HIST 202

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In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 4 about with regard to the crusades?

¶2 The second case study is the crusades, the holy wars that have acquired a particular resonance as a result of current political and religious tensions, especially since 9/11. Chapter 4 sargues that attempts to mobilize the crusades in modern-day rhetoric, both Western and Muslim, are at best misconceived and at worst specious. The crusades are, inf act, an excellent demonstration of the distortions and illogicalities that always flow from trying to squeeze relevance out of the Middle Ages contrary to what is historically accurate or intellectually valid. ... (Bull 2005, 5)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", how does the author respond to the claim that all the stories cited merely outflank the skepticism they passingly acknowledge? What does this say about 500-1500AD skepticism and unbelief?

¶3 ... Against all I have said here, one might object that the stories I cite end, after all, by outflanking the skepticism they passingly acknowledge. Wulfric convicts the visitor who "tests the truth" of his vision; Geoffrey attempts the "didactic" account of Christina's clairvoyance only until he is forced to acknowledge that Christina really does see everything that concerns him. But notice what that last point implies. Surely if Geoffrey's profession as a monk, as a Christian, means anything, it commits him to the persuasion that God sees all his actions. Were this persuasion full and complete, one should think, the question of whether Christina really sees them ought to be moot. He abandons his niggardly reservations about Christina's knowledge, but apparently can realize God's omniscience, can bring it to bear on his behavior and his speculative deliberations, only by the sustaining analogy of Christina's. Inquisitions and confession manuals have sometimes been mined to discover the doubts that most troubled medieval- [p. 21] ¶1-Christians: the transubstantiation at Holy Mass, the efficacy of confession, Christ's resurrection, the damnation of the impenitent.70[70. Eucharist and Resurrection: Murray, "Piety and Impiety," 98-100; Eucharist: Craig Harline, Miracles at the Jesus Oak: Histories of the Supernatural in Reformation Europe (New York, 2003), 154; Eucharist, damnation, confession: John Edwards, "Religious Faith and Doubt in Late Medieval Spain: Soria circa 1450-1500," Past and Present 120 (1988): 3-25.] But of course what such lists show is not precisely what people most doubted, but what doubts seemed most useful to remark, to deplore or assuage or police. The miracle stories and saints' lives suggest the possibility that a deeper skepticism, tacit and pervasive and so diffuse as to elude useful formulation or response, may have attached itself routinely to other and still larger matters, like the reality of God. (Justice 2008, 20-21)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", why can't our modern scholarly accounts of medieval belief, which try to explain belief from the outside, cannot actually explain it?

¶3 ... One reason they cannot is that medieval belief already incorporates their possibility- [p. 18] ¶1-as part of its skeptical self-affliction: naturalizing or demystifying accounts of belief not only are available to medieval sources, but are internal to their acts of belief. Not only can these deflating explanations be engaged by critics of a possible saint; not only can they be entertained, and their plausibility conceded, by that saint's partisans; but those partisans can find themselves depending on those deflating explanations in order to sustain belief without the pressure of persistently facing up to full and lively realization of its improbability and of the offense it gives to any common sense of the empirical world. (Justice 2008, 17-18)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the main problem with any attempt to evaluate any evidence of the historical past?

¶3 ... The main problem with any attempt to evaluate the evidence for a slice of the historical past, especially a large and unwieldy slice like the Middle Ages, is that however much one can precisely quantify at least some parts of the surviving source base -- by- [p. 97] ¶1-counting the numbers of charters copied into a register, for example, or the number of boxes on an archive shelf -- it is never possible to get more than a vague, impressionistic sense of the full and complex relationship between the historical evidence and the vastness of the human experience to which it relates. ... (Bull 2005, 96-97)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is a practice that many medieval historians take when studying stories about miracles?

¶1 ... "I 'bracket' the question of cause, either natural or supernatural, for such [miraculous] events. I am interested in what medieval people experienced" ... (Justice 2008, 2)

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the relationship between popular culture and academic history?

¶2 ... the academic study of history does not exist in isolation from other ways of thinking about the past, although the connections are complex and variable. Although a phrase such as 'popular culture' is very useful, it should always be remembered that it is really a huge oversimplification. The term is shorthand for an enormous variety of perspectives and degrees of complexity, ... No two people assemble identical mental scrapbooks of the bits of the past that have meaning for them, even when they come from similar social, educational and cultural backgrounds. For these reasons, when embarking on the formal study of a historical period such as the Middle Ages, it is very important to keep at least half an eye on the popular cultural dimension. ... (Bull 2005, 8)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", how does the The Life of Christina of Markyate refute the reductive "perceptual" account of her miracles?

¶2 ... though aware of this possibility, the Life declares it, as much as the reductive "perceptual" account of her miracles, a failure rather than a mode of belief, and it trumps both these accounts, easily and simultaneously, with a single miracle. At prayer during matins one Christmas Eve, Christina feels uneasy about Geoffrey; she is reassured by a miraculous vision of him as he is at that moment, miles away at St. Albans, "wearing a red cope" (148). Two days later, Alexander, subprior of the monastery, visits her; she mentions her vision; Alexander bridles, first brusquely insisting that Geoffrey had been wearing a white cope then, but suddenly remembering, "not without astonishment," that it was as she says (150). He is not the only one astonished. So are the author and her other disciples: "Though she knows how she had this vision," he says, "we have so far failed to get it out of her." And so is Abbot Geoffrey: "From this moment [dehinc] that man removed all hope from the world, and fixed it instead in Christ" (150). ¶3 When Christina has so many visions, why does this one cause such a stir? With some background, the question is answerable. A cope is a vestment worn for celebration of the liturgical hours. Though sung in the middle of the night, matins is formally a morning office. Matins on Christmas Eve, therefore, is matins for Christmas Day; and with the coming of Christmas, the color of liturgical vestments changed, from red to white.64[64. For background on medieval liturgical colors, and for the reasons I can confidently assert these here, see Roger E. Reynolds, "Clerical Liturgical Vestments and Liturgical Colors in the Middle Ages," in Clerics in the Early Middle Ages: Hierarchy and Image (Aldershot, 1999), VI.1-16.] In other words, Abbot Geoffrey donned the wrong cope that night, in a muscle-memory nosing in from the liturgical season just ended, and Christina, miles away at Markyate, saw it. No one could just know that Abbot Geoffrey would choose- [p.17] ¶1-the wrong color for Christmas matins—that is figured in the surprise of Subprior Alexander, who failed to register the fact though he was present for it, and the surprise of the author and his fellows, who press her for an explanation of this vision and of no other. The story trumps the demystifying accounts because the vision it records is counter-routine and counterintuitive. Thus Abbot Geoffrey's definitive conversion. Before this point, as we saw, he tells himself that Christina watches him not because he thinks she really does, but because he finds it helpful to pretend she does. He begins really to change only when he discovers that what he has used as a convenient heuristic premise is actually the rudest fact: it is not as if she can see him; she just can see him. He thereby learns to believe what he believes, and the dramatic change in his behavior demonstrates how cobbled and fragile that previous belief had been. In the same way, her friends' question—how did you see that?—registers their astonishment at something apparently impossible, an astonishment that waves away any cynical judgment that Christina's visions manifest mere worldly good sense. Whatever you might say of her other visions, this one (the work thinks) cannot be explained naturally. (Justice 2008, 16-17)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what do the miracle-stories reveal about the nature of faith, and the tension that arises from placing a miracle within the form of a narrative?

¶2 ... to write the narrative is to "test the truth" of the wonders it narrates; telling a story, you precipitate a vague sense of sanctity and power into a narrative form subject to tests of coherence, plausibility, and evidence and, at least for the moment you conduct those tests, you stand outside full assent. (Justice 2008, 18)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the problem with applying the term "medieval" to a time period from the time of 500-1500?

¶2 The basic problem is the sheer chronological and geographical mass of what normally falls under the heading 'medieval'. If the lived experiences of a seventh-century Italian aristocrat, a tenth-century German nun, a twelfth-century Spanish bishop and a fourteenth-century Icelandic farmer are all in some way 'medieval', what are we saying? ..." (Bull 2005, 55)

What is the problem with the history of 500-1500 in terms of manuscripts?

Manuscripts after 1200 are very abundant, often to the point where it is difficult to determine the date. Manuscripts BEFORE 1200 are very rare, and the earlier you go, the later it is. The exception is the Carolingian Renaissance, where there was a huge explosion of manuscripts of 800-900.

