based Reentry Correctional facilities rely on volunteers to provide a wide range of spiritual opportunities, such as worship services, Bible study, clergy visits, and publications for many denominations. Prison Fellowship Ministries (PFM), founded by ex-felon Charles Colson, provides Christian-based opportunities for prisoners and their families (Paynter, 2004). In 1997, PFM started the first Christian prison community called InnerChange Freedom Initiative (IFI) under the belief that criminal behavior, drug use, alcoholism, and dishonesty are sinful behaviors that can be cured by being saved by Jesus. Inmate volunteers are transferred to a prison unit specifically designated for the IFI program. All IFI treatment staff members and inmates are of the Christian denomination. The program has four phases: Phase One, Transformation (18 months): This involves intense Bible study and weekly testing on the concepts for more than 10 hours per day (Paynter, 2004). This phase includes admitting sins, taking responsibility, and seeking repentance. Phase Two, Reentry Preparation (6 months): This involves off-site prison work programs and involvement in reentry classes while still incarcerated. Reading the Bible, attending church service, and strengthening one's relationship with God are expected throughout all phases. Phase Three, Community Facility (6 months): Inmates develop a relationship with a PFM mentor who aids them in finding a more permanent job and housing. State funds can pay only for food, security, and uniforms, so PFM must pay for all faith-based costs such as reentry classes, Bible study, and mentoring. An empirical study of Damian Dovarganes/AP images one IFI program in Texas compared 177 participants (75 graduates and 102 who quit or were paroled before completing) to 1,700 inmates who met the initial IFI selection criteria but did not participate. Johnson and Larson (2003) tracked recidivism rates of both groups for two years beyond their prison release dates and found no significant difference between IFI participants (36% rearrested and 24.3% reincarcerated) and nonparticipants (35% rearrested and 20% reincarcerated). A more recent study of an IFI program in Minnesota matched 366 IFI participants with a comparison group of nonparticipants. Researchers found that the IFI program participants had lower rearrest rates (42% of participants compared with 51% of nonparticipants) for new crimes (Duwe & King, 2013) and attributed the success to the mentoring phase. The InnerChange Freedom Initiative raises some interesting issues: Given that an inmate of a non-Christian religious denomination (such as Islam, Hinduism, or Buddhism) cannot openly practice at IFI, is this a violation of First Amendment rights for non-Christians? Why or why not? Would you classify IFI as a reentry program? Does it work? Is it promising? In tough budget times, IFI may be an attractive option for states that might want to consider using private funding assistance from PFM. Would you advocate in favor of or against expansion of IFI to other treatment programs, such as those for sex offenders? Why or why not?

Chapter 14: The Case

The Case How the Prison Population Stopped Increasing and Communities became Safer: The Justice Reinvestment Experience in Kansas Back in 2006, the Kansas Department of Corrections (KDOC) conducted a projection estimate for its prison populations based on the current rate of new admissions, which seemed to be increasing faster than in the past. The projections estimated that if nothing major changed, based on the rate they were going, within a three-year period of time, the number of prisoners would increase by 9%, and an additional 15% more by the year 2018 (Council of State Governments Justice Center, 2015). While the crime rate seemed to be stable and even going down, no one really understood exactly why the numbers of prisoners were increasing so rapidly. The KDOC requested assistance from the Council of State Governments Justice Center (CSGJC) to independently analyze its data. The CSGJC collected over a million individual offender arrest and conviction records, conducted online surveys of law enforcement and probation officers, and also met with nearly 250 people in focus groups and community meetings. The CSGJC determined that the prison population growth was not due to a crime wave or because of longer sentences. Instead, more people were being sent to prison due to being revoked from probation and parole, primarily because of drug and/or alcohol use while on community supervision or some other pattern of technical violations. In other words, no new crimes were being committed, so offenders merely completed their original sentence behind bars. Ironically, when the drug users went to prison, few received the necessary alcohol/drug treatment or vocational education. When they left prison, there was no postrelease supervision, which created a public safety concern and a greater likelihood of recidivism. Based on these findings, a reinvestment working group was formed. First, the group decided to reward compliant probationers with early release from probation after 12 months if they were scored as low risk, and satisfied their community service hours and restitution. For noncompliant probationers, the group decided to change the way that probation and parole officers responded to alcohol/drug use and other technical violations. Officers were allowed to impose two- to three-day jail stays for technical violations without court approval. Higher-risk offenders would receive priority for community-based resources such as alcohol/drug treatment. If that didn't work, the officer needed court permission. Judges were then required to use longer jail sanctions of 120-180 days before they were allowed to revoke. If revocation was inevitable, new legislation required postrelease supervision following prison. Based on this new direction, Kansas taxpayers will be saved from paying $56 million in increased prison operating costs and $25 million in construction costs over a four-year period. The money saved ($81 million over four years) will be spent on community-based drug and alcohol treatment, increased resources for high-risk offenders on parole, and two new initiatives. First, some of the money will be reinvested into enhancing the processing speed of crime scene evidence by the Kansas Bureau of Investigation so that new evidence can be more efficiently tested, and new cases can be solved faster. Second, law enforcement agencies in Kansas will be able to improve their responses to people with mental health disorders. The experience in Kansas raises several interesting questions: If probationers were no longer getting revoked and sent to prison long term for substance use during probation, how did the probation department handle substance use with new consequences? Why do you think the new consequences didn't lead to more probationers using drugs? How do these new solutions lead to safer communities?

Chapter 9.2 Quiz

Which of the following is a characteristic of geriatric prisons? Prisoners residing in these facilities tend to care for each other instead of being hostile. Correct. Inmates in these facilities tend to care for each other instead of placing each other in jeopardy. Inmates residing in these prisons can continue their education or vocational training. Inmates residing in these prisons are included in the daytime activities organized by the regular prison. These are specially designed facilities designed exclusively for older prisoners, regardless of their health.

Chapter 11 Quiz

1/20- According to the ________, prisoners had only those rights specifically granted by statute or by policy. hands-off doctrine Correct.

Chapter 9.3: Quiz 9.3: Health Care And Medical Issues

1/4- Which of the following is true of the medical treatment of prisoners? Most states charge a medical co-payment from prisoners for infirmary visits. Correct. Nearly 40 states deduct $20.00 for each infirmary visit, or a copayment is deducted annually to curb the rising health care costs.

Chapter 10.2: Quiz 10.2: Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation

2/4- Which of the following is the major source of pre-arrest income for female federal prisoners? Correct. Salary is the major source of income for female federal prisoners. It makes up 68 percent of pre-arrest income for females. Alimony

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

6/20- ________ control scarce resources by running prison stores out of their cells. Merchants Correct. Merchants control scarce resources by running prison stores out of their cells. Punks Crews Fish

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

17/20- Underlying conditions that occur over an extended period of time and provide the foundation for a riot are called ________. aggravating circumstances collateral consequences predisposing factors Correct. Predisposing factors are underlying conditions that occur over an extended period of time and provide the foundation for a riot. mitigating circumstances

Chapter 13 Quiz

17/20- Which of the following is a characteristic of Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC)? Racial stereotyping affects processing decisions in many juvenile systems. Correct. Racial stereotyping and cultural insensitivity (both intentional and unintentional) seem to affect processing decisions in many juvenile systems.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 Sexual Assault and Rape Quiz 8.4

3/3- Which of the following is true of assault in prison? Physical and sexual assaults depend on inmate characteristics, and are unaffected by the prison environment. Inmates with mental illnesses are more likely to be predators or victims of assault. Correct. Inmates with mental illnesses are more likely to be assaulted and to assault others. Assaults are most common in medium-or minimum-security units where they can go undetected. Incidents of assault in women's prisons are more likely than incidents in male facilities to involve deadly weapons.

Chapter 10.2: Quiz 10.2: Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation

3/4- Gerard received a TABE score of 5. As a result, Gerard was placed in what type of educational program? A corrective reading program that addresses illiteracy Correct. Corrective Reading is a beginners adult reading program for those considered to be illiterate (scoring a 6 or less on TABE)

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy:

6/6- Which of the following statements is true of the future of corrections? Funding will be available based on certain performance-based measures. Correct. Funding will be allocated for programs that can meet certain performance-based measures, such as recidivism reduction and decreasing revocations back to jail.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

8/20- Davis et al. (2013) conducted a meta-analysis and found that it was more effective for offenders to partake in ________ than acquire a GED for obtaining employment. vocational programs

Chapter 9 The Case

The Case Should Infants and Toddlers of Incarcerated Moms Be Raised in Prison? New York's Bedford Hills opened the first prison nursery over a hundred years ago and remains the oldest operating prison nursery in the United States. Up to 29 mothers are selected if they have been convicted of a nonviolent offense and have no history of child abuse or neglect. Mothers can live with and raise their children for up to 18 months, or until the child reaches two years old—whichever occurs first. In an effort to emulate conditions in the real world, mothers return to work at the prison (or outside, if they are eligible for work release) six weeks after their babies are born (National Women's Law Center, 2010). Other inmates at the prison, who are specially trained and participate in parenting classes, may serve as caregivers. The program is thus inmate-centered, in that women prisoners teach each other about parenting. When they are not at work, the mothers assume full responsibility for their children (Kauffman, 2006). The parenting experience of most of the women is quite different from what they've ever experienced on the streets, because it is the first time they've been a parent while clean and sober. From the early 1900s to the 1950s, most women's prisons had nurseries for the needs of babies born inside the facility. Except for Bedford Hills, all other nurseries had closed their doors by the 1970s due to litigation worries and concern for the effect it had on children. The mother/child bond during the first two years of an infant's life was important enough to convince several states to reinstitute prison nurseries programs once again (Byrne, 2006). New York expanded its nursery program across the street at Taconic Correctional Facility. Although 13 state departments of corrections claim to allow mothers access to a prison nursery, 3 allow stays up to one month, and 6 states allow infants and moms to live together in prison for up to 18 months (National Women's Law Center, 2010). Most prison nurseries limit the age of children to two or younger. Scott Olson/Getty Images Nurseries in women's prison raise two interesting issues: What are the potential benefits for infants up to age two being raised by their mothers? What are the potential problems? What are the potential benefits to mothers of raising a child while doing time? What are the potential problems?

Chapter 10 Quiz:

1/20- Which of the following refers to the process of release preparation that begins within the institution and continues in the community? Reentry Correct. Reentry is a process of release preparation that begins within the institution and continues in the community.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

1/20- Who among the following offenders is enrolled in the most beneficial program compared to its cost? Alan, who is under community supervision and is enrolled in a GED (General Education Development program) Correct. Education is one of the most cost effective programs as it reduces recidivism.

Quiz 11.1: The Sources of Prisoners' Rights

1/3- Which of the following is a characteristic of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution? It incorporates that the provisions of the Bill of Rights be applied in all states. Correct. The Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the application of the provisions of the Bill of Rights in all states.

Chapter 12.2: Quiz 12.2: Capital Punishment and The Law

1/3- Which of the following is true of the Furman decision? The Court's ruling was against the way capital punishment was being imposed. Correct. In the Furman decision, the Court's ruling was not against capital punishment itself; it was against the way it was being imposed.

Chapter 12 Quiz

10/20- The __________ required the death penalty upon conviction of specific crimes, whereas the __________ statutes required juries to impose capital punishment only after considering both aggravating and mitigating circumstances. mandatory laws / guided discretion Correct. The mandatory laws tried to eliminate discretion in capital sentencing by requiring the death penalty upon conviction of specific crimes, whereas the guided discretion statutes required juries to impose capital punishment only after considering both aggravating and mitigating circumstances.

Chapter 11 Quiz

11/20- Which of the following is an example of an invisible punishment? Stella was unable to receive a student loan due to the felony drug conviction she received during her freshman year in college. Correct. This is an example of invisible punishment for the offender. Invisible punishments are sanctions operating mostly beyond public view, yet having very serious adverse consequences for the individuals affected. Examples of invisible punishments include being deprived of welfare benefits, public housing, and student loans.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

12/20- One of the most widely documented aspects of the social structure of women's prisons is a _________. "clique environment" linked to one's hometown network of social relationships based on sexual attraction fabricated kinship network with an inmate taking the mother role at the center Correct. One of the most widely documented aspects of the social structure of women's prisons is fabricated kinship network that has been pseudo families make-believe families, or prison families. gang environment with membership based on race or ethnicity

Chapter 11 Quiz

12/20- Which of the following is one of the current goals of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA)? Enforcing the requirement of sex offenders to make periodic in-person appearances. Correct. SORNA's goal is to strengthen the nationwide network of sex offender registration and notification programs by requiring sex offenders to make periodic in-person appearances to verify and update their registration information.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

14/20- What percentage of a corrections budget pays for staff salaries, wages, and benefits? 65 percent Correct. 65% of a corrections budget pays for staff salaries, wages, and benefits.

Chapter 11 Quiz

15/20- What is meant by the notion of ʺcivil death"? Offenders forfeit all rights and privileges of citizenship. Correct. Under early English common law, a convicted offender might, in addition to his sentence, lose all his civil rights and have to forfeit his property. As a result of this civil death sanction, offenders forfeited all rights and privileges of citizenship, including things such as the right to enter into a contract (even marriage) or the right to sue.

Chapter 12 Quiz

15/20- Who among the following fits the typical profile of a prisoner on death row in America? 28-year-old Roger, a white male from a poor area of town, stabbed his disabled mother to death so that he could inherit her money and use it to fund his drug trafficking business. Correct. Roger fits the profile of people on death row in America. They are typically offenders who have been convicted of first-degree murder with aggravating circumstances, who are neither mentally ill nor mentally retarded, who were at least age 18 when committing their crime, and are white, male, and of low socioeconomic status.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

16/20- Which of the following describes the type of release from prison that occurs automatically when the prisoner has completed his or her maximum prison sentence, less any good-time credit the inmate has received? Supervised mandatory release

Chapter 14 Quiz:

16/20- Which of the following projects represents an example of a Justice Reinvestment project? Diverting people from the prison system Correct. Justice Reinvestment projects include diverting people from the prison system, increasing drug treatment opportunities, closing prisons, and reducing parole and probation technical violation rates. Every intervention must use data to show measurable declines in the prison population and how the intervention affects neighborhood public safety.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

17/20- According to the performance-based measuring system, which of the following variables is used to measure offender recidivism? Number of crime-free days Correct. The number of crime free days, or the number of days from the release date to the new offense date, is used to measure offender recidivism in the performance measuring system.

Quiz 11.3: Limiting Inmate Litigation

2/2- The Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) attempted to limit the ________. ability of prisoners to complain about their conditions Correct. The Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) attempted to limit the ability of prisoners to complain about conditions of their confinement or alleging violation of their constitutional rights.

Chapter 10.3: Communication Corrections in Reentry Quiz

2/4- Patricia successfully completed her clerical vocational program in prison. However, because of her criminal record, she was apprehensive of the employment opportunities she would get after release. Which of the following groups is responsible for facilitating the smooth transition of prisoners like Patricia into a larger society? Community reparation board Correct. Community reparation boards are groups that facilitate the involvement of community members in an offender's reentry to society. These groups are useful in assisting the offender with finding a job, and, in turn, influence employers' perceptions of former offenders.

Chapter 13 Quiz

20/20- The country that has the highest number of youth in secure confinement is ________. The United States Correct. The United States has almost six times as many youth in secure confinement as all comparison nations (Australia, Canada, UK, Germany, and Finland) combined.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Quiz Treatment Programs In Prison

3/4- Officer Lee is part of a treatment program for sex offenders. He is undergoing training to sharpen his skills in identifying the specific traits of these offenders in order to construct targeted and effective therapeutic programs. Which of the following characteristics of sex offenders would most likely NOT be considered to be a characteristic of a child molester? Devin, who committed his first sexual offense at 35 years of age Correct. Later age of onset is a characteristic of rapists. An early age of onset is characteristic of child molesters.

Chapter 14.1: Quiz 14.1: What Works in Corrections

3/6- Who among the following has the highest probability of benefitting from community supervision programs? David, who was living with his wife and daughter before he was arrested for assault with a weapon. Correct. People who lived with their spouse or children usually benefit from community supervision programs.

Chapter 9.2: Quiz 9.2:

4/4- Sofia was in her first trimester when she strangled her mother-in-law. She was arrested and sentenced to 15 years in prison. Sofia delivered her first-born after eight months. Which of the following scenarios most likely occurred after the delivery? Sofia will be taken back to the prison while her baby stays in the hospital until the medical professionals deem that it is safe for the baby to leave. Then the baby will be picked up by a temporary guardian or relative. Correct. After giving birth, the mother gets only a few minutes or hours with the baby before being transported back to prison. If family members or relatives are not willing to take care of the baby, it becomes a ward of the state.

Chapter 14.2: Quiz 14.2: Returning Rationality To Corrections Policy

5/6- The Association of State Correctional Administrators (ASCA) is a national organization for state department of corrections directors that ______. educates top administrators on broad correctional issues Correct. The Association of State Correctional Administrators (ASCA) is a national organization for state department of corrections directors that seeks to educate top administrators on broad correctional issues and influence correctional policy.

Chapter 13 Quiz

9/20- Clint was convicted of a motor vehicle theft and vandalism when he was 17 years old. His case was tried by a juvenile court and was sent to a youth correctional facility on the condition that if he did not show improvement, he would be imprisoned for two years. Clint's punishment is an example of ________. juvenile blended sentencing Correct. Juvenile blended sentences allow the juvenile court judge to impose both juvenile and adult sanctions on certain categories of serious juvenile offenders. Any adult sanction imposed is suspended and functions as a kind of guarantee of good behavior.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Treatment Programs In Prison

Treatment Programs in Prison 9.1 Summarize prison treatment programs that address the differences among sex offenders. Watch How Therapy Works to Criminal Thinking Errors One of the main purposes of the corrections system is rehabilitation, which was described in Chapter 2 as helping offenders to understand how they ended up in prison and to motivate them to change their attitudes and behavior through self-improvement and/or treatment programs. There are many interpersonal challenges that offenders face and just as many paths to achieve rehabilitation. For example, involvement in religion and spiritual groups not only assists in adjusting to prison during incarceration, but it provides mental and emotional strength and hope for the future (Dye, Aday, Farney, & Raley 2014). One of the prerequisites, however, is for offenders to admit that something within themselves needs to be changed and then to be open to redefining what those new values and possibilities might be. In-prison treatment programs based on cognitive behavioral interventions can reduce future recidivism between 20 and 30% within the general prisoner population (Landenberger & Lipsey, 2005). These interventions assume that thought patterns and feelings determine behavior and that identifying and changing thinking errors will ultimately change an offender's behavior. Examples of criminal thinking errors are presented in Figure 9-1 and include blaming others, seeing oneself as a victim, and use of intimidation or threats as a way of controlling others. The key in the treatment process is for the offender to admit how thinking errors resulted in failure to accept responsibility and in dysfunctional habits, addictions, and criminal behaviors. Other principles of becoming socially competent are presented in Figure 9-2 and include considering the consequences before acting, including how one's actions will affect others. Psychologists who work with offenders describe them as emotionally and cognitively immature. Exposure to thinking errors is a starting point for change, but true change comes from the individual's genuine willingness to become a better person. Check Your Understanding Figure 9-1: Examples of Thinking Errors Reference: Samenow, S. E. (1984). Inside the criminal mind. New York,NY: Times Books. Figure 9-2 Evidence-Based Practices—Applying the Techniques. I will recognize my own patterns of thinking, feeling, and perceiving. I will differentiate my healthy thoughts, feelings, and perceptions from my dysfunctional ones. Through repetitive modelling, role playing, and rehearsal, I will learn how to change the dysfunctional thought processes by stopping them when they occur. I will stop and consider the consequences before acting. I resolve to consider various alternatives of responding and how my behavior may impact someone else. Principles of Becoming Socially Competent Source: From "Probation and Cognitive Skills" by Federick R Chavaria in Federal Probation, Volume 61, Number 2, pp: 57-60. Published by United States Courts, © 1997. Some treatment programs address offender needs that require specialized treatment, attention, and/or medical care. These specialized treatment programs can include offenders with mental illness, which was fully covered in Chapter 6, so it will not be covered here. In this chapter, we address sex offenders, pregnant and parenting inmates, offenders with chronic or terminal health conditions, and aging prisoners. Voices in Corrections What did you learn from your experience in prison? Dr. Daniel S. Murphy is Professor Emeritus at Appalachian State University. He serves as a board member for Federal Cure, a prisoner advocacy group. Formerly, my master status was federal prisoner #03439-090. Yes, I've lived on both sides of the razor wire. Thus, I am uniquely equipped to share with you the reality, the duality of prison: the bad, and yes, the rarefied "good." Prison is spelled H-E-L-L. Did you know that there are 86,400 seconds in twenty-four hours? Believe me it's true. When each second ticks off a unit of misery, one becomes acutely familiar with the daily time-line ("turning calendars" equals marking time). Then there's the things that time cannot predict. What's worse, getting stabbed, or waiting to get stabbed? What would you prefer, dying quickly, or awaiting death due to the "deliberate indifference" of "medical care" (not) provided within the confines of the razor wire? Other problems include the loss of family, increased isolation, and hunger. Ninety-five percent of men who are married when they enter prison are divorced by the five-year mark. The isolation prisoners endure is from feeling completely alone even though surrounded by thousands; can you imagine? Furthermore, you feel constantly hungry with a repetitive diet of rice and beans. This said, is it all bad? Mostly. But, there are those incredible rays of enlightened hope. Those moments of prophetic realization: my epiphany! My count of conviction was medical marijuana. In truth, I was addicted to money (though it was not acquired through the sale of illicit drugs). Prior to prison, my myopic world-view revolved around acquisition and amassment of fiscal resources. To this end, I was a successful owner and operator of an environmental law consulting firm. I lived for $$$$; what a fool I was. The most important outcome of my incarceration experience is that I came to understand many of the things I most valued prior to prison proved to be meaningless. Does money buy happiness? No. I came to understand that family, friends, laughter, and love so far outweighed the value of money; truly, there is no comparison. Thus, I am an incredibly happy starving professor who has realized that the quest to contribute to a better world is a much more admirable pursuit than amassing the "all mighty dollar." Prison provided me the opportunity to help others, but not for any recompense: just the opportunity to help. In so doing, I realized the greatest (unexpected) blessing of all: I helped myself grow as a human being. This showed me for the first time that the greatest joy of all is helping others. This valued life's-lesson determined my future. I now live what I learned. My life revolves around helping others, doing my best to make a positive change to the insanity we call prison, and striving for excellence in each pursuit I undertake. Think about it dear reader, because of prison I now have this opportunity to challenge each of you to do your best, to go out and make it a good day, to contribute to the improvement of what we call humanity, to smile at yourself and help others to laugh. Source: From Corrections: A Contemporary Introduction by Leanne F Alarid and Philip L Reichel. Copyright © 2008 by Pearson Education.

Chapter 13.7: Quiz 13.7: Issues Confronting Juvenile Corrections

1/1- Maria was institutionalized for attacking her boyfriend with a pair of scissors. He had multiple wounds on his body and had to be hospitalized. Maria was sentenced to four years in a correctional facility. With reference to gender-specific programs for adolescent girls, which of the following will Maria most likely experience? She will be educated about women's health and female development. Correct. Gender-specific programs educate girls about women's health and female development.

Chapter 11.5 Quiz: Restoring Civil Rights Following a Conviction

1/2- Which of the following is a characteristic of judicial expungement? An expungement seals the criminal record or destroys it so that it is inaccessible to the public. Correct.

Chapter 11.2: Quiz 11.2: A Sampling of Prisoners Rights Issues

1/3- Possibly the most basic right for prisoners is ________. access to the courts Correct. Possibly the most basic right for prisoners is access to the courts.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

10/20- Christie will be released on parole next month and she has a job interview tomorrow in a town eight hours from the prison. She will have to stay overnight before returning to prison. Which of the following will be most useful in getting Christie to her interview? a furlough Correct. A furlough is an authorized temporary overnight leave of absence from 24 to 72 hours. Acceptable reasons for a furlough include seeking post release employment or housing, attending funerals, or simply establishing community contacts and maintaining family ties.

Chapter 10 Quiz:

13/20- Anthony was incarcerated in a federal prison, awaiting execution for a double homicide. During the three weeks that he was imprisoned before the execution, Anthony witnessed a prison riot cause by a security threat group (STG). Members of the STG had surrounded four correctional officers and violently assaulted them. Anthony managed to save the lives of two officers and sound the alarm for help. Anthony's assistance in protecting the officers earned him a commuted sentence from death row to life without parole. Who among the following had the authority to do this? The president of the United States Correct. Federal prisoners are commuted by the president of the United States.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

13/20- Which of the following prisoner-related costs is most expensive? Health care Correct. The entire criminal justice system (police, courts, and corrections combined) comprised about 8% of all state and local government spending, which was about the same amount spent on health care and hospitals (Kyckelhahn, 2013). The corrections system alone represented about 1.6% of local government and between 1.9 and 3.3% of state government spending.

Chapter 11 Quiz

16/20- A convicted felon who is prevented from voting, serving on a jury, or carrying a pistol, is being subjected to _____________. civil disabilities Correct. A convicted felon who is prevented from voting, serving on a jury, or carrying a pistol, is being subjected to civil disabilities.

Quiz 11.1: The Sources of Prisoners' Rights

2/3- Jordan was driving at a speed of 100 miles per hour on an interstate that had a speed limit of 60. He was pulled over by highway patrol and instead of being fined—which was the usual procedure—he was taken to the nearest jail and locked up. In this scenario, which of the following would protect Jordan from unlawful detention? Writ of habeas corpus Correct. The writ of habeas corpus is a judicial mandate to a prison official ordering that an inmate be brought to the court in order to determine the legality of the prisoner's detention.

Chapter 12.1: Capital Punishment Today and Yesterday Reading

2/3- The ________ introduced the practice of capital punishment to the New World. British settlers Correct. The British settlers introduced the practice of capital punishment to the New World.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

3/20- Correction interventions that scientific evidence has shown improves offender behavior are called __________. evidence-based practices (EBP) Correct. Evidence-based practices include applying the principles of effective intervention, such as: establishing rapport, positive reinforcement for offenders, accurately measuring risk and needs, targeting criminogenic needs, using cognitive behavioral methods, reentry, and graduated sanctions.

Chapter 12.2: Quiz 12.2: Capital Punishment and The Law

3/3- The ________ ruled that death penalty statutes that provide for bifurcated trials and that direct juries to use guided discretion in deciding the sentence are allowed under the Constitution. Gregg decision Correct.

Chapter 14 Quiz:

5/20- Which correctional goal is accomplished when an offender causes no further harm while under supervision? Community protection Correct. Community protection is accomplished when no further harm to other people while on supervision (no new criminal behaviors in the community or facility escapes).

Chapter 14 Quiz:

6/20- Which correctional goal is accomplished when an offender successfully completes community services and restitution? Restoration Correct. Restoration occurs when the victim and or community have made amends with the wrongdoer as a result of the completion of paid restitution or community service.