According to Professor Booker, what was unique about the influence about Rome upon the FOEDERATI?

Many of the barbarian tribes, including the foederati, wanted to be recognized by the greater Roman culture, to be seen as on par with, or associated with, the glory of Rome. However, many of these tribes still held on to their own traditions, and their own names.

The four canonical gospels

Matthew, Mark, Luke and John

According to Professor Booker, what is, in short, the origins of the term "Renaissance"?

The term came from 1400-1500 Italian intellectuals who wanted to "bring back" an idealized notion of greco-Roman art and culture. The term literally means "rebirth", as in a "rebirth" of Classical Antiquity, or at least an idealized notion of such a time.

How did the monks view texts used at schools

The texts used at schools were viewed as simple and straightforward; therefore, the monks didn't think they were useful. The content of manual scripts (= valuable, sophisticated knowledge) was opposite to the school materials.

Testamentum Domini ("Testament of our Lord")

A Christian treatise that belongs to the genre of the Church Orders.

The Pippinids or Arnulfings

A Frankish aristocratic family from Austrasia during the Merovingian period. They dominated the office of mayor of the palace after 687 and eventually supplanted the Merovingians in 751, founding the Carolingian dynasty.

What do historians do when they have established the credibility of a "fact of the past"?

After the "facts of the past" have been authenticated and considered to be credible, the historian then has to ask "what does it mean?"

What is the problem with digitized manuscripts?

There is no way to detect dry-point markings

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is Aquinas view of the relationship between faith and knowledge?

Fides est de non visis is one of Thomas Aquinas's maxims about faith:44[44. "Fides est de non visis, et spes de non habitis"; Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae (henceforth ST), ed. Dominican friars (Rome, 1888-1906), IIIa q. 7 a. 9 ad 1; see also, e.g., "nec fides nec opinio potest esse de visis aut secundum sensum aut secundum intellectum," ST IIa IIae q. 1 a. 4 co.] you don't "believe in" what you see. Belief is by definition distinct from knowledge and lacks its assurance.45[45. Christ, for example, possessing the contents of faith as knowledge, lacked faith ("defuit fides"), because in place of faith, he had plain vision ("loco fidei, habuit apertam visionem"); ST Ia IIae q. 65 a. 5 ad 3.] His approach to faith—from the early Sentences commentary and De veritate through the IIa IIae of the Summa—insists that in faith the mind is commanded to affirm not only those propositions it cannot grasp or see from within, but those which do not even propose themselves as true on grounds the mind can accept,46[46. Faith is an adherence of the intellect that arises, not because it is moved by the intellect's proper object—immediate understanding or derived knowledge— but "by a certain choice turning it by will to one part rather than another," "non quia sufficienter moveatur ab obiecto proprio, sed per quandam electionem voluntarie declinans in unam partem magis quam in aliam," ST IIa IIae q. 1 a. 4 co.] is not the intellect's free attachment to what presently strikes it as true. The mind therefore suffers an imperfect certitude, a failure to "grasp" its object.47[47. That those matters proposed to faith may be "penetrated or grasped by the intellect" comes not in faith, but in the purely supernatural gift of understanding, the second gift of the Holy Spirit; "ut intellectu penetrentur vel capiantur . . . pertinet ad donum intellectus," ST IIa IIae q. 8 a. 6 co.] It also suffers provocations of resistance, for such belief is a discipline holding the intellect to a series of propositional commitments already- [p. 13] ¶1-undertaken: belief does not settle the mind, but riles it. "Faith holds the intellect captive under the sway of the will,"48[48. "Unde et fides captivare dicitur intellectum, inquantum non secundum proprium motum ad aliquid determinatur, sed secundum imperium voluntatis: et sic in credente ratio per se intellectum non terminat, sed mediante voluntate," Thomas Aquinas, Commentum in quatuor libros sententiarum Petri Lombardi (henceforth Comm. in Sent.), lib. 3 d. 23 q. 2 a. 2 qc. 1 co. (Parma edition cited from Commento alle Sentenze di Pietro Lombardo [Bologna, 2000]).] which abruptly anticipates intellectual activity,49[49. Anent Aquinas: "Nous ne croyons, non au plan des raisons qui peuvent nous permettre de croire, mais dans l'acte de Foi lui-même"; Yves M.-J. Congar, "Le moment 'économique' et le moment 'ontologique' dans la sacra doctrina (révélation, théologie, Somme théologique)," in Mélanges offerts à M.-D. Chenu (Paris, 1967), 166.] and the intellect is such by nature that it cannot take kindly to such treatment." (Justice 2008, 12-13)

R.I.P.

requiescat in pace = Rest in Peace.

What is the second question to ask?

Is there an autograph?

According to Professor Booker, what is a truly "critical" history?

It is a reciprocal process. Historians venture into their topic. They develop an idea. As they do more research and readings, they revise their ideas. They do this until they feel like their claims are as accurate as possible, and then write and then send it to a University Press.

According to Professor Booker, what is the point of Fronto writing "In Praise of Negligence"?

It is a rhetorical exercise to train people how to argue for an idea even if it is considered wrong or disagreeable.

What is important about compilation?

It is important to note why the texts were chosen, and why were they compilated that way?

What are most manuscripts?

They are anthologies, a.k.a. Compilations of various works by individual authors bound together.

What is the significance of demonstrating the use of topos in writing?

This demonstrates that the writer understands and is adhering to the norms and conventions of communication. For example, when one writes "Dear" in a job application, this demonstrates that the writer nows and understands the "game" that is being played.

According to Professor Booker, what is the meaning of "Habent Sua Fata Libelli"?

Little books have their own fate.

What is the "The Testament of the Piglet,"?

Here begins the will of the piglet. M. Grunnius Corocotta[1] the piglet made this will. Because I was not able to write it with my own hand, I gave dictation to be written down. Magirus[2] the cook said, 'Come here, destroyer of the home, soil-rooter, runaway piglet, and today I will end your life!' Corocotta the piglet said, 'If I have done anything, if I have done wrong in any way, if I have trampled any little pots under my feet, I ask, my lord cook, I beg for my life; grant what I ask.' Magirus the cook said, 'Go, boy, and bring me a blade from the kitchen, that I may make this piglet bleed.' The piglet was seized by the servants, taken on the 16th day before the kalends of the lamps, when the greens flourish, in the consulship of Clibanatus and Piperatus.[3] And when he saw that he was going to die, he pleaded and asked the cook for an hour's grace, that he might make his will. He summoned to himself his parents, that he might bequeath them something from his foodstore. And he said: 'To my father Verrinus Lardinus I give and bequeath 30 measures of acorns, and to my mother Veturina Scrofa I give and bequeath 40 measures of Laconian white wheat, and to my sister Quirina, in whose marriage I cannot be involved, I give and bequeath 30 measures of barley.[4] And from my body I shall give and contribute to the cobblers my bristles, to quarrelers my head-parts, to the deaf my ears, to lawyers and the wordy my tongue, to sausage-makers my intestines, to makers of meat products my thighs, to women my little loins, to boys my bladder, to girls my tail, to poofters my muscles, to runners and hunters my ankles, to brigands my hooves.[5] And to the cook-who-may-not-be-named I assign as a legacy the soup-ladle and pestle, which I have borne with me; from Tebeste as far as Tergeste let him bind them by a rope about his neck. And I desire to be made for me a monument written in gilded letters: "M. Grunnius Corocotta the piglet lived 900 and 90 and 9 and a half years. Had he lived another half, he would have completed a thousand years." You who love me best or care for my life, I ask that you handle my body well, that you embalm it well with a good seasoning of nuts, pepper, and honey, that my name may be spoken for all time. My lords or my relations, who were present at the making of my will, I instruct you to sign.' Lardio signed. Ofellicus signed. Cyminatus signed. Lucanicus signed. Tergillus signed. Celsinus signed. Nuptialicus signed.[6] Here ends the will of the piglet on the 16th day before the kalends of the lamps, when Clibanatus and Piperatus were fortunate to be consuls. NOTES [1] The name may mean something like Grunter Roastpig; but Corocotta is also the name of a known bandit, mentioned in Cassius Dio 56.43.3, and the word itself means some kind of wild animal, perhaps a hyena. [2] Magirus = Cook. [3] The names of the family all have porcine elements: 'verrinus' is an adjective to do with boars, pigs, and pork; 'lardum' is pig-fat; 'Veturina' suggests 'vetus', meaning "aged"; 'scrofa' is a breeding-sow, but also found as a name, presumably based on occupation; 'Quirina' was a Roman name, but may also suggest Greek 'khoiros', a pig (also used as slang for the female genitals). [4] Clibanatus seems related to 'clibanus', an oven or a vessel for baking bread; Piperatus means "seasoned with pepper, peppery". [5] Some of the body parts also have sexual connotations: 'vesica' is both the bladder and a term for female genitals; 'cauda' means both "tail" and "penis" (like 'penis' itself); and it is likely that a similar connotation attaches to the 'musculos' left the 'cinaedis' (a term, generally of abuse, for a man thought effeminate in both manner and sexual behaviour; to which 'poof[ter]' or '******' is perhaps the closest English equivalent). [6] The witnesses all have names suggesting food: Lardio seems related to 'lardum' (pig-fat), Offellicus suggests 'ofella' (a morsel; though Ofella and Ofellus are both attested as names), Cyminatus means 'seasoned with cumin', Lucanicus is a type of sausage, 'tergilla' is pork-rind, and Nuptialicus suggests a wedding-feast. The reference of Celsinus is not clear, but 'celsus' can mean simply "lofty, elevated, eminent", so the word could conceivably imply delicacies or fancy cooking (something like "haute cuisine").