Chapter 10 Review

Chapter 10 Review: Reentry Programs and Parole 10.1 Describe the importance of reentry in reducing the challenges that prisoners face when they are released from prison Reentry programs are directed at offenders who are within 3 to 12 months of release and assist with securing identification, locating housing, finding a job, remaining sober, and making healthy decisions. Review Questions Should the Second Chance Act be reauthorized by Congress? Why or why not? What else can we do to help former offenders who are released from prison? Make a list of as many ideas as you can think of that might help. Key Terms reentrySecond Chance Act 10.2 Explain the benefits of education and vocational programs to inmates Educational programs in prison include literacy and basic education, obtaining a GED, and some college programs. Recidivism is reduced as a result of involvement in educational programs while incarcerated. Although literacy and GED programs are abundant, few college opportunities exist for prisoners. Vocational programs are available for inmates who have at least a GED, but fewer choices exist for women than for men. Studies that have tracked inmates to see if vocational programs increased success found vocational programs to be less successful than traditional education programs in this regard. Review Questions Should prisoners receive financial aid or scholarships to attend college classes while incarcerated? Why or why not? In order to qualify for vocational training programs, discuss the pros and cons of requiring inmates to have a GED or diploma as a prerequisite. Key Term test for adult basic education (TABE) 10.3 Outline the different forms of release from prison, including the evolution of parole Review Questions Should prerelease centers be expanded in the community? Argue for or against your choice. Would you be willing to volunteer on a community reparation board? Why or why not? As a citizen, which form of supervised release do you think is more effective for recent releasees—discretionary parole or mandatory release? Why? If you were a prisoner, would you prefer to get out early on parole supervision, or would you prefer to do all your time behind bars and get out on unconditional release? What factors weigh on this decision? How does the early marks system resemble the contemporary model of responding positively and negatively to parolee behavior? Key Terms prerelease centerfurloughcommunity reparation boardunconditional releasecommutation of sentencediscretionary parolesupervised mandatory releaseMaconochie, Captain Alexandermark systemIrish systemBrockway, Zebulonparole boardparole agreement/order Chapter 10 Key Term Flashcard Review Additional Links For more information about reentry topics, visit the Council of State Government website at https://csgjusticecenter.org/reentry. For more information about graduated response grids, visit the American Probation and Parole Association website https://www.appa-net.org/eWeb/Resources/SPSP/State-Response-Guide.pdf. Go to YouTube at www.youtube.com and watch an 8 minute and 30 second video about what women offenders think about reentry programs at www.youtube.com/watch?v=dbuav6irGJE&feature=related. Go to YouTube at www.youtube.com and watch an 8-minute video about the Second Chance Act at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e_Ant1B5Uv0. Go to YouTube at www.youtube.com and watch a 19-minute video hosted by John Oliver about prisoner reentry at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gJtYRxH5G2k. Go to YouTube at www.youtube.com and watch a 19-minute video about reentry programs that help with employment: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xX897ZAiK2A&list=PL_TjRHVWVgUfoXVmujcs3hgFJ4E32XW82. Visit the Vera Family Justice Program at www.vera.org/centers/family-justice-program and see a variety of resources for reentry. Visit the National Conference on State Legislatures website at www.ncsl.org. Type in the word "reentry" and view policymaker documents that legislatures use. Complete the "Parole Decision Maker" to provide you with a glimpse of the factors the parole board considers at www.insideprison.com/parole_decision_making.asp.

Chapter 12 Review

Chapter 12 Review: Capital Punishment 12.1 Outline the history of capital punishment in the United States Following the British lead, American colonists relied on capital punishment as a primary punishment for criminal offenders. However, in the 1800s capital punishment began falling out of favor and by the 1940s it was used less frequently. In 1972, the death penalty was declared unconstitutional as it was then used and there was a moratorium on American executions until 1976 when new death penalty statutes were approved by the U.S. Supreme Court. Today, the death penalty is authorized in 32 states plus the federal government and the U.S. military. All those jurisdictions use lethal injection as their primary method of execution. Review Questions Both corporal and capital punishment were once the norm in America. Corporal punishment (e.g., whipping, branding, and the stocks) is no longer practiced but capital punishment is. Why? What event distinguishes the early and modern eras of capital punishment in the United States? What were the popular methods of execution during the early era of capital punishment in the United States? In which area of the country are the states less likely to have death penalty statutes? Why? 12.2 Explain the legal provisions for capital punishment in the United States Although the Eighth Amendment prohibits cruel and unusual punishment, neither cruel nor unusual is defined in the Constitution, and the U.S. Supreme Court has determined that the terms must be considered in the context of evolving community standards. This means legal challenges to the death penalty are constantly heard by the courts. Some of those challenges focus on to whom the death penalty can apply and others center on the procedures to be used when applying it. As a result, today the death penalty may be used in cases of first-degree murder with aggravating circumstances (the "who" question) following procedures that provide for both a trial phase and a penalty phase (the "how" question). Review Questions What crimes other than aggravated murder are included in the death penalty statues of some states? Do you agree or disagree that those crimes should receive the death penalty? Is it important that an execution method be humane? Why or why not? On what basis did the U.S. Supreme Court (Furman v. Georgia) determine that the death penalty was being imposed in an unconstitutional manner? Other than the Furman and Gregg decisions, what three or four U.S. Supreme Court cases do you believe have had the greatest impact on the death penalty? Why? Key Terms Furman decision guided discretion Gregg decision bifurcated trial 12.3Describe the characteristics of death-row prisoners and explain how some leave death-row without being executed Since the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the death penalty cannot be given to persons who are mentally ill, intellectually disabled, or were under age 18 at the time of their crime, none of the death-row prisoners should have those characteristics. Demographic descriptions tell us that those on death row are mostly white non-Hispanic males being held in a prison in a southern state. They probably were not involved in the criminal justice system at the time of the capital offense, but those who were "in the system" were more likely to have been on parole than probation. Most of the death-row inmates, especially African-Americans, have prior felony convictions, some with a prior homicide conviction. Most death-row prisoners leave death row without being executed—typically by receiving clemency or having their sentence or conviction overturned by an appeals or higher court. Review Questions Describe prisoners on death row in terms of their demographic characteristics. What do those characteristics tell you about persons convicted of capital murder? Despite U.S. Supreme Court rulings, there are defense claims that mentally ill and intellectually disabled persons are on death row. Do you think that is true? If so, how is this possible? Distinguish among the terms reprieve, commutation, and pardon. What does it mean to say that most death-row prisoners leave death row through appellate court action or clemency? Key Terms clemency reprieve commutation of sentence pardon 12.4 Summarize the arguments for and against the use of the death penalty Arguments for and against the death penalty are many and complex. One popular argument is centered on the question of general deterrence. That is, are others discouraged from committing murder because they could be executed? Other common debate topics concern whether execution is an appropriate way to exact retribution; whether having the death penalty is worth the risk of executing an innocent person; and whether the death penalty is handed out in a fair manner or if gender, class, and race/ethnicity issues are influencing decisions about who will be executed. As with other significant issues related to social control, we are left with our own personal punishment philosophy to influence our position on this important topic. Review Questions Of the four general debate topics (deterrence, fairness, retribution, and innocence), which is of most importance informing your personal opinion about the death penalty? Why? The death penalty is available only for murder with aggravating circumstances. Most murders are not of that type. Can the death penalty deter "typical" murders even though it is only used for aggravated murders? Raise some capital punishment debate topics that were not covered in this chapter (e.g., cost) and present an argument favoring or opposing the death penalty based on that topic. Key Terms abolitionists retentionists proportional retributivism The Innocence Project 12.5 Discuss the influence of public opinion on the death penalty The U.S. Supreme Court makes decisions as to whether a punishment is cruel and unusual by considering society's evolving standard of decency. Public opinion is one item the Court can consider when gauging that evolving standard. After reaching a low of 42% in 1964, public support for the death penalty has been above 50% since the 1970s and was especially high in the 1990s (reaching 80% in 1994). However, public support has declined in recent years and life without the possibility of parole is gaining in popularity. Declining support for the death penalty may be explained in part by the Marshall hypothesis, which suggests that support will decrease as people come to realize that the death penalty may have no deterrent power and seems to be applied in an unfair manner. Review Questions How have public opinions about the death penalty varied over the last 60 years? About what percentage of the American public currently supports the death penalty? What factors—such as age or gender—might affect one's opinion of the death penalty? Explain the Marshall hypothesis and discuss whether you think it makes sense. Will the Supreme Court ever rule the death penalty to be unconstitutional? Why or why not? If so, on what basis? Key Term Marshall hypothesis Chapter 12 Key Term Flashcard Review

Chapter 13 Introduction

Chapter 13 Juvenile Corrections Tyrone Turner/BlackStar/Newscom Learning Objectives 13.1 Outline the development of the juvenile justice system. 13.2 Explain the age limits and types of offenses handled in the juvenile justice system. 13.3 Describe the juvenile court process and the characteristics of juvenile offenders. 13.4 Explain the procedures by which juveniles can be tried as adults in criminal court. 13.5 Describe community-based treatment programs for juvenile offenders. 13.6 Describe juvenile residential facilities and the treatment programs available in them. 13.7 Summarize the issues confronting juvenile corrections. From Jail to Yale You may know Charles Dutton from his television or movie roles (e.g., Roc or Gothika). What you may not know is that this respected and award-winning actor and director was sent to a juvenile reform school at age 13. When he was 17, he was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to five years' imprisonment in the Maryland State Prison. He was released on parole, but after only a few months he returned to prison for possession of a handgun. During that return, he hit a correctional officer when a riot broke out and an additional eight years were added to his sentence. Dutton's life began taking a more positive direction when he read a play while he was doing time in solitary confinement for refusing to clean toilets. The play sparked his interest in acting and he began participating in a prison drama program. While still in prison, he received his General Education Development (GED) degree and then an associate's degree in theater. After his release from prison, he earned a bachelor's degree in theater from Towson State University, and then went to Yale University's School of Drama for graduate work. In 2009, Dutton and several other former juvenile offenders who went on to become productive and valued members of society (e.g., former U.S. senator Alan Simpson [R-WY] and acclaimed writer, activist, and poet D. Luis Rodriguez) filed a brief before the U.S. Supreme Court arguing against sentences of life imprisonment without possibility of parole for juvenile offenders. Dutton and the others believe that when a juvenile commits a crime—even a serious one—the justice system should not assume there is no possibility of rehabilitation (Equal Justice Initiative, 2012). Source: Nicolas Khayat/KRT/ Newscom Discuss Should authorities estimate a juvenile's chances for rehabilitation based on the crime he or she commits? Juveniles (youths younger than age 18) account for about 26% of all persons arrested for property offenses (burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson) and about 16% of all arrests for violent crimes (murder, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault). After remaining fairly constant in the 1980-1994 period, juvenile property crime arrests began to fall, and by 2006, they were at their lowest level since at least 1980. Although there was an increase in 2007 and 2008, the property crime index arrest rate has fallen to its lowest level in more than 30 years. A similar trend is found with juvenile arrests for violent crimes. After increases between 1980 and 1994, and again from 2004 to 2006, juvenile arrests for violent crime index offenses are at the lowest point in more than three decades (Puzzanchera, 2013; 2014). Despite the very welcome decline in juvenile arrests for both property and violent offenses, there is a clear link between age and criminal behavior. In fact, the link is so fundamental that it is called the age-crime curve. This refers to the tendency for offending to rise during adolescence, peak around age 18, and then drop thereafter. The age factor is so closely tied to offending behavior that some cynics have facetiously suggested that the most effective crime policy would be to incarcerate everyone in the country on their 13th birthday and not release them until they reach age 30. Statistically, such action should dramatically reduce the nation's crime rates. Presumably, there are less dramatic proposals to consider—and we do so in this chapter. We begin with a brief overview of the decision to respond differently to juvenile offenders than we do to adult offenders.

Chapter 14.1: Cognitive Behavioral Treatment Reading

Cognitive-Behavioral Treatment Changing offender attitudes and behaviors through treatment is one of the main goals of the correctional system that is tied to EBP. However, not all treatment programs are equally effective. The most effective type of treatment for offenders is the cognitive-behavioral approach, in that it assumes that behavioral change can only come about through the understanding that there are errors in the way offenders think about certain issues, such as the thought that violence is the way to resolve disagreements with another individual (Lipsey & Cullen, 2007). Cognitive-behavioral treatment can take place in prison, in residential community programs, or in outpatient community programs. Prison-based EBP treatment programs have been found to benefit prisoners by changing their behavior and reducing misconduct while they are still incarcerated (French & Gendreau, 2006). Community-based substance-abuse treatment in lieu of prison for drug-using offenders can save a significant amount of money and reduce criminal justice costs in the long term (Zarkin et al., 2015). Therapeutic communities (TCs) use cognitive-behavioral treatment methods for drug addicts and people who have both an addiction and a mental health disorder. TC graduates had lower recidivism rates, less drug relapse, and greater improvements in mental health particularly if they received aftercare following the residential phase (Magor-Blatch, Bhullar, Thomson, & Thorsteinsson, 2014; Sacks, Chaple, Sacks, McKendrick, & Cleland, 2012). Cognitive-behavioral treatment for offenders while on community supervision is also important for change. The type and duration of treatment are more important to recidivism reduction than the probation supervision itself (intensive, regular, or electronic monitoring). More specifically, a treatment that incorporates anger management and interpersonal problem solving had larger reductions in later recidivism than treatments that contained victim impact and behavioral modification (Lipsey, Landenberger, & Wilson, 2007). How long should treatment last? The duration of treatment contact hours should be a minimum of 300 hours for high-risk offenders (who have the highest priority to get treated), 200 hours for medium-risk offenders, and 100 hours for low-risk offenders (who have the lowest priority of getting treated) for the maximum benefits (Bourgon & Armstrong, 2006; Latessa, 2004). The key to lasting change is to ensure that treatment programs are followed by an aftercare phase that continues outpatient support beyond intensive treatment. Community Supervision James Byrne insightfully observed that correctional academics and practitioners ". . . are better at identifying risk level than we are at developing strategies that result in risk reduction" (Byrne, 2013, p. 5). We have developed better mechanisms for identifying offenders who are high-risk and those who are low-risk offenders. For example, a low-level drug offender who was in possession of a small number of drugs may be identified as "high-risk" if that offender has a severe mental illness, is not capable of holding down a full-time job, is homeless, and has no family or social support. More interventions can be implemented with this offender in the community than in a correctional institution which will only exacerbate mental health problems. Table 14-2 illustrates the kind of individual who will be more successful on probation: someone who is over age 30, has stable employment, has the education of at least a high school diploma or General Education Development (GED) degree, has completed treatment, and lives in a stable housing situation surrounded by positive family support. Successful completion of probation seems to depend on continuity of supervision. Table 14-2 Outcome on Community Supervision SuccessfulNot SuccessfulAgeOver age 30Under age 30SkillsStable employment and educational skills deficient employment and educational skillsHousingStable housing mobile or transient housing family supportive with their spouses or children no support systemTreatmentCompleted substance abuse and/or sex offender treatment programs did not complete treatment programs Source: Makarios, M., Steiner, B., & Travis, L. F. (2010). Examining the predictors of recidivism of men and women released from prison in Ohio. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 37(12), 1377-1391; Roy, S. (2004). Factors related to successful recidivism in a day reporting center. Criminal Justice Studies, 17(1), 3-17. EBPs suggest minimizing treatment interventions with low-risk offenders and keeping low-risk offenders separate from high-risk offenders. Higher-risk offenders should receive longer treatment doses of 300 contact hours and more structured supervision. Residential community corrections facilities (RCCFs), such as halfway houses and prerelease centers, can fill this role, as they cater to clients with greater needs than regular probationers or parolees. These needs are typically related to mental health or drug/alcohol abuse, and are criminogenic, in that they relate to their criminal history. RCCF offenders committed about the same number of new crimes as traditional probationers who resided at their own homes. This is good news for RCCFs—showing that they work—because RCCF offenders posed no greater risk to the public despite their more complicated needs and assumed the likelihood of greater failure (Lowenkamp & Latessa, 2004). Check Your Understanding Outcomes of Community Supervision Jail and Prison Prison and more intensive correctional interventions are reserved for those individuals who pose the highest risk to public safety, whereas community-based options are more effective for lower-risk offenders. Unlike community-based corrections and treatment programs, jails and prisons have fewer options for EBP that work to reduce long-term recidivism, so we must be extremely selective. Most correctional facilities focus on creating a safe and secure prison environment that minimizes escapes, violence, and sexual assault. As we learned in Chapter 7, risk assessments are important to manage and reduce violence among prisoners within the institutional setting. Another important element to safe prisons that are free of contraband is to value correctional staff through decent pay and benefits and to reward them with extra bonuses for reduced violence and keeping contraband out. This will minimize the perceived need to ignore illegal activities in prison or being part of the problem. As discussed in Chapter 11, the staff members must observe prisoners' legal rights, and treat prisoners fairly and consistently. If we are truly interested in safe environments that are not mere schools of crime, we must be willing to pay for better-trained and higher-caliber staff; that is part of the solution. Finally, offenders learning new skills while incarcerated, such as increasing education levels and employment skills, is important to help with reentry. To learn more about specific programs that work, begin your search by using the interactive links provided at the end of the chapter.

Chapter 13.7: Girls in a System Designed for Boys Reading

Girls in a System Designed for Boys Girls entering the juvenile justice system are typically placed in programs that were created for delinquent boys (Bloom, Owen, Piper Deschenes, & Rosenbaum, 2002; Garcia & Lane, 2013). We know very little about the appropriateness of those programs for girls. Bloom and her colleagues explain that the "what works" literature has focused primarily on boys and men, leaving us to wonder about the applicability of the programs to girls and women. Program evaluations typically describe the proportion of girls included in the sample, but differences in outcome based on gender are not examined. As we better understand the different developmental pathways followed by females and males, the need for gender-specific programming becomes more evident. Just as girls and boys develop physically and emotionally in different ways, their pathways to delinquency are also often gender-specific (Belknap & Holsinger, 1998). For example, scholarly work is making it increasingly apparent that girls face specific risk factors because of their gender that can derail or delay their healthy development. The American Academy of Pediatrics notes that studies of incarcerated youths report that girls are more likely than boys to have any psychiatric diagnosis and, especially, to have higher rates of mood and anxiety disorders. Further, although both genders experience sexual and physical abuse, all forms of abuse are more common in girls. As a result, posttraumatic stress disorder is more commonly diagnosed in females (Committee on Adolescence, 2011). The impact of these physical and mental health issues means that girls need programs that help them address their feelings of anger and frustration (often a contributor to involvement in criminal activity); their reluctance to trust others; and how they can develop and maintain appropriate, healthy boundaries in relationships. Peters (1998) lists some of the things that girls need for healthy development (e.g., physical safety, validation from caring adults, and positive female role models) and some of the challenges they face (violence, substance abuse, family dysfunction, sexism, academic failure) that may put them at greater risk for delinquency. Specific risks (other than sexual and/or physical abuse) of special concern to girls include the following: Substance abuse. Psychosocial development can be interrupted by substance abuse, as suggested in the anecdote that it is not unusual for a 16-year-old girl to check into a residential drug treatment program with both her needle and syringe and a well-worn stuffed animal hidden in her backpack. Teen pregnancy. Female juvenile delinquents engage in sexual activity at an earlier age than nonoffenders, which puts them at higher risk of unwanted pregnancy. Teen mothers (most of whom drop out of high school, earn less than half the poverty-level income, and live in poor housing in poor neighborhoods) are more likely to raise a child who goes to prison than are mothers who delay having children until their early 20s. Poor academic performance. This is the most significant risk factor relating to early onset of delinquency. A disproportionate number of female juvenile offenders have learning disabilities and may have developed a negative attitude about learning. Societal factors. Girls and boys don't get into trouble for the same reasons, in the same ways, or at the same rate. Because the juvenile justice system is designed to deal with boys, community-based resources for girls are scarce. Add to that scarcity of gender-specific resources a perceived need to "protect" girls and we may have an explanation for the disproportionate number of girls who are committed to residential facilities, often for status offenses (Peters, 1998). So, what might gender-specific programs look like? Peters (1998) explains that they involve a concentrated effort to assist all girls (not only those involved in the juvenile justice system) in nurturing and reinforcing "femaleness" as a positive identity with inherent strengths. When programming is gender-specific, girls are provided with decision-making and life skills that assist in their development into womanhood. Essential elements of effective gender-specific programming for adolescent girls include a physically and emotionally safe space that is removed from the demands and attention of adolescent males, time for girls to talk, opportunities for them to develop relationships of trust and interdependence with other women already present in their lives, and education about women's health and female development (Peters, 1998). Also important, but too often overlooked, is the need for specialized training for staff members who are working with adolescent girls. Because working with girls and young women presents unique challenges, staff training is especially important in terms of relationship and communication skills, gender differences in delinquency, substance abuse education, and appropriate placement (Bloom et al., 2002; Daniel, 1999). Rather than continuing to squeeze girls into a justice system designed for boys, or to simply separate delinquents according to gender, it is necessary to have gender-specific programs for girls that provide a comprehensive approach to female delinquency rooted in the experience of girls (Peters, 1998). There is movement in that direction—for example, Indiana's Gender-Relevant Programming Initiative (Garcia & Lane, 2013)—but a long journey remains.

Chapter 11.1:The Civil Rights Act Reading:

The Civil Rights Act Civil rights are those personal, natural rights that protect people against arbitrary or discriminatory treatment. Clearly the Constitution, including its Bill of Rights and other amendments, provides the first source of civil rights in the United States. However, there are civil rights not specifically mentioned in the Constitution but that are recognized by the courts, including such rights as to live and work where we wish; to marry and to have children; and to participate in the political, social, and cultural processes of society (Ferdico, 2005). Because the Constitution does not enumerate all civil rights, Americans can turn to other sources in which their rights are identified. For the purposes of discussing prisoners' rights, some of the most important relate to the Civil Rights Act, which is found in the U.S. Code as Title 42, Section 1983. For brevity, this is usually referred to as "Section 1983" and prisoner claims are typically called Section 1983 claims. Early recognition that prisoners could sue for civil rights violations involved cases of religious freedom brought by Black Muslims. In 1962, Black Muslim leader Thomas X. Cooper filed suit in Illinois against Stateville Prison warden Frank Pate. Cooper claimed that his confinement in segregation was retribution for his religious beliefs. The basis for his claim was Section 1983 of the Civil Rights Act. Cooper was being denied access to the Qur'an, to Muslim literature such as the newspaper Muhammad Speaks, and to Muslim clergy. At a 1965 trial, ordered by the U.S. Supreme Court (Cooper v. Pate, 378 U.S. 546, 1964), prison officials had to justify their refusal to recognize the Muslims as a religious group. Because Christian inmates were allowed to read the Bible and Jewish inmates could have Hebrew literature, the prison officials found it difficult to explain why Muslim prisoners could not have the Qur'an or receive Arabic documents (Jacobs, 1977). In the end, Cooper (Cooper v. Pate, 382 F.2d 518, 1967) won on some points (Muslims had to have access to the Qur'an, to communicate and visit with Muslim ministers, and to attend Muslim religious services). On other points, the court sided with prison officials (contemporary Muslim literature and Arabic textbooks did not have to be allowed). Although the religious points were important in opening First Amendment rights to prisoner claims, Cooper v. Pate is important because the suit was based on a civil rights act. From the rather narrow issue of religious freedom, prisoners used Section 1983 to bring claims of civil rights violations in cases involving inadequate medical care, brutality by prison staff, and inmate-on-inmate assaults. Think About It... files UPI Photo Service/Newscom Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s famed "I Have a Dream" speech galvanized the nation's civil rights movements and led to the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—one of several important civil rights acts passed at the federal level. As a result of these acts, citizens (including prisoners) have rights and privileges such as freedom from discrimination. The primary vehicle for prisoner civil rights claims is Section 1983 of the Civil Rights Act of 1871, which was designed to guarantee the rights of newly freed slaves and to allow people direct access to the federal courts. The provision has been used successfully in class-action suits challenging institutional conditions. Why do you think it is important that citizens (including inmates in state prisons) have direct access to federal courts (rather than having to progress through state courts) when they are claiming violation of their civil rights?

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.3 Collective Behavior Reading

Collective Behavior 8.3 Compare and contrast prison gangs and play families in terms of their structure, purpose, and management. In prisons, like anywhere else, people tend to seek out others with whom they have something in common and from whom they can expect support. There are opportunities to join religious groups, such as Bible study groups and choir. There are athletic leagues that have organized teams that play basketball, volleyball, or flag football, for example. There are chess clubs and groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous that address addiction. These groups are allowed by the prison because they aid in the prisoner's self-development, and they keep prisoners busy. Another reason to be part of a crew is for self-protection. Ross and Richards (2002, p. 133) observed that in some prisons "you absolutely need to affiliate with a group that will protect you. The loners, the people without social skills or friends, are vulnerable to being physically attacked or preyed upon." We begin first by discussing men's prison gangs, and then we discuss groups in women's institutions. Prison Gangs and Security Threat Groups Watch Prison Gangs and Security Threat Groups by State Growth of prison gangs throughout the 1960s and 1970s was closely tied to racial conflicts among African-American, Latino, and Caucasian prisoners and the instability caused by the ending of the building tender system. With the dismantling of the convict subculture, Latino prisoners saw potential early on for using gangs to control the drug economy in prison and, at the same time, protect them from being victimized by outsiders (Irwin, 1980). As the numbers of Latino gang members increased and became a perceived threat, black and white prisoners responded by creating their own groups. In the 1980s and 1990s, gangs continued to recruit state-raised youth who were waived to adult institutions. State-raised youth grew up in youth facilities that were racially segregated and hostile, and where violence earned respect and stealing was necessary for survival. Gangs are organized criminal enterprises that attempt to maximize power and profit through contraband and drug-trafficking movement in prison. Prison gangs are also known as security threat groups (STGs) because their activities are predatory and their presence poses a threat to the security and safety of staff and inmates. Although most STGs are prison gangs, the definition of STG applies to over 1,000 groups (examples are listed in Table 8-1) consisting of street gangs, motorcycle clubs, militias, mafia families, Asian triads, and occult groups-all of which require constant monitoring (Winterdyk & Ruddell, 2010). Ways that STGs are structured vary greatly. Some groups, such as the Mexican Mafia, are paramilitary, which is ". . . a hierarchical structure with clear distinction between ranks, and often include military titles such as general, captain, lieutenant, sergeant, and soldier. Senior leaders are able to issue orders to subordinates, which are carried out as instructed." (Texas Joint Crime Information Center Intelligence and Counterterrorism Division, 2015, p. 33). Paramilitary STGs have a constitution and require membership for life. Other groups, such as the Texas Syndicate, operate as a regional cell STG because they ". . . are composed of several cells that are part of the same organization, but generally act independently of one another at an operational level. Each cell may have a strict internal hierarchy similar to a paramilitary model, even though there is little coordinated command and control between cells" (Texas Joint Crime Information Center Intelligence and Counterterrorism Division, 2015, p. 33). Most other groups are more loosely structured. They have a designated leader, but are less rigid than paramilitary groups. The Tango Blast STG is the most loosely structured group of all, given the absence of a constitution, no lifetime membership requirement, and a temporary and ever-changing leadership hierarchy that seems to depend on who is incarcerated in a particular housing unit in each jail or prison at that time. Most Tango members leave the group once they are released, only to rejoin the group if they are ever reincarcerated. The threat that each STG poses within correctional facilities is defined by prevalence/strength of numbers, active recruiting efforts, level of violent activities, level of domestic and/or transnational criminal activity, and the group's alliance with other gangs and/or cartels (Texas Joint Crime Information Center Intelligence and Counterterrorism Division, 2015). The STGs that present the highest threat to prisons are highlighted in Table 8-1. Active membership varies widely by each state, with some states'such as California, Texas, New York, Florida, Illinois, and Wisconsin-having more significant STG problems than others. An average of between 19 and 26% of prisoners were gang members before imprisonment (Winterdyk & Ruddell, 2010), while more were recruited into an STG during imprisonment (Alarid, 2000a). At this time, the loosely structured situational STG model seems more popular than joining an STG for life. There are an estimated 500,000 STG members currently in jail and prison throughout the United States. However, the number varies because some members are more active than others, making it difficult for prison authorities to confirm memberships. When a gang member enters a prison where there are very few members from his own group, he will temporarily align himself or become a hybrid gang member with another preaccepted group for protection. For example, the Mara Salvatrucha have aligned themselves with the Latin Kings, and many smaller Latino STGs temporarily join the Tangos while incarcerated and return to their street gang upon release. Concern remains that prisons may be possible breeding grounds for future terrorists, particularly by religious extremist groups during chapel services. Gang intelligence officers (GIs) collect information on suspected gang members using the list of gang identifiers (shown in Figure 8-13), along with information from correctional officers and other inmate informants (Knox, 2005). Once active STG members are identified, prison officials place restrictions on them, such as removal from the general prison population, reclassification to a higher custody level, and placement in administrative segregation for the remainder of their prison terms (Winterdyk & Ruddell, 2010). Figure 8-14 illustrates the various ways that gang intelligence officers constantly work at managing the effect of STGs. A few prisons have programs that encourage members to permanently renounce their gang membership and "debrief," which means to share confidential information. However, less than 10% of validated gang members renounce their membership because of the consequences of assault or death (Knox, 2005). Despite efforts to control STGs, prison gangs maintain a stronghold in maximum-security and supermax prisons throughout the United States. Unfortunately, drugs are brought in primarily by visitors and the occasional corrupt prison employee or naïve volunteer. That situation makes it even more difficult for prison administrators to control the introduction of drugs into the prison and to negatively impact the growth of prison gangs (Winterdyk & Ruddell, 2010). Figure 8-13 Gang Identifiers. Source: From The Problem of Gangs and Security Threat Groups (STG's) in American Prisons Today: Recent Research Findings From the 2004 Prison Gang Survey by George W Knox. Copyright © 2004 by George W. Knox. Used by permission of National Gang Crime Research Center.