According to Professor Booker, what are the 3 stages of textual explication?

1) Context; 2) Content; 3) Significance.

Patristics

A.k.a. Patrology. The study of the early Christian writers who are designated Church Fathers. The names derive from the combined forms of Latin pater and Greek patḗr (father). The period is generally considered to run from the end of New Testament times or end of the Apostolic Age (c. AD 100) to either AD 451 (the date of the Council of Chalcedon)[1] or to the Second Council of Nicaea in 787.

How popular was Bernard of Septimania in the court of Louis the Pious?

After only a few months at court, Bernard had made many enemies. Indeed, he was the prime catalyst for the revolt of Lothair the following year.

How were councils dated?

Dated in term of time and place

According to Professor Booker, what is the SECOND question to ask of a primary source?

Do we have an autograph, or copies?

According to Professor Booker, what is unique about Einhard's use of Latin?

Einhard writes Latin in an intentionally classical way. He is deliberately writing in an Old Roman style Basically, it would be like writing Englihs in the style of the King James Bible. Einhard is intentionally evoking of the style of the Old Romans. Einhard is apparently very self-consciously aware of how good a writer he is.

According to Professor Booker, why should we not use the word "bias"?

Everyone has some sort of bias or interpretation. By using the word "bias" presupposes a state of "non-bias."

When did Louis the Pious die?

He died 20 June 840 at his palace at Ingelheim.

According to Professor Booker, how do historians of today construe their histories and historiographies?

Historians of today construe their histories and their historiographies in terms of movies and other forms of pop culture entertainment, like the internet, as well as the prestige of the natural sciences, or at least popular perceptions of it.

According to Professor Booker, what is history?

History is an argument.

tempestarii

In medieval lore, ________ were weather making magicians who dwelt amongst the common people and possessed the power to raise or prevent storms at will. For this reason, anyone reputed as a weather-maker was the subject of respect, fear, and hatred in rural areas. Perhaps the best known work on ________ was an 815 AD piece called "On Hail and Thunder" by a bishop, Agobard of Lyon. Some describe it as a complaint of the irreligious beliefs of his flock, as villagers resented paying tithes to the church, but freely paid a form of insurance against storms to village __________; but, it was also noted, whenever a supposed weather-maker failed to prevent a storm, he or she would generally suffer the wrath of the populace, being victimised or killed. A closer examination of Agobard's writing shows that he actually argues against the existence of weather-witches, but acquiesces that the saints of God are able to cause these things by praying with faith. He is more concerned with his flock's misunderstanding that these "witches" are obtaining power from the devil, and subsequent eagerness to kill or curse anyone able to work miracles. His key argument is that anyone capable of "raising a gale" would be one who has faith in God, a Christian, not a witch, because witches are not able to do such things. →| "Perhaps the ones who attribute the making of hail to men would say that Moses reached his staff up to heaven and in this sense the storm was sent by human agency. Certainly Moses, the servant of God, was good and righteous, but these people do not dare to say that the so-called 'storm-makers' are good and righteous, but rather evil and unrighteous, deserving of both temporal and eternal condemnation, nor are they servants of God, except perhaps by circumstance rather than willing service. For if there were men who could cause hail, in imitation of Moses, they would surely be servants of God, not servants of the devil; although the passages cited above show that neither servants of God nor those of the devil cause of hail, but only omnipotent God... →| Therefore no human assistant should be sought in such events, because none will be found, except perhaps the saints of God, who have brought about, and are yet to bring about, many things. Some of them have the power to close up the heavens, lest it rain on days when they are prophesying, like Elijah; and to change water into blood and torment the earth with every plague as many times as they wish, as Moses and Aaron did to Egypt. Truly no other person sends hail in the summer, other than the one who sends snow in the winter. For there is a single reason for both these occurrences, when clouds are at either time raised higher than usual. →| ...not like these half-faithful of ours, who, as soon as they hear thunder, or when there is a breath of light wind, say 'a gale is raised' and curse, saying, 'Cursed be the tongue that did these things, and may it be dried up and now be cut off.' Pray tell, whom are you cursing? A righteous man or a sinner? For a sinner, partly unbelieving like you, cannot raise a gale, as you put it, because he is not able to by his own strength, nor can he command evil angels (nor do evil angels even have power in these matters)." [1][1. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/Agobard-OnHailandThunder.asp] What is one of the most famous witch trials involved in the raising of storms? The most famous storm believed to be caused by witches was recorded in 1591 during the North Berwick Witch Trials. John Fian and his alleged coven of witches were accused of raising a sea storm to drown James VI and Queen Anne on their way from Denmark.

What language was part of the school curriculum?

Learn Latin was in the school curriculum.

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the techniques of the historians?

One of the techniques of the historians use is to infer the CONTEXT against which the TEXT is reacting. For example, if a text goes out of its way to note how a written copy of a law or decree is accessible at a specific location, this suggests a context wherein people are saying how such a location.

Extent text

Surviving text

What is an Ampersand?

The ampersand is the logogram &, representing the conjunction "and". It originated as a ligature of the letters et—Latin for "and".

Terminus ante quem:

The latest possible date for something

What is a unique about monasteries in the 9th century?

Wealthy people on their own estates build and staff their own private monasteries, wherein people would pray and do good works and attempt to do spiritual work, in order to get into heaven.

According to Professor Booker, what is the THIRD question to ask of a primary source THAT IS A COPY?

What folio is it in? What else is in the manuscript?

What did Louis the Pious do when he heard that Charlemagne died?

While at his villa of Doué-la-Fontaine, Anjou, Louis received news of his father's death. He rushed to Aachen and crowned himself emperor to shouts of Vivat Imperator Ludovicus by the attending nobles. Upon arriving at the imperial court in Aachen, one of Louis' first acts was to purge the palace of its "filth". He destroyed the old Germanic pagan tokens and texts which had been collected by Charlemagne. He further exiled members of the court he deemed morally "dissolute", including some of his own relatives.

SITE OF PRODUCTION

Who and where produced the text.

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what motivated the second rebellion against Louis the Pious?

[p. 42] ¶2 ... this year of 831 that a new document of state issued from his hand. Significantly, this was no longer an Ordinatio; it was a Divisio Imperii, and it recalled in its wording the division drawn up by Charles the Emperor. To Pippin, in addition to Aquitaine, now were given the territories between the Loire and the Seine, and, north of the Seine, of Châlons, Meaux, Amiens, and Ponthieu, stretching to the coast. Louis the German now added Thuringia, Saxony, adn Frisia, with part of northern France and much of Belgium and the Netherlands, to his original rule of Bavaria. We have seen young Charles in possession Alemannia, haetia, Alsace, and part of Burgundy; he was now to hold that same Burgundy (except the portion given in 817 to Pippin); lands on the Meuse and the Moselle; Reims and the surrounding country; Provence, Septimania, and the Spanish March. ¶3 Some interesting words are found among these provisions: "If any one of our three sons" (Lothar, Pippin, Louis the German) "by signal obedience and goodwill towards Almighty God and, secondly, towards ourselves, shall have earned merit in this desire to please, it will delight us to confer upon him yet greater honour and power, taking such increase from the portion of a brother who shall not have thus essayed to please." ¶4 Under these conditions the peace, it may easily be imagined, was brief in lasting. Lothar, the neglected heir, was infuriated; Pippin and Louis the German, in spite of the rewards assigned them, resented the further portion given to the boy Charles, that son of their stepmother. The upholders of one supreme rule saw - [p. 43] ¶1-with keen discontent a revival of the old Frankish custom of dividing. Who, they asked, was to rule and keep harmony throughout the Empire when Louis the Pious was dead? (Duckett 1969, 42-43).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what made Charles Martel so successful as a military leader?