Chapter 9.3 Prisoners with HIV/AIDS Reading

Prisoners with HIV/AIDS Individuals who engage in criminal activity are also more likely to engage in behaviors that place them at risk for HIV and other communicable diseases, such as intravenous drug use. Thus, it is no surprise that there is a disproportionately higher number of HIV-positive persons in correctional facilities—1.3%—compared with 0.4% of U.S. residents outside of prison who are living with HIV or AIDS (Maruschak et al., 2015). The number has steadily declined since the mid-1990s due primarily to prevention efforts and improvements in care for HIV/AIDS, such as protease inhibitors and antiretroviral therapies. HIV-infected inmates live among the general population so that they have equal opportunities and will not be treated differently or discriminated against. In 2013, an Alabama middle court judge ordered the Alabama Department of Corrections to completely desegregate all prisoners with HIV and remove all medical information from nonmedical files (Sarfo, 2013). At this time, only South Carolina continues to keep known HIV-positive prisoners separate from the general prisoner population. This is despite objections by the ACLU and possible legal consequences by the Justice Department (American Civil Liberties Union, 2010). Once HIV-infected inmates contract AIDS (about one out of four HIV-positive prisoners), they are segregated from the general prison population for their own safety—separate housing is required to be away from airborne diseases prevalent among the general population. Certain policies may be effective in lessening the spread of HIV/AIDS, including education, testing, notifying partners, and issuing protection supplies. Examples include the following: Many facilities provide education programs on how HIV is transmitted and how it progresses to AIDS. Testing inmates for HIV occurs at admission in 28 states, at release in 6 states, and upon request. After intake, additional testing is conducted on inmate request, by a court order, by clinical judgment, or for anyone who is involved in an incident that might increase his or her risk of exposure (Maruschak et al., 2015). Correctional officers are issued disposable gloves for pat searches and cell searches; some have one-way face shields for performing first aid on someone with breathing difficulties (Alarid, 2009). Inmates are issued bleach for cleaning living areas. Treatment of Other Communicable Diseases Besides HIV/AIDS, inmates are tested for other communicable diseases—including tuberculosis (TB), hepatitis B, hepatitis C, syphilis, and gonorrhea—at intake and treated if necessary. As with HIV/AIDS, many of these communicable diseases exist at greater rates in correctional facilities due to their link with intravenous drug use and unprotected sex. One reason that TB rates are five times higher inside jails is that TB spreads in places of confinement where crowded conditions and poor ventilation provide ideal conditions, and inmates move around the facility as well as transfer to other facilities. Thus, inmates with active TB must be quarantined in an airtight isolated room until the TB is no longer contagious. Although correctional facilities play an important role in the reduction of TB, recovering fully from TB takes from six to nine months, which is longer than most jail sentences—inmates with active TB are released from confinement before they complete the cycle. Releasees are provided with enough medication to finish the cycle, but they are no longer being supervised. For some people, the partially treated TB is still contagious and, over time, can become resistant to antibiotics (Parvez, Lobato, & Greifinger, 2010). Hepatitis C is a virus that affects the liver and is spread primarily through injected drug use, unsafe sexual practices, and unsterile tattooing (Hellard, Aitken, & Hocking, 2007). A disproportionately high number of people with hepatitis C are arrested and incarcerated, making the rate of hepatitis C in confinement between 8 and 20 times higher than the rate in the general population. Between 23% and up to one-third of all prisoners test positive for hepatitis C (Maruschak et al., 2015). Chronic hepatitis C can be treated with antiviral medications at a cost of $7,000 to $20,000 per person for one cycle, with a success rate of 30 to 40% (Horowitz, 2014). Think About It... Alexandr Shevchenko/Shutterstock Should Condoms Be Issued to Inmates? Sexual activity is prohibited within institutions, so providing condoms places prison officials in a predicament of approving conduct that violates prison rules. Advocates of condom distribution argue that sexual behavior is a fact of life, and prisons have an obligation to protect lives. Critics argue that condoms can also be used to pass contraband (swallowing balloons of drugs) or to fill with bodily fluids or excrement to throw at others. Should condoms be provided to all inmates, only to certain inmates at highest risk of HIV, or not at all? Defend your position.

Chapter 12.4: Race and the Death Penalty Reading

As important as issues of gender and social class are, one of the most discussed areas of fairness and the death penalty deals with race and ethnicity (see Figure 12-7). Concern about the disproportionate minority-group representation in the criminal justice system has been present for years—and especially so in how the death penalty is applied. Traditionally, the bias has been recognized as relating to the offender's race and ethnicity; more recently, attention has turned to the victim's race and ethnicity. We look first at the offender's characteristics. Figure 12-7 Does Race Affect the Application of the Death Penalty? Figure 12-7 Full Alternative Text Description In a report on race and the death penalty, Amnesty International (1999) concluded that there is no evidence that current legal safeguards have eliminated racial bias in the application of the death penalty. The report notes that the potential for racial bias is linked to prosecutorial discretion because it is unreasonable to think individual prosecutors are not influenced by the racial divisions affecting American society. Spohn (2014) also suggests that discretionary decisions by prosecutors are a source of racial and ethnic disparity. The evidence of this is dated and not entirely consistent, but studies seem to reveal that race and ethnicity affect charging and plea decisions in both capital and noncapital cases. The racial/ethnic distribution on death row was as follows in January 2016 (NAACP Legal Defense Fund, 2016): 43% white 42% black 13% Latino/Latina 1% Native American 2% Asian Of persons executed since 1976 (NAACP Legal Defense Fund, 2016), the racial/ethnic distribution is as follows: 56% white 35% black 8% Latino/Latina 1% Native American 0.5% Asian Because the percentage of minorities being executed is less than it was before 1972—when minorities comprised more than half of all executions (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016c)—and because the number of minorities executed is now less than their percentage on death row, some people see improvement in the death penalty's application. Importantly, however, minorities still make up a much higher percentage of the death-row population than they do of the population as a whole. That disproportionate representation of minorities on death row has been used in court to argue that the death penalty is unconstitutional; but an even more persuasive argument has been how the victim's race might influence who receives the death penalty. Disparity in the imposition of the death penalty has often looked at the offender's demographic factors, but more recent studies have added an interest in victim demographics. Spohn's (2014) review notes that numerous methodologically sophisticated studies have found that black and Hispanic suspects—especially those who victimize whites—are more likely to be charged and fully prosecuted than are white suspects, although African-Americans and whites each comprise about half of all homicide victims (Cooper & Smith, 2013). Because African-Americans are about 13% of the U.S. population, it is very disproportionate for them to make up half of all homicide victims. With the racial similarity in percentage of homicide victims, one might assume that there is a similar balance in the race of the victims of persons executed. That is, about half of the persons executed since 1976 should have had white victims and the other half black victims. Actually, 76% of the people executed since 1976 were convicted of murdering white victims (NAACP Legal Defense Fund, 2016). When considering only persons executed for interracial murders since 1976, we find that 90% of those executions were of black defendants whose victims were white whereas only 10% were of white defendants whose victims were black (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016d). Does the victim's race influence whether an offender receives the death penalty or is executed? If so, that would clearly be an extralegal factor and one that should play no role in prosecuting, adjudication, or sentencing decisions. One of the first studies noting the predictive value of victim race in death sentences was conducted by Baldus, Pulaski, and Woodworth (1983) and was used by the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of McCleskey v. Kemp (481 U.S. 279, 1987). McCleskey, a black man who had been convicted of murdering a white police officer, used the Baldus study (as it has come to be called) in his claim that he was being discriminated against on the basis of his race and that of his victim. The Baldus study found a large racial disparity in the way Georgia juries had imposed the death penalty between 1973 and 1978. For example, Baldus and his colleagues found that offenders charged with killing a white person were 4.3 times more likely to be sentenced to death in Georgia than those charged with killing a black person. The Court rejected McCleskey's claims, deciding that a statistical study suggesting that racial considerations entered into capital sentencing in Georgia does not establish purposeful discrimination—which the Court said a successful Fourteenth Amendment claim must show. In addition, the justices noted that although the Baldus study found a correlation between race factors and sentencing, it did not prove that race entered into the sentencing decision. For a defendant to be successful in an appeal, "exceptionally clear proof" must be provided that the decision makers had acted with discriminatory intent (McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. at 297). Studies continue to find racial disparity when applying the death penalty. Paternoster and Brame, for example found (2003) and reaffirmed (2008) that the death penalty is more likely to be imposed in Maryland when the victim is white and in cases with black defendants and white victims. But the courts continue to find such studies lacking in "exceptionally clear proof." In 2001, a U.S. court of appeals agreed that the racial imbalance in Ohio's capital sentencing system was "extremely troubling" (Coleman v. Mitchell, 268 F.3d 417), but it is no more so than was deemed permissible by McCleskey. Such decisions led Baldus, Woodworth, and Grosso (2008) to comment that for all practical purposes, the McCleskey decision precludes the bringing of race claims in federal courts when the evidence of discrimination is a statewide statistical study. So, despite what the research might show, the courts have not yet found the statistical analysis compelling enough to find racial disparities in capital sentencing unconstitutional. Interestingly, Figure 12-8 reports the results of a study that suggests another route to reduce the role of race in death penalty proceedings. Figure 12-8 Evidence-Based Practice—Does It Work? During the penalty phase of a capital trial, jurors are instructed to consider only legally permissible factors, such as aggravating and mitigating circumstances. Citing research that suggests juror decisions may also be influenced by such legally impermissible factors as race, researchers conducted a study to investigate the possibility of reducing juror bias toward black offenders (Shaked-Schroer, Costanzo, & Marcus-Newhall, 2008). The results suggest that by providing jurors with more simplified penalty phase instructions (e.g., definitions of legal terms and simpler sentence structure) and by using a racially diverse jury, bias against black defendants was significantly reduced. That is, the sentencing recommendation was less likely to be the death penalty and more likely to be life imprisonment. The key question, of course, is whether such recommendations could or should be put into practice. Simplifying penalty phase instructions may not be an unreasonable innovation for courts to implement, but assuring a racially diverse jury would be more problematic. But the point here is to highlight procedures that seem to work. Additional research is certainly needed, but it may be possible to reduce juror bias during the penalty phase of capital trials by providing simple instructions and by assuring a racially diverse jury. Can Juror Bias Be Reduced? Think About It... Ruddell and Urbina (2004) wondered if a society's use of punishment may be linked to a desire to regulate its minority members. The authors' research found tentative evidence that countries with a more homogeneous (i.e., similar) population were more likely to have abolished the death penalty, whereas those with more racial and ethnic diversity have retained the death penalty. Might retention of the death penalty in the United States and in other countries be linked to having a racially and ethnically diverse society? Do you think the death penalty is a way to regulate society's minority members?

Sub-Rosa Economy

Underground economy based on negotiation and exchange of goods and services between prisoners without the use of cash.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 Sexual Assault and Rape Quiz 8.4

1/3- Which of the following is an example of deliberate indifference? Nina was certain that other inmates were plotting against her for snitching on them; she informed the correctional officer of her fears but was ignored. She was raped later that night. Correct. This is an example of deliberate indifference. Prison officials have a duty under the Eighth Amendment to keep prisoners safe from violence by other prisoners. Deliberate indifference is when officers know about a situation and don't take action to prevent it. Grant was a correctional officer. He feels that one of his prisoners was unjustly sentenced, but he still did not take any action. Laura was falsely charged with violent physical assault; she pleaded not guilty in court but was sentenced to three years in prison. Patrick was approached by Jaden, a gang leader, multiple times to join his gang but he always refused. One night, Jaden and his gang members assaulted Patrick, who begged them to stop. Jaden ignored his pleas.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Quiz 8.3: Collective Behavior

1/3- Who among the following is most likely to be a member of a prison gang? Hayden, who hates wearing his orange overalls and always has his sleeves rolled up high enough to reveal his skull tattoo. Correct. Wearing the uniform in a certain way, tattoos, and extra clothing are all gang identifiers. Hayden's physical appearance is indicative of someone who belongs to a gang. Incorrect AnswerSean, who has recently joined the church choir and enjoys spending his free time with other choir members.Incorrect. This is an example of a crew and not a gang.Kaleb, who has an outgoing personality and is often seen playing sports and socializing with other prisoners.Emmett, who is taking part in an educational program and also helps other inmates with their coursework.

Chapter 10.2: Quiz 10.2: Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation

1/4- Which of the following is true of college programs in prison? Correct. In the 1960s, federal grants provided assistance for tuition to low-income individuals, including inmates. These benefits provided the impetus for college programs in prison.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 9.1 Quiz Treatment Programs In Prison

1/4- Which of the following is true of in-prison treatment programs? The success of these programs depends on the offender's acceptance of the cause of failure. Correct. The key in the treatment process is for the offender to admit how thinking errors resulted in failure to accept responsibility, dysfunctional habits, addictions, and criminal behaviors.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

15/20- Which of the following exemplifies a major cause of prison riots? Prisoners at a penitentiary were dissatisfied with the deteriorating quality of food. They complained to the management several times, but when no measures were taken, they vandalized furniture in the dining hall. Correctional officers at a state prison tightened security after increasing occurrences of drug transactions. The mandatory strip search every evening increased resentment among a majority of the prisoners, who believed the searches to be demeaning. Up to 20 prisoners in a federal prison fell extremely ill after the maintenance staff forgot to turn on the heating for 2 nights in a row. African-Americans and Latinos formed the two major groups in a state prison. Correctional officers had to be extremely vigilant during exercise time, when altercations between groups often escalated into violence. Correct. This is an example of conflict among prisoners, which is the major cause of prison riots, accounting for 45 percent of riots.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

18/20- A ________ is an altercation involving three or more inmates resulting in official action, but where staff control of the facility is maintained. voluntary lockdown diversion prison riot disturbance Correct. A disturbance is an altercation involving three or more inmates resulting in official action, but where staff control of the facility is maintained.

Chapter 10.1 Quiz: The Rentry Process

2/2- ________ is a process of release preparation that begins within the institution and continues in the community. Reentry Correct. Reentry is the process of release preparation that begins within the institution and continues with community supervision.

Intro To Criminal Justice Chapter 8 Quiz

4/20- Vicky is in prison for a drug offense. She has completed 500 hours of community service, but this is her first prison sentence. According to the mainstream prisoner code for women, which of the following scenarios represents acceptable behavior by Vicky in prison? She disregards institutional rules and takes no interest in educational programs. She often informs correctional officers about small transgressions committed by other prisoners. Incorrect AnswerShe believes another inmate who tells her a "secret" about her cellmate.Incorrect. According to the mainstream prisoner code for women, prisoners should not trust anyone, especially other inmates.She befriends a correctional officer, and is often seen discussing personal issues with her.Correct. Unlike for male inmates, interaction with correctional officers is not prohibited for female inmates—it is more casual and social.

Chapter 9.3 Aging Prisoners Reading

Aging Prisoners "Graying of U.S. prisoners" first became an issue in the mid-1980s as longer prison sentences for recidivists and reductions in the use of parole began expanding the number of inmates that remained. The National Institute of Corrections and most state prisons define an aging prisoner as being age 50 or over. Although this is considered "middle age" outside the prison walls, the stress of the prison experience, coupled with prisoners who led a fast life of drug use, poor health, and lack of preventive care prior to incarceration, seems to age individuals faster than their chronological age. Prisoners over the age of 50 are the fastest growing and most costly segment within the general prisoner population (Reimer, 2008). Older inmates now make up about 11% of the prisoner population, and their average cost per year is nearly $60,000, which is almost twice what it costs to incarcerate one younger prisoner per year (Horowitz, 2014). Unless changes are made, current protocol will continue to increase the number of aging inmates in prison in the coming decade. Male prisoners over age 65 were interviewed about coping with their prison experience (Crawley & Sparks, 2006). Most were either first-timers or were at the other end of the spectrum as lifers. The older first-time felons reported being anxious and depressed by how prison disrupted their former lives, particularly the ones who had family and spouses on the outside. Lifers, or men who had spent many years in prison, had not been on the streets in so long that they lost touch with the outside world and doubted their own decision-making capabilities. At this stage of life, many prisoners reported thinking about getting medical help in the middle of the night if needed, and dying in prison. The prisoners who were most enthusiastic about release were the ones who had family waiting for them on the outside (Crawley & Sparks, 2006). Studies have consistently shown that the vast majority of people age out of crime, which means that if and when they are released, the likelihood of continuing criminal behavior decreases as people get older. This is supported through data provided by the Illinois Department of Corrections. Older inmates are less likely to commit new offenses within three years after being released—3.6% recidivism for those 70-79 years old compared to 30% for prisoners under age 50 (Pupovac, 2011). The number one concern of managing older prisoners is not violence or recidivism, but maintaining health. The special health needs of older prisoners cost about three times more than those of a younger inmate of average health. For example, the Illinois Department of Corrections spends about a third of its annual budget ($428 million) on aging prisoners (Pupovac, 2011). The situation in Illinois represents the situation all over the United States. A decline in visual abilities and a loss of hearing may make the older offender more vulnerable to harm by the very structure of the prison, and it can cause depression and post-traumatic stress disorder and result in social isolation. Studies report that many older male prisoners exhibit signs of trauma, stress, and mental illness, and thus feel unsafe and vulnerable to attack by younger inmates (Haugebrook, Zgoba, Maschi, Morgen, & Brown, 2010). The physical condition and structure of many prisons are also cause for concern about physical safety. Prisons were, after all, designed for young, active inmates and have stairs in tiered cell blocks and long distances to walk from one place to the next. Possible options for housing aging prisoners are mainstreaming them completely with the general population, housing them separately at night, or completely separating older from younger prisoners in geriatric or chronic care prisons. Geriatric prisons are separate facilities specifically designed for aging inmates with three or more chronic conditions, inmates with physical limitations, and/or inmates of any age who are terminally ill. In about half of all states, chronically ill prisoners are housed with or near aging prisoners because both groups have similar medical and dietary needs. These facilities are more like infirmaries, hospice care, or chronic care facilities that offer safety from predatory inmates. Geriatric prisons offer unique programming or services geared specifically toward this population of prisoners, who will not likely be employed (or employable) once they return to society. Thus, involvement in GED or occupational training is not offered. Instead, inmates in these facilities tend to care for each other instead of placing each other in jeopardy. Oxygen generators and wheelchairs are kept on hand, and medication time becomes as important as count time. Aging trustys complete the facility operation work, such as changing sheets, bedpans, laundry, cooking, and cleaning. In light of high medical costs, the issue of early release of terminally ill prisoners from prison has received new attention. Many states and the Federal BOP have compassionate release or medical parole available on a case-by-case basis for inmates who are permanently incapacitated, those who have less than one year to live, and/or those who no longer pose an imminent danger to the community. Release must be made in most cases by the governor or a parole board, after a team of physicians makes a recommendation on the prisoner's medical condition. Currently, about 100 prisoners are released every year in this way (Reimer, 2008), but the hope is to expand the program by changing eligibility requirements. In 2016, Department of Justice Inspector General Michael Horowitz requested to the U.S. Sentencing Commission that the eligibility age be lowered from 65 to 50, and that the 10-year minimum be waived to allow more federal prisoners to become eligible (Horowitz, 2016). Table 9-3 considers the arguments in favor of and against having terminally ill prisoners released early on parole or released to a community-based assisted-care living facility. Among the challenges is the problem of finding a nursing home that will accept someone with a criminal record. Another issue is re-enrolling former prisoners for Medicaid and Social Security benefits, which are automatically terminated when someone is incarcerated. Given that the re-enrollment period takes up to three months, some states have started "suspending" or temporarily freezing benefits which are easier to reinstate within a matter of weeks and do not require re-enrollment. Table 9-3 Should Terminally Ill Prisoners Be Released on Parole? Arguments in FavorArguments AgainstCost savings realized with the same levels of care still offered in a community-based hospiceState prisons are shifting responsibility to Medicaid for an indigent prisoner's medical needsThe inmate is still on parole supervisionMay go against victim's wishesChance of committing a new crime is extremely lowThere is still a chance that a prisoner could feel well enough to commit a crime againThe prisoner's family could more easily visit and prepare for deathInterrupting some treatment regimens contributes to developing drug-resistant strains of bacteria/infectious diseases Check Your Understanding Releasing Terminally Ill Patients on Parole Prison Hospice Hospices based inside prison are available for terminally ill prisoners whose sentences do not qualify them for medical parole or whose application was denied. The National Prison Hospice Association formed to address the large increase of AIDS-related deaths (Wright & Bronstein, 2007). Prison hospices operate similarly to community-based hospice services in that the inmates are provided with medication to manage pain; they are cared for by a team of nurses, social workers, dieticians, pharmacists, and clergy; and the environment resembles a secure hospital rather than a prison atmosphere. Some of the more unique volunteers are other able-bodied prisoners who are there to emotionally console dying prisoners when they have no family left or family members are unable or unwilling to visit. The correctional officers have respect for the care and companionship that they see as necessary to allow every person, no matter how they behaved on the streets, to die with dignity (Reimer, 2008; Wright & Bronstein, 2007).

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Introduction

Chapter 9 special correctional Populations Mikael Karlsson/Alamy Stock Photo Learning Objectives 9.1 summarize prison treatment programs that address the differences among sex offenders. 9.2 describe the alternatives that pregnant mothers have once they give birth to their babies while incarcerated. 9.3 explain the issues caused by the growth in the number of prisoners who have special health care needs. Was the Sentence Appropriate for This Student for a First-Time Misdemeanor Sex Offense? Owen Labrie was looking forward to his upcoming graduation from St. Paul's, an elite private preparatory school in New Hampshire. As captain of the soccer team, Labrie was a well-known and popular student. He was looking forward to attending Harvard University in the fall on a scholarship. On the surface, the 18-year-old had everything going for him. However, Labrie's Harvard plans and scholarship were canceled when he was accused of raping a 15-year-old classmate. Labrie took his case to a jury trial. At the trial, the jury heard about a twisted tradition at St. Paul's that Labrie and his friends called "senior salute," which involved high school senior males engaging in sex with younger female classmates before graduation. Labrie posted his list of sexual conquests on social media and used derogatory terms to refer to his conquests. Using the computer to communicate, he attempted to lure a fellow classmate. When the female victim, age 15, initially turned him down, he referred to her in an angry message as a "slut" and "dumb cum-bucket" (Bidgood, 2015). He later convinced the same victim to go with him to the rooftop of a school building and they engaged in sexual intercourse, which Labrie boasted about on social media but later denied at the trial (and which the victim said was nonconsensual). Although Labrie was acquitted of rape, he was found guilty of misdemeanor sexual assault, endangering a child, and using a computer to lure a victim for sex. The victim says she remains traumatized by the incident. Labrie was sentenced in October 2015 to one year of jail, followed by five years of probation. The judge acknowledged that intelligence and charisma were common traits of sexual predators. He was court-ordered to complete a sex offender treatment program and register as a sex offender for life (Stevens, 2015). Jim Cole/AP Images Discuss Do you think the judge's sentence was appropriate under the circumstances? Why or why not?

Chapter 10.3 History Of Parole Reading

History of Parole Norfolk Island was one of the toughest penal colonies for English prisoners. Norfolk Island had a reputation for housing the most unruly and violent prisoners and for using a management style that included severe beatings and physical labor (Morris, 2002). When he arrived, Captain Alexander Maconochie significantly changed the way that prisoners were managed. He abolished corporal punishment and chain gangs, and rewarded positive behavior and work ethics through a daily mark system. Prisoners who participated in work and education programs were credited with marks, whereas marks were removed for disciplinary violations. When prisoners accumulated enough marks, they were released early from the island (Morris, 2002). In addition to Maconochie's influence, today's version of parole owes some of its heritage to the work of Sir Walter Crofton and the application of indeterminate sentencing. Sir Walter Crofton, appointed as director of the Irish Prison System, was especially intrigued with this concept of conditional release. Borrowing some ideas from Maconochie, Crofton developed a system of increasing privileges that was known as the Irish system (see Figure 10-7). The Irish system was a three-stage incremental process that eventually resulted in release through a ticket-of-leave. Figure 10-7 Walter Crofton's Irish System. Figure 10-7 Full Alternative Text Description While under a ticket-of-leave, releasees were not under supervision per se, but were expected to keep the police informed of their whereabouts. The ticket-of-leave is another one of parole's predecessors, but at that time, prisoners on leave were not being formally supervised, nor were there any revocation procedures for failing to notify law enforcement. In the United States, prison officials realized the necessity of having ways to encourage good behavior by prisoners. With the first complaints of crowding, officials saw a need for procedures that would help control the size of the prison population by releasing some prisoners early to make room for new arrivals. The answer could be found in the Irish system's reliance on indeterminate sentencing and the ticket-of-leave. When the new institution opened at Elmira, New York, penologist Zebulon Brockway implemented Maconochie's mark system and Crofton's graduated release leading to a supervised ticket-of-leave. Inmates released from Elmira were supervised at first by volunteer citizens. After its successful use at Elmira, the indeterminate sentence and parole became the dominant philosophy. Figure 10-8 lists the four main uses of modern parole. Figure 10-8 Four Uses of Parole. Assist released inmates to lead a more law-abiding life under restrictions Encourage inmate conformity to prison rules Backdoor prison population reduction strategy Reduce judicial sentencing disparity

Chapter 9.2: Prison Nurseries

Prison Nurseries Prison nurseries are separate facilities inside prison where each pair of infants and mothers must qualify (mothers for their offense and babies up to age five). During the day, the babies play with each other and each mom is responsible to watch her child. At night, the infant sleeps in a crib in the mother's cell. Table 9-2 lists the benefits and the concerns of prison nurseries. The strongest argument in favor of keeping mothers with their newborns is that the mother's attachment and sense of responsibility for her baby teaches her how to become a better parent. However, there is no scientific evidence that prison nurseries reduce recidivism after release. A case study of a prison nursery is described at the end of the chapter. Table 9-2 Benefits and Concerns About Prison Nurseries Benefits of Prison NurseriesConcerns About Prison NurseriesBiological parent retains custodyPotential liability concerns within the facilityChild establishes a bond with his or her motherNo scientific evidence that prison nurseries lower recidivism compared to women with dependent children who do not get to take advantage of the prison nurseryMother learns parental responsibility, positive reinforcement, and how to respond to negative behavior appropriately (consistent and assertive, but not aggressive)The welfare of a child is the main responsibility of child protective services—it is an additional responsibility that is beyond the scope of prisonsAllows inmates to serve as positive role models for their children and each otherQuestionable whether children in prison nurseries benefit significantly more than children who live with extended family or in foster care while parents are incarcerated

Sex Offender Treatment Programs

use multiple regimens that include cognitive behavioral therapy to address thinking errors and minimization, victim empathy, polygraph to avoid denial and aid in divulging previous sex offenses, and aversive conditioning

Chapter 11 Quiz

14/20- Theodore was released after seven years in prison. However, his freedom came at a cost. He was required to register in a community and his whereabouts were made accessible to the public. Moreover, he was evicted from the locality in which he resided earlier. Now, he could live only on the outskirts of the city. From these collateral consequences of Theodore's crime, it can be concluded that he was a ________. sex offender Correct. Theodore was a sex offender. Collateral consequences of a sex offense conviction include sex offender registration laws and public notification laws. In addition to the registration and notification laws

Chapter 10 Quiz:

15/20- A prisoner returning to the free community as a result of __________ is under unconditional release, whereas a prisoner returned to the free community as a result of __________ is under conditional release. sentence expiration / discretionary parole: Correct

Chapter 11.2: Quiz 11.2: A Sampling Of Prisoners Rights Issues

2/3- Officer Stanley is the warden of a penitentiary that houses some of the most notorious criminals in the state, and he has implemented a number of policies to discipline them. Which of his following policies is unreasonable in relation to legitimate penological interests? Officer Stanley does not provide meals on Tuesdays to prisoners because the prison is overcrowded and he is trying to save scarce resources. Correct. This policy is unreasonable in the context of legitimate penological interests.