¶6 Charles Martel was ruthless, ambitious, and successful. He crushed rivals in his own family, subdued competing dukes, and united the Frankish realm. He was successful in part because he molded the Frankish cavalry into the most effective military force of the time. His heavily armored mounted warriors were extremely effective but also costly. Martel financed them with property confiscated from his enemies and from the Church. In return for oaths of absolute fidelity, he gave his followers (or vassals) estates, which they held as long as they served him faithfully. With this new army he practiced a scorched-earth policy against this opponents that left vast areas of Provence and Aquitaine desolate for decades. (Geary 1998, 247).

Homo Viator

"Homo viator" is a term invented by the Christian Existential philosopher Gabriel Honore Marecel. For a brief discussion of his life and works, which also explains the terminology homo viator, SEE": Gabriel Marcel - Wikipedia. The translation "man on the journey", by Vera Novak, is correct - but understanding how Marcel used this term requires digging through the above Wikipedia reference (and, actually, following up some of the references there).

Spolia (Latin, 'spoils')

Repurposed building stone for new construction, or decorative sculpture reused in new monuments, is the result of an ancient and widespread practice whereby stone that has been quarried, cut, and used in a built structure, is carried away to be used elsewhere. The practice is of particular interest to historians, archaeologists and architectural historians since the gravestones, monuments and architectural fragments of antiquity are frequently found embedded in structures built centuries or millennia later.

A hagiography (/ˌhæɡiˈɒɡrəfi/; from Ancient Greek ἅγιος, hagios, meaning 'holy', and -γραφία, -graphia, meaning 'writing')

A biography of a saint or an ecclesiastical leader. The term _______ may be used to refer to the biography of a saint or highly developed spiritual being in any of the world's spiritual traditions. Christian _______s focus on the lives, and notably the miracles, ascribed to men and women canonized by the Roman Catholic church, the Eastern Orthodox Church, the Oriental Orthodox churches, and the Church of the East. Other religious traditions such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism and Jainism also create and maintain ________ texts (such as the Sikh Janamsakhis) concerning saints, gurus and other individuals believed to be imbued with sacred power. ________works, especially those of the Middle Ages, can incorporate a record of institutional and local history, and evidence of popular cults, customs, and traditions. However, when referring to modern, non-ecclesiastical works, the term _______ is often used as a pejorative reference to biographies and histories whose authors are perceived to be uncritical of or reverential to their subject.

Reliquary (also referred to as a shrine or by the French term châsse)

A container for relics. These may be the purported or actual physical remains of saints, such as bones, pieces of clothing, or some object associated with saints or other religious figures. The authenticity of any given relic is often a matter of debate; for that reason, some churches require documentation of the relic's provenance.

Palimpset

A manuscript page, either from a scroll or a book, from which the text has been scraped or washed off so that the page can be reused for another document. Pergamene (now known as parchment) was made of lamb, calf, or goat kid skin (best made in ancient Pergamon) and was expensive and not readily available, so in the interest of economy a pergamene often was re-used by scraping the previous writing. In colloquial usage, the term palimpsest is also used in architecture, archaeology, and geomorphology to denote an object made or worked upon for one purpose and later reused for another, for example a monumental brass the reverse blank side of which has been re-engraved.

Carolingian minuscule or Caroline minuscule

A script which developed as a calligraphic standard in Europe so that the Latin alphabet of Jerome's Vulgate Bible could be easily recognized by the literate class from one region to another. It was developed for the first time, in about 780, by a Benedictine monk of Corbie Abbey (about 150 kilometres (93 mi) north of Paris), namely, Alcuin of York. It was used in the Holy Roman Empire between approximately 800 and 1200. Codices, pagan and Christian texts, and educational material were written in Carolingian minuscule throughout the Carolingian Renaissance. The script developed into blackletter and became obsolete, though its revival in the Italian Renaissance forms the basis of more recent scripts.

What were some remedies proscribed against the tempestarii

The Catholic Church prohibited superstitious remedies against witchcraft such as storm raising because the remedies themselves were of pagan origin. Prayer, sacraments, and the invocation of the name of God were prescribed instead with the belief that a person who had strong faith in God, kept the commandments, and revered the rites of the Church would be immune from storms and tempests raised by malicious witches. Because many peasants were reluctant to give up their superstitions as being false, the church also sanctioned remedies like the ringing of church bells, believed to drive storm devils away, and placing charms made from flowers consecrated on Palm Sunday in the crop fields. It was believed that if a storm did strike after the charm was placed, the owner's crops would be protected even if the surrounding land and crops were destroyed.

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is Carr's answer to the question "What Is History?"

"... a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past. (Carr 1964, 30)

What is the literal translation of the Latin expression "Pro captu lectoris habent sua fata libelli"?

"According to the capabilities of the reader, books have their destiny"

The Latin expression Pro captu lectoris habent sua fata libelli

"According to the capabilities of the reader, books have their destiny". Verse 1286 of De litteris, De syllabis, De Metris by Terentianus Maurus. Libelli is the plural of the Latin word libellus, which is a diminutive of liber ("book"), suggesting the qualification ("little books ...") was actually meant but in fact libellus was used to mean tracts, pamphlets etc. William Camden used the phrase in the preface to Britannia (1607), the first chorographical survey of the islands of Great Britain and Ireland. The phrase is translated as "Bookes receive their Doome according to the reader's capacity."

According to Professor Booker, what is a good advice from Carr?

"Accuracy is a duty, not a virtue." Merely being accurate is not praiseworthy.

According to Professor Booker, what question should we ask when we get a manuscript?

"How did we get it?"

terminus post quem

"date after which". The principle of dating a site based on using the newest artifact as the earliest boundary age

Bede (/biːd/ BEED; Old English: Bǣda, Bēda; 672/3 - 26 May 735), also known as Saint Bede, Venerable Bede, and Bede the Venerable (Latin: Bēda Venerābilis)

(672/3 - 26 May 735) an English Benedictine monk at the monastery of St. Peter and its companion monastery of St. Paul in the Kingdom of Northumbria of the Angles (contemporarily Monkwearmouth-Jarrow Abbey in Tyne and Wear, England). Born on lands likely belonging to the Monkwearmouth monastery in present-day Sunderland, Bede was sent there at the age of seven and later joined Abbot Ceolfrith at the Jarrow monastery, both of whom survived a plague that struck in 686, an outbreak that killed a majority of the population there. While he spent most of his life in the monastery, Bede travelled to several abbeys and monasteries across the British Isles, even visiting the archbishop of York and King Ceolwulf of Northumbria. He is well known as an author, teacher (a student of one of his pupils was Alcuin), and scholar, and his most famous work, Ecclesiastical History of the English People, gained him the title "The Father of English History". His ecumenical writings were extensive and included a number of Biblical commentaries and other theological works of exegetical erudition. Another important area of study for Bede was the academic discipline of computus, otherwise known to his contemporaries as the science of calculating calendar dates. One of the more important dates Bede tried to compute was Easter, an effort that was mired with controversy. He also helped establish the practice of dating forward from the birth of Christ (Anno Domini - in the year of our Lord), a practice which eventually became commonplace in medieval Europe. Bede was one of the greatest teachers and writers of the Early Middle Ages and is considered by many historians to be the single most important scholar of antiquity for the period between the death of Pope Gregory I in 604 and the coronation of Charlemagne in 800.

Alcuin of York (/ˈælkwɪn/; Latin: Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus; c. 735 - 19 May 804 AD) - also called Ealhwine, Alhwin or Alchoin

(c. 735 - 19 May 804 AD) an English scholar, clergyman, poet and teacher from York, Northumbria. He was born around 735 and became the student of Archbishop Ecgbert at York. At the invitation of Charlemagne, he became a leading scholar and teacher at the Carolingian court, where he remained a figure in the 780s and '90s. During this period he invented Carolingian minuscule, an easily read manuscript hand using a mixture of upper and lower case letters. Alcuin wrote many theological and dogmatic treatises, as well as a few grammatical works and a number of poems. He was made Abbot of Tours in 796, where he remained until his death. "The most learned man anywhere to be found", according to Einhard's Life of Charlemagne (ca. 817-833), he is considered among the most important architects of the Carolingian Renaissance. Among his pupils were many of the dominant intellectuals of the Carolingian era.

Pepin, or Pippin the Hunchback French: Pépin le Bossu, German: Pippin der Buckelige)

(c. 769 - 811) the eldest son of Charlemagne and noblewoman Himiltrude. He developed a humped back after birth, leading early medieval historians to give him the epithet "hunchback". He lived with his father's court after Charlemagne dismissed his mother and took another wife, Hildegard. Around 781, Pepin's half brother Carloman was rechristened as "Pepin of Italy"—a step that may have signaled Charlemagne's decision to disinherit the elder Pepin, for a variety of possible reasons. In 792, Pepin the Hunchback revolted against his father with a group of leading Frankish nobles, but the plot was discovered and put down before the conspiracy could put it into action. Charlemagne commuted Pepin's death sentence, having him tonsured and exiled to the monastery of Prüm instead. Since his death in 811, Pepin has been the subject of numerous works of historical fiction.

Charles the Younger or Charles of Ingelheim

(c. 772 - 4 December 811) The second son of Charlemagne and the first by his second wife, Hildegard of Swabia and brother of Louis the Pious and Pepin Carloman, member of the Carolingian dynasty. When Charlemagne divided his empire among his sons, his son Charles was designated King of the Franks.

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what is one of the perennial obsessions of medieval authors?

(p. 1) ¶1 One of the perennial obsessions of medieval authors was the suspicion that the past was superior to the present. In the preface to his Life of Charlemagne, Einhard of Seligenstadt expressed the fear that his work might offend the minds of those who despise everything modern. Yet he managed to overcome his scruples because he also knew of many "who do not consider everything done today as unworthy of mention and deserving to be given over to silence and oblivion." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 1).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how is technological innovation portrayed in the RFA?

(p. 10) ¶1 ... The technological innovations which are made during these centuries naturally escape the attention of the annalists; they know nothing of the new plough, the harness, the crank, inven- tions which before long were to revolutionize the European economy, but are fascinated, as the ancients would have been, by a water clock, a marvel from the East, which at the completion of the hour makes a cymbal ring and has twelve tiny horsemen step out of little windows. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 10).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, howfrequent is violence in the RFA?

(p. 10) ¶1 Since the economic resources are limited, social relations are tense and brutal. Warfare and violence rake Carolingian society. The king embarks on at least one large military campaign a year; his failure to do so he fears might be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Military expeditions aim at the conquest of hostile strongholds and the pacification of provinces, but are regularly accompanied by savage punitive actions designed to ravage and destroy the fields and villages of the enemy. The frontiers of the vast kingdom are fluid and quickly overrun by elusive bands of Saxons, Basques, or Saracens which vanish into their forests or out to the seas before the cumbersome Frankish host appears. Even within the borders of the kingdom, the hold of the Carolingian ruler is precarious; revolt, conspiracy, and sullen opposition force the king into costly and time-consuming opera- tions which frequently end with nothing more than feigned submis- sion. Violence flares where the royal might is a distant menace; the king's emissary is slain and his missionary martyred while preaching the Gospel. Moorish and Viking pirates haunt the coasts, burn villages, seize booty, and carry away the inhabitants, leaving only the old and infirm behind. The Frankish ruler counters the violence of his subjects- (p. 11) ¶1-and enemies with brutal force; rebellious nobles are tonsured and locked up in monasteries; conspirators against the king are blinded or hanged on gibbets; multitudes are slain in battle, and the annalists report proudly the massacres wreaked on foreign tribes; over four thousand Saxon nobles are executed at Verden in 785; countless num- bers are forcibly baptized; and entire populations are removed from their homelands and resettled in new regions. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 10-11).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what did the Saxosn and East Franks do against the Slavonic Sorbs that defied Louis the Pious in 816?

(p. 100) ¶6 When the winter was over Saxons and East Franks were ordered to campaign against the Slavonic Sorbs who refused obedience. They carried out their orders energetically and without much effort suppressed the insolence of the rebels. As soon as a city had been cap- tured, rebellious elements of the population promised submission and calmed down. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 100).

(p. 101) ¶2 In the meantime Pope Leo died on May 25 in the twenty-first year of his pontificate, and in his place the deacon Stephen was elected and took office. Not two months had passed since his consecra- tion when he set out in great haste to see the emperor, sending ahead two envoys to report his consecration to the emperor. When the emperor heard of this, he decided to meet the pope at Reims. He sent emissaries ahead to guide him there, but was first to arrive and re- ceived the pope with great honors. The pope at once let the emperor know the purpose of his coming and after the customary solemn Masses had been celebrated, he crowned the emperor by placing a diadem on his head. They then exchanged many gifts, celebrated splendid banquets, and established a firm friendship between them. After making other arrangements advantageous to the Holy Church of God, as much as time permitted, the pontiff set out for Rome, the emperor for his palace at Compiegne.1[1. Pope Stephen IV (June 22, 816-January 24/25, 817) crowned Louis on October 5, 816; Ermoldus Nigellus, In honorem Hludowici christianissimi Caesaris Augusti, MGH, PL, II, 36-37; Simson, I, 73-74; BML, pp. 260, 264-65. The negotiations between pope and emperor were concerned with "the needs of the Church"; the pact between the emperor and the Roman Church was renewed; Stephen received an estate and obtained the release of Roman prisoners who were held because of crimes committed against Pope Leo III.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 101).

(p. 102) ¶4 Meanwhile, Pope Stephen died on January 25, not three months after his return to Rome.3[3. Cf. s.a. 816, n.] Paschal was elected as his successor. As soon as he had been solemnly consecrated, he sent gifts and an apologetic letter to the emperor. In the letter he claimed that the papal dignity had been forced on him not only against his will but even against his most violent resistance. But he sent another embassy, asking that the covenant made with his predecessors should also be solemnly concluded with him. The nomenclator Theodore brought this message and was granted his request.4[4. The treaty that was returned to Pope Paschal I (817-24) by the nomenclator Theodore is in MGH, Cap., I, 352-55; cf. BML, p. 268. The emperor confirmed to the pope and his successors the city of Rome and its duchy, several cities of Tuscany and Campania, the exarchate of Ravenna, the Pentapolis, Sabinia, several places in Lombard Tuscany, the islands of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily the patrimonies in Benevento, Salerno, Calabria, and Naples, the voluntary donations of his father and grandfather, and certain revenues of the former kings of Lombardy. The emperor promised to defend these properties, but never to interview without papal consent. He granted the Romans free election and canonical consecration of the pope and reaffirmed the papal obligation, as in the days of Pepin and Charlemagne, to send ambassadors to the emperor in order to fasten the bonds of friendship, love, and peace among them.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 102).

(p. 102) ¶5 On his return from Nijmegen he held the general assembly of the people as usual at Aachen. On this occasion he crowned his first- born son Lothair and shared with him the name of emperor. His other sons he appointed kings, placing one over Aquitaine and one over- (p. 103) ¶1-Bavaria.5[5. For the Orindatio imperii, see MGH, Cap., I, 270-73; BML, pp. 270-72; E. Mühlbacher, Deutsche Geschichte unter den Karolingern (Stuttgart, 1896), p. 334.] When the assembly was over and he was heading for the Vosges to go hunting, he was met by the envoys of Emperor Leo. He received them in the palace of Ingelheim near the city of Mainz. Finding that their message was no different from the one which Nicephorus, envoy of the same emperor, had recently brought, he speedily dismissed them and continued toward his destination. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 102-103).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what happened to Louis the Pious on Maundy Thursday, the Christian holy day falling on the Thursday before Easter, on 817?