Chapter 12 Quiz

20/20- Joey was exonerated after the Innocence Project agreed to assist him in attaining his freedom from death row. In order to do so he was asked to provide a swab of saliva that could be analyzed. What, in this case, is The Innocence Project using to rule out and exonerate inmates from death row? DNA analysis Correct.

Chapter 12 Quiz

3/20- Since January 1st, 1977, most executions have taken place in the __________ and the fewest in the __________. South / Northeast Correct.

Chapter 13.6: Residential-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders Reading

Residential-Based Responses to Juvenile Offenders 13.6 Describe juvenile residential facilities and the treatment programs available in them. Juvenile offenders whose disposition involves out-of-home placement are typically sent to a residential institution such as a group home, camp, or correctional facility. After reviewing the characteristics of those facilities and the juveniles in them, we consider some of the successful programs that can be used in an institutional setting. Characteristics of Custody Facilities and the Youths in Them Watch What It Is Like to Work in a Girls' Group Home Around 2,000 facilities nationwide hold about 54,000 juvenile offenders—down from more than 105,000 being held in 1997. Half of the facilities are privately operated, but most offenders are held in public facilities (either state or local). Facility type ranges from residential treatment centers and group homes (the two most frequently found facility types) to ranch/wilderness camps and shelters. Public facilities are more likely than private facilities to secure their youth by locking them in sleeping rooms at night or when the youth is out of control and to have other confinement features such as locked day rooms, floors, and corridors Hockenberry, Sickmund, & Sladky (2015). Youths in custody are less likely to have been enrolled in school prior to being placed in custody than are their peers in the general population (76% versus 88%). In addition, about half of youths in custody are functioning below the grade level for their age compared with 28% of youth in the general population (Sedlak & Bruce, 2010). Because the link between education and delinquency is well established, an obvious need for juveniles held in residential facilities is the ability to continue their education. Most facilities evaluate the juveniles in terms of their educational needs and the majority of juveniles attend school while in the facility. Elementary level, middle school, and high school educational services are available in most facilities and many provide special education services and GED preparation. Fewer provide post-high school, vocational, or technical education (Hockenberry, Sickmund, & Sladky, 2013). The majority of juveniles in custody facilities are being held for delinquency offenses—more often for offenses against persons (43%) than for offenses against property (26%)—and for drug offenses (10%), status offenses (10%), and public order offenses (3%). The remaining 7% are in custody for technical violations of probation or parole or some other reason (Sedlak & Bruce, 2010). Although most of the youths in custodial facilities are male (85%), there are interesting differences between male and female offenders in terms of their offense patterns. As shown in Figure 13-6, greater percentages of males than females have murder, rape, kidnapping, robbery, drug offenses, and public order offenses as their most serious current offense. Females are more likely to be in custody as the result of a status offense or an assault without a weapon. The high proportion of female simple assault offenses is probably not so much a result of females being more violent as it is a result of mandatory domestic violence arrest laws—juvenile females are being arrested for altercations with family members whereas in the past such cases were handled informally or documented as status offenses (Sedlak & Bruce, 2010). Figure 13-6 Males and Females in Custody by Their Most Serious Current Offense. Source: Figure 1, Males and Females in Custody by Their Most Serious Current Offense from Youth's Characteristics And Backgrounds: Findings From The Survey Of Youth In Residential Placement by Andrea J. Sedlak and Carol Bruce. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © December 2010. Figure 13-6 Full Alternative Text Description Think About It... Pearson Education Inc. As the Justice Police Institute points out (Petteruti, Velazquez, & Walsh, 2009), youths placed in custodial facilities have a higher recidivism rate than youths who have received community-based sanctions. In addition, imprisoning youths can have severe detrimental effects on those young people and their long-term economic productivity. One reason is that imprisonment disrupts the process that normally allows many youths to "age out" of crime. What other reasons can you offer for the detrimental effects of placing young offenders in custodial facilities? Does the goal of retribution override those detrimental effects?

Chapter 14.2: Returning Rationality to Corrections Policy Reading

Returning Rationality to Corrections Policy 14.2 Articulate how the corrections system can become "Smart on Crime." Since the 1970s, corrections policy in the United States has become overrun by politics, union control, and emotionally based reactions to terrible tragedies, along with not enough administrative accountability and transparency. Academic scholars and not-for-profit groups such as the Pew Center, Council of State Governments, Vera Institute of Justice, and the Sentencing Project are deeply committed to rational crime control policy, which focuses on appropriate responses to the harm suffered by the victim or by communities and reducing expensive incarceration responses. The Association of State Correctional Administrators, whose membership is comprised of all state correctional department heads, has also taken a greater role in developing meaningful correctional policy. Tonry (2004) suggested that crime policymaking be altogether delegated away from politics and to a specialized administrative agency. This idea is in line with his other suggestion to make prosecutors and judgeships into career civil servant tracts and to get away from the election and political appointment process. Given the current structure of the criminal justice system in the United States, Figures 14-4 and 14-5 list questions that are specific to decision-makers influencing correctional policy at an earlier stage in the process. Figure 14-4 examines questions that legislators should investigate before changing existing laws or passing new laws. Figure 14-5 lists issues that prosecutors and judges should consider in the course of their occupational decisions involving criminal cases. Figure 14-4 Questions that Legislators Should Ask. Has increased use of imprisonment led to crime reductions? If we completed a cost-benefit analysis of incarceration for each major class of criminal behavior, would the net effect be worth it? If not, we should devise less costly alternatives. Can prisons deliver evidence-based treatment programs that will enhance public safety by reducing prisoners' later recidivism? If not, how can we be certain when and how this treatment will be received? Source: Tonry, M., & Petersilia, J. (1999). Prison research at the beginning of the 21st century. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Retrieved from http://www.ncjrs.org/pdffiles1/nij/184478.pdf. Figure 14-5 Questions that Prosecutors and Judges Should Ask. How much of a direct threat is this person to public safety? How likely is it that this person will commit violent and/or predatory acts in the future? What are the effects of imprisonment on prisoners' future economic mobility (income and employment opportunities)? What are the immediate and future effects of imprisonment on prisoners' later physical and mental well-being? What are the punishment effects on offenders' spouses, parents, and children? What are the effects of punishment on the victim and the larger community? Source: Tonry, M., & Petersilia, J. (1999). Prison research at the beginning of the 21st century. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Retrieved from http://www.ncjrs.org/pdffiles1/nij/184478.pdf. Being Smart on Crime The opening story in this chapter discussed how a bill to establish a national crime commission kept getting reintroduced into Congress, but each time got blocked in committee. Given that Congress was unable to work together on such an important piece of legislation, and that the federal criminal justice system had fallen behind most other states, the U.S. Attorney General requested the Department of Justice immediately conduct a thorough review of the criminal justice system. This initiative became known as being "Smart on Crime" and made a series of recommendations (Department of Justice, 2013). Among the recommendations was decentralization—to allow each prosecutor of the 94 districts to create their own agendas for identifying crime problems and needs that are unique to their area, rather than having one national strategy that may or may not fit all districts. A second change was reduced federal prison sentence lengths for drug offenders who had no ties to gangs, international cartels, or other large-scale criminal organizations (Department of Justice, 2013). In 2015, nearly 10,000 federal offenders qualified for this reduction, and more are expected to be released in future years (Schindler, 2015). The U.S. Sentencing Commission is currently working on reforming the mandatory minimum laws. A third change was that offenders who did not pose a threat to public safety in the federal system would be eligible for alternatives to incarceration such as diversion, drug court, and other community-based efforts. A fourth effort was to increase the eligibility for inmates seeking compassionate release because of a terminal illness or because of a dire medical need. This would allow federal judges to reconsider a sentence reduction for this purpose if the inmate committed a nonviolent crime (Department of Justice, 2013). Finally, the federal system will increase its reentry efforts by designating a "prevention and reentry coordinator" in each district's U.S. Attorney's Office. Tied to reentry is a concerted effort to reduce the collateral consequences of having a felony conviction if that limitation does not serve a public safety purpose. For example, President Obama recommended that non-law enforcement federal agencies not ask about prior criminal history prior to hiring (Schindler, 2015). More effort will be made to help former offenders who are eligible to apply for expungement and move beyond their stigma.

Chapter 11 The Case: Proof of Rehabilitation

The Case Proof of Rehabilitation In 2010, reporter Dawn Turner Trice brought Darrell Langdon's story to Chicago Tribune readers (Trice, 2010a, 2010b). It is a compelling story of a man who made a mistake two decades earlier and worked hard to pay his debt to society and to become a productive, law-abiding citizen. His success in doing so was even formally acknowledged by a court-granted certificate of good conduct that attests to a person's rehabilitation. Langdon had been convicted of possessing half a gram of cocaine in 1985 and he was sentenced to serve six months on probation and pay a $100 fine. At the time of his conviction, he worked for the Chicago Public Schools (a job he was allowed to keep after his conviction) until 1995 when he was laid off during a major restructuring. He worked as a mortgage broker and also as a building engineer until 2008 when he applied for another job with Chicago Public Schools (CPS). His application was denied because the Illinois School Code prohibits persons with records such as Langdon from working in public schools. Langdon told Trice that he had been sober since 1988, reared two sons as a single parent, and had a very good work history since the conviction. The desire to have some way that a person can show he or she has been rehabilitated raises several interesting questions: A CPS spokesperson said, "This individual sounds like he did everything he should be doing to rehabilitate himself into a professional and private community. We're glad to see that, but the delicate balance is that we need to ensure we're hiring people who won't put our children in jeopardy" (quoted in Trice, 2010a). What things could CPS or any other workplace use to determine whether someone is rehabilitated and safe to have work around children? In 2010, under a newly revised law, Langdon applied for a certificate of good conduct that lifts statutory barriers to employment for persons with lower-grade felony convictions. That certificate allowed CPS to hire Langdon and, after an initial denial, CPS did so under new rules established in response to Langdon's case. Pardon and expungement of adult criminal records are becoming increasingly rare. Do you think certificates of rehabilitation will be the main process by which civil rights are restored in the future? What do you see as some problems and benefits of this procedure?

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Quiz 8.3: Collective Behavior

2/3- Which of the following is characteristic of groups in women's prisons? Friendship among prisoners is used mainly for protection and only rarely for sharing problems. Female prisoners reported as being loners usually possess poor social skills. A majority of female inmates are recruited into a gang during imprisonment. Women usually group to form pseudo families that replicate family structures in larger society. Correct. One of the most widely documented aspects of the social structure of women's prisons is a fabricated kinship network that has been called pseudo families or play families. These families borrow the structure, terminology, and function of families in larger society.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Chapter 8.4 Sexual Assault and Rape Quiz 8.4

2/3- Who among the following has a low probability of being a victim of assault? Incorrect AnswerSasha who is an intimidating 25-year-old imprisoned for armed robbery. She wears her hair short and sports multiple tattoos on both arms.Incorrect. Certain physical traits, like effeminate traits in a man and masculine traits in a woman, increase the probability of assault.Ivan, who was 30 years old when he was imprisoned for armed robbery. He has earned the protection of a gang leader by procuring drugs and cigarettes for him.Correct. Since Ivan has earned protection from a gang leader, he has decreased his probability of being a victim.Cody, a loner, who does not lack social skills, but prefers not to be affiliated to any crew or gang.George, who has been diagnosed with severe autism spectrum disorder, and is sentenced for brutally beating up and trying to suffocate his younger brother.

Chapter 9.2: Quiz 9.2:

2/4- Which of the following is an assumption in the United States that supports the separation of children from their incarcerated mothers? A convicted mother must be a bad parent. Correct. The United States is one of the few developed countries that routinely separates children from their mothers. One of the assumptions that supports this practice is that a convicted mother must be a bad parent.

Intro To Criminal Justice LEJ 104 Quiz 8.3: Collective Behavior

3/3- The Dark Knights is a security threat group (STG) in a state penitentiary. They pose a serious threat to the well-being of other prisoners and have been known to instigate and promote drug transactions within the prison. Correctional staff has also been a victim of their physical assaults on several occasions. Which of the following is an appropriate way to manage the Dark Knights? Gang members should be made to participate in a number of programs in an attempt to positively influence them. Members of the group should be unevenly dispersed across state and federal penitentiaries. Members of the group should be assigned heavy workloads so that they have less time to interact with one another. Gang members should be separated from other prisoners in the facility to curb their influence. Correct. STG members should be segregated from the general population of prisoners.