(p. 102) ¶5 When the emperor left church on Maundy Thursday after the holy office was over, the wooden arcade through which he was walk- ing collapsed on top of him and knocked him to the ground, with more than twenty of his companions. This happened because the arcade was made of shoddy material. The worn-out and rotten cross- beams could no longer hold up the weight of the framework and wainscoting above them. While this accident gravely injured most of those who fell down with him, the emperor's injuries were minor: the handle of the sword he was wearing bruised the lower part of his chest on the left side, the back of his right ear was injured, and his right thigh near the groin was hit by a heavy piece of wood. Through the diligence of the physicians who took care of him he evidently made a rapid recovery, since twenty days after it happened he went hunting at Nijmegen. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 102).

(p. 103) ¶3 In the meantime, the emperor returned to Aachen from his hunt- ing trip in the Vosges. He was informed that his nephew Bernard, king of Italy, on the counsel of some depraved men, was planning to set up an unlawful regime and that he had already occupied all entrances to Italy, that is the Cluses, and received homage from all the cities of Italy.7[7. Cf. Velleius Paterculus, II, 20, 4.] This report was partly true and partly false. The em- peror hastily prepared to enter Italy with a host gathered from all over Gaul and Germany in order to nip these movements in the bud. At hearing this, Bernard despaired of his cause, mainly because every day he saw that he was being deserted by his people. He laid down his arms and surrendered to the emperor at Chalon.8[8. Chalon-sur-Saône.] The others followed suit. They not only laid down their arms and surrendered but volun- tarily, the minute they were asked, revealed everything as it had happened.9[9. Bernard wanted to dethrone the emperor because he had been disregarded entirely when earlier in the year Lothair was made co-emperor and the empire divided. Bishop Rathald of of Verona and Count Suppo of Brescia informed the emperor of the conspiracy. Bernard and his followers submitted in December of 817, confessed their guilt, and were taken to Aix-la-Chapelle.] The leaders of this conspiracy were Eggideo, the first among the king's friends, his chamberlain Reginhard, and Reginhar, son of Count Meginhar, whose maternal grandfather Hardrad once conspired in Germany with many noblemen of the province against- (p. 104) ¶1-Emperor Charles.10[10. See s.a. 785.] Apart from these men many other distinguished nobles were caught at the same crime, among them also some bishops: Anshelm of Milan, Wolfold of Cremona, and Theodulf of Orleans.11[11. Anshelm, archbishop of Milan (?-818); Wolfold, bishop of Cremona (816-18); Theodulf, bishop of Orléans (before 798-818).] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 103-104).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how did Louis the Pious' respond to the attempted rebellion of Bernard, king of Italy, do in 818?

(p. 104) ¶2 After the treachery had come to light, the conspiracy had been uncovered,1[1. Cf. Livy, XXII, 43.] and all conspirators were at his mercy, the emperor re- turned to Aachen. When the forty-day fast was over, a few days after Holy Easter, the ringleaders of the plot who have been named above, and the king with them, were condemned to death by the sentence of the Franks. But the emperor ordered them only to be blinded and the bishops to be deposed by the decree of a council and to be put into monasteries. The rest, according to the degree of their guilt or inno- cence, were to be exiled or tonsured and to live in monasteries.2[2. The conspirators were blinded on April 15, 818; Bernard and Reginhar offered resistance, and Bernard died two days later. Nithard, Bk. I, ch. 2; Simson, I, 120-28; BML, pp. 233-34.] ¶3 When the conspiracy had been settled in this manner, the em- peror went with an immense army to Brittany and held a general assembly at Vannes. From Vannes he marched into the province mentioned, captured the rebels' fortifications, and without much effort, quickly brought the whole province into line. Morman, who had usurped royal authority in this province against the established custom of the Bretons, was killed by the emperor's army, and after that no Breton was found to offer resistance or dare refuse either obedience or the hostages demanded by the emperor. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 104).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how did Louis the Pious' respond to the attempted rebellion of Bernard, king of Italy, do in 818?

(p. 104) ¶4 After the completion of this campaign and the dismissal of the army the emperor returned to Angers. Queen Irmengardis, his wife, whom he had left behind sick, died of her ailments two days after his return on October 3. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 104).

(p. 104) ¶6 The emperor returned to Aachen by way of Rouen, Amiens, and Cambrai to spend the winter there. When he came to Herstal, he met envoys of Duke Sigo of the Beneventans, who brought gifts and justified the duke with regard to the murder of Duke Grimoald, his predecessor. The envoys of other peoples were also there, that is, of the Obodrites, of Borna, duke of the Guduscani,4[4.] and of the Timo- ciani,5[5.] who had recently revolted against the Bulgars and come over to our side; also of Ljudovit, duke of Lower Pannonia, a schemer and agitator, who tried to accuse Count Cadolah, commander of the March of Friuli, of brutality and arrogance.6[6. By the peace of Königshofen (112) the Franks received Istria and Dalmatia, i.e., the entire territory of Slovenes and Croats. They also intended, so it seems, to conquer the lands of Serbs and other Slavs. This attempt was thwarted by the revolt of Ljudovit, ruler of the Pannonian Croats, against the Franks in 819 and his plan to create a Yugoslav empire. Ljudovit rallied many tribes: the Slovenes of Carinthia, Styria, Isonzo, the Slavs on the river Timok in Moesia, and, after defeating their duke Borna, the Croats of Dalmatia. Ljudovit was encouraged by the Byzantines. Sisak, near the modern Zagreb, became his capital. When he was murdered, the attempts to establish a Yugoslav empire failed. The Franks again ruled the Croats, although they permitted the Croats of Dalmatia to elect their own prince; Dvornik, The Slavs, p. 70.] When these had been heard and dismissed, the emperor went to Aachen to spend the winter there. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 104).

(p. 105) ¶2 An assembly was held at Aachen after Christmas at which many matters regarding the condition of the churches and monasteries were brought up and settled. Some greatly needed chapters, as yet still lacking, were drawn up and added to the laws. When this was done, the emperor married Judith, daughter of Count Welf, after looking over many daughters of the nobility.2[2. The events related to Sclaomir, king of the Obodrites, Ceadrag, and Lupus belong in the year 818.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 105).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, when was Einhard's biography of Charlemagne composed, the Life of Charles the Great?

(p. 106) ¶3 ... We do not know when he composed the text. He may have done so as early as 817, that is, early in the reign of Charles's son and successor Louis. Some scholars have argued that he wrote in the early to mid 820s, when some of the less savoury aspects of Charles's personal life and his warlike ways came under posthumous critique. Others have made the case that the text was composed in 829/30, or even as late as 836, the year in which we find the first reference to it in the work of another author. This is not the place to explore the relative merits of the dates proposed, but if the text does date from the mid820s or later, as I suspect, Einhard's concerns about the memory of Charles and his sense of urgency to preserve it are perhaps understandable. (Glenn 2011, 106).

(p. 106) ¶6 In January an assembly was held in Aachen. The matter of Ljudovit's rebellion came up and the decision was made to dispatch three armies from three directions at once in order to lay waste- (p. 107) ¶1-Ljudovit's territory and curb his pretensions. Through envoys and then in person, Borna offered his opinion on what should be done.1[1. See s.a. 818, n.6.] ¶2 At this assembly Count Bera of Barcelona, who for a long time had been accused by his neighbors of bad faith and treason, tried to contend with his accuser in combat on horseback but was defeated. He was first condemned to death for lese majeste but then pardoned by the mercy of the emperor and taken away into exile to Rouen. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 106-107).

(p. 107) ¶1 Einhard was a younger contemporary of the king, who was about 25 years his elder. A decade after Charles's death and a quarter-century or so removed from the emperor's crowning moment in Rome, Einhard would therefore have been in his mid-fifties. ... (Glenn 2011, 107).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, what valuable insight does The Life of Charles the Great provide regarding insight into the Frankish world?

(p. 107) ¶3 .... For the insight it offers into Frankish world of the early ninth century. That insight has much less to do with the life and deeds of the king per se than with the intellectual culture he helped to shape. Indeed, when we scratch the surface of Einhard's text, the transcendent figure of the great king and emperor dissolves somewhat from view. As we consider in the following pages how and wh Einhard selected what material he would record and how he was inclined to present it, some of his sensibilities come into greater focus. More precisely, we shall see that his vita represents an innovative attempt to fashion a new type of ruler suited for a new type of empire. (Glenn 2011, 107).

(p. 107) ¶3 When the winter was over and the grass could provide fodder for the horses,2[2. Caesar, de bello Gallico, II, 2.] the three armies were sent against Ljudovit. One of them came from Italy by way of the Noric Alps; the second through the province of Carinthia; the third by Bavaria and Upper Pannonia. The two which moved on the right and left went slowly, since one was hindered in the Alps by enemy forces, while the other was slowed down by the length of the route and by the River Drave, which had to be crossed. But the one in the center, which entered by way of Carinthia, although meeting resistance in three places, luckily overcame it each time, crossed the Drave, and arrived at its destination more rapidly. Ljudovit undertook nothing against this force but lay low with his men behind the bulwark of a castle that he had built on a steep mountain. He reportedly said nothing about war or peace, either in person or through his envoys. But when the armies had united, they ravaged almost the whole land with fire and sword and then returned home without suffering any serious losses. But the army which marched through Upper Pannonia suffered a misfortune when crossing the Drave. From the unhealthy land and water, it was severely stricken with dysentery, to which a considerable part of it succumbed. These three armies had been recruited in Saxony, East Francia, and Alamannia, as well as Bavaria and Italy. After their return home the people of Carniola, who live along the River Save and border almost on Friuli, surrendered to Baldrich, and so did those of the Carinthians who had defected from us to Ljudovit. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 107).

(p. 108) ¶2 Einhard begins the vita with three brief chapters in which he offers the back-story to Charles's resign, that is, his family's rise to royal status and his succession to the throne. In so doing, he underscores the impotence of the last Merovingians, the family of kings that had ruled the Franks "without any vitality for a long time and [had] demonstrated that there was nothing of any worth in it except the empty name of 'king'" (1). As "mayor of the palace" (major domus). Charles's father Pepin, like his own father Charls martel before him, had held great power within the kingdom. He was made king in 751 after the last Merovingian was "ordered deposed" by the pope. When he died in 768, the realm fell to his two sons, Charles and Carloman. The latter, naemd for Pepin's brother, died not long thereafter, in 771, and Charles ruled his lands from that point forward. (Glenn 2011, 108).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, how does Bishop Gregory of Tours portray King Clovis

(p. 109) ¶2 ... for those familiar with the anecdotes Bishop Gregory of Tours tells of the sixth-century Frankish kings in his Ten Books of Histories, the flight of royal relatives and the withdrawal to monastic life is not unfamiliar. Gregory presents us with countless examples of menacing kings forcing the flight of other Franks of royal blood, at least those whom they don't kill or tonsure--without long hair, their rivals were not longer king-worthy and were forced to withdraw to monasteries. He almost revels in telling such tales. Indeed, after detailing Clovis's cunning and ruthless consolidation of his rule, in a passage noted in Chapter 4 of this volume, Gregory's Clovis laments toward the end of his life that he had no more relatives alive to help him in the face of danger. Gregory explains that he did so not because he grieved their loss but, rather, because he hoped to find more living relatives (that is, potential challengers to his rule) to kill (2.42). (Glenn 2011, 109).

(p. 109) ¶2 In the meantime, Borna, duke of Dalmatia and Liburnia, died, and his nephew Ladislas was appointed his successor on the bidding of the people and with the emperor's approval. News also arrived of the death of Leo, emperor of Constantinople, who had been assassi- nated in his palace by several noble conspirators, notably Michael, the commander of the guards.3[3. Leo V died on December 24, 820; Michael II the Amorian (821-29).] Michael reportedly received the imperial headband by the vote of the people and the effort of the praetorian guards. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 109).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, how is the Frankish kingship from the sixth century through the reign of Charlemagne and into the tenth century told?

(p. 109) ¶2 the history of Frankish kingship from the sixth century through the reign of Charlemagne and into the tenth century could be told as the struggle of kings to maintain their rule against rival claimants or, perhaps as often, factions of elites who rallied behind someone of royal stock. Toward the end of this period, those rivals often came from other families, and the stories of the conflicts were less likely to end in the murder or tonsure of a claiant than at the beginning, when the threats often came from sons or brothers and had more gruesome endings. ... (Glenn 2011, 109).

(p. 109) ¶3 ... Einhard's Pepin and Charles seem more passive agents in their own ascent to singular rule; indeed, they appear mere beneficiaries of the decisions and misfortunes of the two Carlomans. Even when Charles's good fortune does not come at the expense of others -- as when he reluctantly accepts the imperial title (28) -- he is not aggressive in the pursuit of- (p. 110) ¶1-power. In those cases where he does encounter challenges to his rule, he is no Clovis. For instance, in the case of his son Pepin and Hunchback, who conspired against his father "with certain leading Franks" in 792, Einhard reports, "After the plot was uncovered and the conspirators were condemned, [Pepin] was tonsured and allowed to pursue the religious life he had always wanted" (20). Likewise, Einhard uses the passive voice to distance Charles when his punishment against other conspirators was more harsh: "Its perpetrators were sent into exile; some blinded, others unharmed. Only three conspirators lost their lives, since to avoid arrest they had drawn their swords to defend themselves and had even killed some men. They were cut down themselves because there was [simply] no other way to subdue them" (20). Charles, implicitly the victim, is nowhere to be found here. (Glenn 2011, 109-110).

(p. 109) ¶5 In the middle of October a general assembly was held at the villa of Thionville with many Franks present. At this assembly in solemn ceremony the Lord Lothair, first-born son of Lord Emperor Louis, married Irmengarda, daughter of Count Hugo. Envoys of the Holy Roman Church also came there, the chief of the notaries Theo- dore and the sacristan Florus, and delivered rich gifts. The counts who had already returned from Pannonia were also present at this assem- bly. They had laid waste the entire territory of the renegades clinging to Ljudovit and then returned home since nobody met them with troops in battle. At this assembly the most pious emperor revealed his most singular mercy to those who had conspired with his nephew Bernard in Italy against his life and throne. He made them appear before him and granted them not only life and limb but in his great generosity also gave back to them the possessions which according to- (p. 110) ¶1-law they had forfeited to the treasury. He also called back Adalhard from Aquitaine, where he lived in exile, and again set him up as abbot and head of the monastery of Corbie, where he had been before.5[5. Cf. s.a. 812, n. 4. Adalhard was a brother of Wala and cousin of Charlemagne; he was intermittently abbot of Corbie, advised King Pepin in Italy after 796, and served as Bernard's guardian in Italy from 810 to 814.] He returned Adalhard's brother Bernhar to the same monastery after he had been pardoned. The emperor returned to Aachen after finishing whatever he had begun for the good of the kingdom and once the oath which part of the nobility had sworn at Nijmegen had been taken by all. After the solemn celebration of the wedding of his son Lothair, he sent him to Worms to spend the winter there. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 109-110).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what was the primary focus of the authors of the RFA?

(p. 11) ¶1 ... Foreign relations and military actions are the major, almost the exclusive, interest of the annalists. This is due in part to the old tradition of political history as first popularized by Thucydides, but it is also a result of the virtual absence from the Carolingian scene of properly organized governmental institutions about which the annalists might have written. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 11).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what was the government of the world of the RFA?

(p. 11) ¶2 ... The king is the government, an absolute monarch, the supreme commander, the chief legislator, the highest court of appeal. He derives his power from God and is bound to keep the peace on earth and to help his people to be saved in heaven. His despotism is restrained by his scanty resources rather than by the ethics of his political ideology. ¶2 There is no central government but only the royal household, and the functions of the officers of the court are primarily domestic. The RFA mentions the officials of the court-the chancellor, the chap- lain, the treasurer, the notary, the chamberlain, the seneschal, the marshal, the master of the cupbearers, the master of the doorkeepers. They act as advisers, ambassadors, and military commanders of the king but do not head branches of a central government. The official most frequently mentioned in the RFA is the count, the king's repre- sentative who exercises full public authority in one of the several hundred counties into which the realm of the Carolingians is divided.- (p. 12) ¶1-More prestigious and powerful are the positions of the counts or wardens of the marches along the frontiers of the empire or the special posts of command given from time to time to the missi of the Frankish king. The most important of these offices are held by relatives of the royal family. An incident which the RFA relates in the revised part of the annals under the year 782 indicates that kinship gives a man higher prestige than any official rank or position. The chamberlain Adalgis, the marshal Gailo, and the count of the palace Worad are defeated by the Saxons because they do not go into battle with a Frankish host under the command of the king's kinsman Theodoric for fear that he would receive all the credit for victory. The king's personal appearance is still the most effective and often the only way of enforcing the royal will, and this is another explanation for the king's ceaseless journeyings through his realm. The Carolingians, under the influence of their clerical advisers, attempt to replace the Merovingian notion that the kingdom is simply the monarch's per- sonal property by the idea that king and community are bound to- gether by mutual obligations. The kings continue to divide the king- dom among their heirs, however, just as they split their booty and distribute their spoils. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 11-12).