Chapter 10.3 Revoking Parole

Revoking Parole Figure 10-12 shows that nearly 64% of parolees successfully discharge or complete parole without incident and about 2% are transferred to complete their parole in another jurisdiction because of a job move or other event. About one-third of parolees are revoked and return to prison primarily for technical violations, or for committing new crime. An additional 2% of parolees abscond from parole, which means they stop reporting and the officer loses track of the offender's whereabouts altogether. Figure 10-12 What Happens to Parolees? Reference: Kaeble, D., Maruschak, L. M., & Bonczar, T. P. (2015).Probation and parole in the United States, 2014 (NCJ 249057). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ppus14.pdf. Note: Cases that were unknown or not reported were subtracted from the total. Figure 10-12 Full Alternative Text Description In general, men on parole are more likely to be revoked than women who are more likely to take on childcare responsibilities for dependent children. Drug use was a common behavior for those who were revoked (Huebner & Pleggenkuhle, 2015). Living near "potentially criminogenic places" such as alcohol establishments, public transportation stops, and places where drugs are sold did not seem to increase risk of failure for parolees (Miller, Caplan, & Ostermann, 2016). However, parolees were found to have committed new crimes not far from their homes, within their own neighborhoods (Hipp & Yates, 2009). Upon becoming aware of the possible commission of a new crime or technical violations, a parole officer may wish to revoke parole, but the final decision is up to the parole board. If formal revocation is sought, there must be a preliminary hearing and a formal revocation hearing following arrest. The parolee is not entitled to many of the rights at a criminal trial, such as an attorney, a jury of peers, or privilege against self-incrimination. However, parole revocation represents a loss of liberty, so some due process rights are permitted. They are as follows: Written notice of alleged parole violations Disclosure of evidence against parolee Opportunity to be heard in person and to present witnesses and evidence Right to confront and cross-examine adverse witnesses (unless the hearing officer finds good cause not to allow such confrontation) A neutral and detached hearing body A written statement by the fact-finder as to the evidence relied upon and reason(s) for revoking parole (Morrissey v. Brewer, 1972 [408 U.S., 471]) A revocation for technical violations may not always result in removal from the community. In some jurisdictions, such as Colorado, intermediate sanctions like day reporting centers or residential community facilities are the preferred cost-effective alternative to jail or prison. If jail is inevitable, some states will limit the amount of time that can be served for a revocation. For example, Kentucky allows parole officers discretion to incarcerate a technical violator for up to 30 days per every 365-day period on parole (VERA Institute of Justice, 2010). Due to the economic deficits that most states have recently faced, many have explored reducing overall costs to the correctional system by way of increasing parole rates, increasing probation as an alternative to prison, and decreasing prison as an option for parole or probation revocation. With an increased focus on successful reentry, community corrections supervision officers understand the importance of employment and positive family support for former prisoners (McKiernan et al., 2013; Visher et al., 2011).

Chapter 12.1: Capital Punishment Yesterday and Today Reading

Capital Punishment Yesterday and Today 12.1 Outline the history of capital punishment in the United States. The history of the death penalty in the United States is best understood by viewing it as two historical periods: the early period prior to 1972 and the modern period from 1972 forward. The distinguishing event was the 1972 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Furman v. Georgia (408 U.S. 238) that (as we see later) began the modern era of capital punishment. We cover these periods in a brief history of capital punishment. A Short History of Capital Punishment in the United States When British settlers came to the New World, they brought with them the practice of capital punishment. It had been a well-established punishment in England and during the sixteenth-century reign of Henry VIII (1509-1547), an estimated 72,000 men and women were executed for a variety of offenses. By the 1700s, more than 200 crimes were punishable by death in Britain, including stealing and cutting down a growing tree. Even into the 1800s, there were more than 100 crimes punishable by death (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016f; Kronenwetter, 1993). With that heritage, it is not surprising that the American colonies came to rely on capital punishment as well. The first recorded execution in the colonies was in 1608 in the Jamestown Colony of Virginia when Captain George Kendall was executed for being a spy for Spain. The death penalty could also be applied in Virginia during the early 1600s for such minor offenses as stealing grapes, killing chickens, and trading with Indians. In the mid-1600s, the New York Colony punished by death such crimes as striking one's mother or father (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016f). By the start of the American Revolution, the death penalty was used in all 13 colonies, with Rhode Island being the only colony that did not have at least 10 crimes punishable by death (ProCon.org, 2013). The colonies had fairly similar death statutes that covered arson, piracy, treason, murder, sodomy, burglary, robbery, rape, horse-stealing, slave rebellion, and often counterfeiting. Hanging was the usual sentence. But it did not take long before changes began occurring in the death penalty's application. As explained in Chapter 3, continued reliance on the corporal and capital punishment as the primary sanctions for criminal behavior began falling out of favor by the middle the to late 1800s. The Pennsylvania Quakers worked to have long-term imprisonment accepted as a humanitarian alternative to the existing punishments and various death penalty abolitionist societies began appearing across the country. Other key changes during the nineteenth century included making a distinction between first- and second-degree murder, a discontinuance of public executions, and a movement from mandatory to discretionary capital punishment statutes (Bohm, 2003; del Carmen, Vollum, Cheeseman, Frantzen, & San Miguel, 2005). During the first half of the twentieth century, there were increased calls for the death penalty's abolition. However, after a period in the early 1900s, when several states abolished and then reinstated capital punishment, there was a resurgence in its use from the 1920s to the 1940s. In the 1930s, there were more executions in America than there have been in any other decade—averaging 167 executions per year (Bohm, 2003). By the 1950s, public sentiment in America—and in many of the Allied nations that had fought in World War II—had turned away from the death penalty and the number of executions in the United States dropped dramatically. Between 1608 (America's first execution) and 1972, there were more than 14,000 executions in colonial America and the United States. Forty-nine percent of those executed were black, 41% were white, and the remainder fell into the "other" category (Death Penalty Information Center, 2016c). In the period from 1930 to 1976, most of those executed were African-Americans (54%) and men (99%). Executions were typically for murder (86%, with blacks accounting for 49% of these executions), and 12% were for rape, in which blacks accounted for 90% of the executions (Office of Justice Programs, 1978). African-Americans constituted between 10 and 12% of the total U.S. population during the twentieth century. Their 54% representation among persons executed in the mid-twentieth century was very lopsided. This disproportionate representation of African-Americans among those executed was one of the factors leading the U.S. Supreme Court to declare the death penalty unconstitutional in 1972, and that decision marked the end of capital punishment's early period in America.

Chapter 12 Quiz

18/20- Which of the following scenarios exemplifies the circumstances of the majority of women on death row? Monica was unreasonably jealous of her husband's friendships. One night, she stabbed him with a broken glass bottle, and he died of the wounds. Correct. This is typical of a majority of women on death row. Nearly two-thirds of the women on death row were convicted of killing family members or people they knew.

Chapter 13 Quiz

8/20- ________ is when criminal courts have original jurisdiction for certain crimes committed by juveniles. Statutory exclusion Correct.

Chapter 14.2: The Future of Corrections Reading

The Future of Corrections State correction department heads identified the top four critical issues to be addressed in the near future as supervision and care of mentally ill offenders, correctional staff recruitment and retention/wellness, reducing the use of administrative segregation, and better management of correctional population increases (Association of State Correctional Administrators, 2016). Three out of four of these critical issues were discussed in Chapters 6 and 7. In this section, we address innovative ways that administrators are working toward more effective management of correctional populations. We predict that the future of corrections looks very promising, as changes are made toward the use of performance-based measures, a better understanding of factors driving jail and prison population growth, and the use of innovative solutions to reinvest in prevention factors that have a greater impact on crime. No longer will programs be funded solely on the number of persons incarcerated or on the caseload sizes on probation. Performance-Based Measures The model of funding that had been used historically in some jurisdictions encouraged prisons to expand and probation officers to keep their compliant probationers as long as possible for increased funding. This model of funding unfortunately never rewarded any program or system for decreasing their numbers or solving crime problems. Now, programs that receive funding are being expected to meet certain performance-based measures, such as recidivism reduction, decreasing revocations back to jail, increasing employment rates for offenders on supervision, increasing the amount of restitution collected, and increasing the amount of community supervision completed. This only works with accurate data, if community supervision officers are dedicated to helping offenders succeed instead of playing the "gotcha" game, and if parole boards and judges agree to a progressive sanction model over automatic jail or prison revocations. Ultimately, with less offenders going back to jails and prisons, the state saves a significant amount of money. Many state and local correctional systems are hampered with outdated data systems and simply do not collect the type of data necessary to make sound policy decisions. To help this situation, the Association of State Correctional Administrators (2015) updates a shared database and uniform definitions for a performance-based measures system to allow correctional administrators to use the same database platform to collect, store, and analyze data for their institution. The performance-based measures database contains seven main areas of available data primarily for jails and prisons: public safety, institutional safety, mental health, substance abuse, justice, education, and physical health. Some of these variables, featured in Table 14-4, allow one institution to compare performance against other similar institutions around the country using standardized measures that compute rates by factoring in the raw number by a standard denominator. The intent with these indicators is to help correctional institutions identify specific areas for improvement. Another purpose is to incentivize institutional and community-based departments to help increase positive behaviors such as earning a GED while incarcerated and completing community service and restitution. Private prison and probation companies should also be held to these same standards that link continued funding to quality of performance. Table 14-4 Performance Measures for Corrections Public SafetyTreatment Provided Facility escapes (medium custody and above) Walkaways/Absconding Institutional Safety Staffing ratios (inmates for every officer) Riots and disturbances Prisoner homicides Prisoner suicides Contraband recovered Inmate-on-inmate assaults and victims Uses of force by staff Staff injuries resulting from inmate assault Inmate-on-inmate sexual assaults Staff sexual misconduct Type and frequency of treatment programs provided Positive drug tests Psychiatric beds Treatment staff (type, number of hours providing services) Positive Behavior Community service hours completed Victim restitution paid Child support paid Offender Recidivism Commitment type (technical violation or new crime) New offenses committed Number of crime-free days (release date to new offense date) Source: Association of State Correctional Administrators (2015).Performance-based measures system counting rules:Revised counting rules for organization characteristics effective August 28, 2015. Hagerstown, MD: Association of State Correctional Administrators. Retrieved online at http://www.asca.net/system/assets/attachments/8868/PBMS%20KeyIndicators%20%208_28_15.pdf?1440788921. Check Your Understanding Performance-Based Measures Justice Reinvestment Initiative Watch Justice Reinvestment Initiative: How It Varies by State Another initiative that works alongside performance-based measures to reward states for reducing incarceration costs is the Justice Reinvestment Initiative. Federal financial assistance was provided to states interested in understanding factors driving jail and prison population growth in their state. Based on state-level crime, arrest, conviction, and revocation data analyzed by the Council of State Governments Justice Center, policymakers in each state then developed and implemented policy options to reduce the institutional population and generate cost savings. The savings generated by closing down prisons could be reinvested back into selected high-risk communities and other prevention-oriented strategies. The neighborhoods where most offenders were released were mapped to identify which neighborhoods were in most need of the reinvestment services (Clement, Schwarzfeld, & Thompson, 2011). At least 11 states have saved taxpayer money by reducing their prison populations (including Kansas, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Oregon, and Texas). These states have been approved to use the savings on crime prevention programs in their own communities. Essentially, if prison populations dropped over time, the money saved from funds that were initially budgeted by a state to incarcerate offenders could be redirected to job training, or to support schools, libraries, public housing, and other forms of community restoration in high-crime neighborhoods (Clear, 2011). See the case study at the end of this chapter for how Kansas solved its problems of increased prison populations. Other examples of Justice Reinvestment projects include diverting people from the prison system, increasing drug treatment opportunities, closing prisons, and reducing parole and probation technical violation rates. Every intervention must use data to show measurable declines in the prison population and how the intervention affects neighborhood public safety. As we venture into the future, we may be looking at an entire paradigm change from one that focused on an offender's deficits and shortcomings to one built on positive incentives, strengths, aspirations, and talents that have the potential of becoming exceptional and changed behavior. By focusing on positive behavior along with reinvesting in vulnerable communities, incarceration rates will be reduced without compromising public safety.

Chapter 10.2 Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation

Education and Vocational Skills in Reentry Preparation 10.2 Explain the benefits of education and vocational programs to inmates. Many students reading this book have learned how to set educational goals and reach them incrementally through taking classes part time or full time. Getting a degree is not instantaneous—it takes time, effort, and sacrifice. In comparison to college students, most former prisoners "remain largely uneducated, unskilled, and usually without solid family support systems—and now they have the added burden of a prison record and the distrust and fear that it inevitably elicits" (Petersilia, 2002, p. 154). According to national statistics (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008), about 4 in 10 of all adult inmates in jails and prisons had not completed high school nor received the equivalent General Education Development (GED). In addition, a disproportionately high number of prisoners (20%) and jail inmates (30%) have a cognitive learning disability (Bronson, Maruschak, & Berzofsky, 2015). Being behind academically seems to start early. Juveniles who got into trouble with the law had significantly more problems in all areas of math, reading, and written and oral language skills than did juveniles who had never been in trouble. The lack of education, coupled with disabilities, makes it very difficult to find a well-paying job, and explains why other sources of income may be needed to make ends meet (see Table 10-1). Think about what it would be like to live in poverty without setting or reaching goals and yet not having the skills or motivation to improve your life the "slow" way. Instead, individuals with learning or speech disabilities lose interest and eventually drop out of school. Other reasons for leaving school early include behavioral problems, family or personal problems, socioeconomic difficulties, early entry to the workforce, and joining the military. Table 10-1 Pre-Prison Income Sources of PRISONERS who Supported Dependents State PrisonersFederal PrisonersMaleFemaleMaleFemaleSource of Income in Month Before Current ArrestaWages or salary77%61%73%68%Transfer paymentsb1036724Family/friends921815Child support/alimony0908Illegal sources24213627Otherc3340aMay add to more than 100% because prisoners may have had multiple sources of income; numbers in this table may be slightly different from those in the original table because of rounding.bIncludes welfare, Social Security, supplemental Social Security income, and compensation payments such as unemployment insurance, worker's compensation, and veteran's compensation.cIncludes pensions, educational assistance, investments, and other unspecified types of income. Source: From Parents in Prison and Their Minor Children, NCJ 222984. Published by U.S Department of Justice, © 2008. Evidence-based correctional practices stress the importance of increasing levels of educational achievement. At intake, inmates are given a test for adult basic education (TABE) to determine at what level the prisoners are functioning academically. The TABE score corresponds directly to the particular grade level at which a person functions (e.g., a TABE score of "12" would mean that the person functions at a 12th grade level, and is eligible to take the GED). Illiterate individuals, who have a TABE score at 6 or less, are best taught through Corrective Reading, a beginning adult reader program (Coulter & Brookens, 2003). Federal offenders who are not proficient in the English language are required to achieve at least an eighth-grade proficiency level. State prisoners are generally less educated at admission than federal prisoners, but only a small number of states established a mandatory literacy level, varying between 5th and 12th grade.