(p. 110) ¶4 In the land of the Thuringians, in the neighborhood of a river, a block of earth fifty feet long, fourteen feet wide, and a foot and a half thick, was cut out, mysteriously lifted, and shifted twenty-five feet from its original location. Likewise, in eastern Saxony toward the Sorbian border in the wilderness near Arendsee, the ground was raised into a dam. Within a single night, without any human effort, it formed a rampart-like embankment one Gallic mile in length.1[1. Arendsee in the Altmark north of Magdeburg.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 110).

(p. 111) ¶3 ... When Ljudovit, after leaving the Serbs, went to Liudemuhsl, uncle of Duke Borna, and stayed with him for a while, he was murdered by Liudemuhsl's treachery. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 111).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, what is significant about how Einhard describes Charlemagne's eating and drinking habits?

(p. 112) ¶2 The habits of the ruler described in this passage bear a striking resemblance to those of Augustus Caesar (63 BC - 14 AD), at least as they were described by a Roman imperial official named Suetonius in the early second century. Suetonius's Augustus "ate sparingly" (76). He was "sparing in the use of wine" and "used to drink only three times at supper" (77). He also took naps after lunch and would get up two or three times at night (78). It is intriguing to think that Charles had himself been so enamored with an account of Suetonius's depiction of the emperor that he emulated Augustus. IF so, perhaps Einhard merley described what he witnessed. But the many similarities between the descriptions of the two emperors--along with further thematic and narrative similarities throughout the two texts -- suggest that however much Charles knew about or emulated Augustus, Einhard drew on the work of Suetonius to develop his own account of Charles's life. (Glenn 2011, 112).

In Jason Glenn's 2011 article"Between Two Empires: Einhard and His Charles the Great," found on pg. 105-117 in The Middle Ages in Texts and Texture: Reflections on Medieval Sources, what is the relationship between Einhard's biography of Charlemagne, and Suetonius's biography?

(p. 114) ¶2 Let me repeat this point since it may shock our modern historical sensibilities steeped in traditions of secular biography: no one in the lands of the western Roman Empire or the Frankish kingdoms that emerged in their place beginning in the fifth century -- or anywhere else in Europe -- thought to write a biography of a ruler. Perhaps it is therefore not surprising that Einhard turned to the work of Suetonius to help organize his thoughts. Or was it that his familiarity with the work of Suetonius and, for that matter, other Roman authors inspired him to undertake the vita? Whatever the case, as I suggest above, Einhard did not necessarily use Suetonius to transform Charles into a Roman emperor. He used the work of the Roman author as a guide for the types of information he might offer about an emperor or, more precisely, for the types of information he might use to frame a portrait of a Frankish ruler as an emperor rather than merely a king. (Glenn 2011, 114).

(p. 114) ¶4 In this same year several prodigies are said to have occurred. The most significant among these were an earthquake in the palace of Aachen and a girl of about twelve years who abstained from all food for ten months in the village of Commercy in the area of Toul. In the Saxon county of Firihsazi twenty-three villages were burned by fire from heaven, and lightning struck out of a clear sky at daytime. Near the Italian city of Como, in the village of Gravedona, there was a picture painted in the apse of the church of St. John the Baptist of Holy Mary holding the infant Jesus in her lap and of the Magi offer- (p. 115) ¶1-ing presents that was dimmed and almost wiped out with age. This picture shone for two days with such clarity it seemed to viewers that its ancient beauty almost surpassed the splendor of a new picture. But the same clarity did not brighten the images of the Magi except for the presents which they offered. In many areas the produce of the fields was destroyed by a raging hailstorm, and in a few places real stones of tremendous weight were seen to fall with the hail. Houses are also said to have been struck by lightning, and everywhere men and animals were killed with unusual frequency by strokes of light- ning. There followed a great pestilence and mortality which raged furiously throughout Francia, carrying away by violence countless peo- ple of both sexes and of all ages. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 114-115).

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, what was the plan of St. Gall?

(p. 115) ¶2 The reform movement that created Centula stirred up a great deal of thinking about the design of monasteries. The most famous example of this design reform was the plan of St. Gall. St. Gall, in Swabia (now Switzerland), was one of the prominent monasteries founded in the early seventh century by Irish followers of St. Columban, in this case, a priest named Gall. By the ninth century, St. Gall had become one of the great monasteries of the kingdom. Saint-German-des-Prés near Paris had 39 great estates and 340 smaller ones with more than 7,300 peasant families supporting 150 monks. Fulda had approximately 15,000 peasant families, and St. Gall approximately 4,000. ¶3 During Charlemagne's life, there were repeated attempts and many successes in reforming and unifying monastic function and performance. After Charlemagne's death, his son Louis the Pious continued this movement and to effect reform called nearly back-to-back synods (ecclesiastical councils) in 816 and 817 at Aachen. Out of the second synod came an official proclamation known as the Monastic Capitulary. This document is believed to be the source of the plan of St. Gall. The capitularity called for many reforms, including dormitories for visiting monks, separate workshops, separate kitchens for monks and visitors, an abbot's house, a school, and baths. The plan takes all of these items into account and more. There is a vegetable garden, a medicinal herb garden, an orchard, a scriptorium, brew and bake houses, a henhosue, a granary, a mill, infirmeries, a guesthouse, and houses for shepherds, goatherds, cowherds, and other servants. There is a monks' dormitory, a privy, a laundry, a bath, a refectory, and a cemetery. Very little was not thought of in this plan. The plan was never put into effect and never became a completed construction, but the ideas that were laid out in the capitulary and in the plan began to appear in some monastic foundations. The plan of St. Gall probably provides an excellent example of the ninth-century ideal of a monastic facility. (Butt 2002, 115)

(p. 115) ¶3 In the meantime the envoys of the Roman pontiff returned to Rome and found the pope in bad health and already near death. In fact he died within a few days after their arrival. Two men were elected to take his place due to a conflict of the people. The party of the nobility prevailed, and Eugenius, titular archpriest of St. Sabina, was ordained as successor. The subdeacon Quirinus, one of those who had served on the former embassy, brought the news of this event to the emperor.2[2. Pope Eugenius II (824-27); LP, II, 69; BML, p. 311.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 115).

(p. 117) ¶5 On his return to Aachen after the hunting season was over, he received the Bulgar embassy. The question at issue was the determina- tion of the borders between Franks and Bulgars. Almost all the nobles of Brittany were present at this assembly. Among them was Wiho- marc, who by his treachery had thrown the whole of Brittany into confusion and by his senseless obstinacy had provoked the emperor to the above-mentioned campaign. He was finally following saner counsel,1 and, as he said himself, did not hesitate to place himself under the protection of the emperor. The emperor forgave him and- (p. 118) ¶1-after presenting him with gifts permitted him to return home with the other nobles of his people. But with the treachery peculiar to his nation, as he had before, he broke the faith which he had promised. He did not cease to molest his neighbors with all his energy, burning and plundering until he was cornered and slain in his own house by the men of Count Lambert.2[2. Lambert, count of Nantes (d. 837); Nithard, I, ch. 4; II, ch. 5.] After receiving the embassy of the Bulgars, the emperor sent suitable letters to their king by the same envoys. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 117-118).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, which class of people has all the political power in the world of the RFA?

(p. 12) ¶2 The society of which the annalists write consists of the nobles and the people, primores and populus, but it is only the former who have a voice in determining the course of affairs. They are the large landowners and feudal warriors who are bound to their lord by bonds of personal loyalty. The RFA refers specifically to the act of homage by which a vassal places his hands in those of the king and becomes the king's man, and to the oath of fidelity sworn on the bodies of the saints. On important issues of the day-a foreign campaign, an expedi- tion to Rome, the trial of a vassal-the king seeks the counsel of his vassals at special meetings or at the annual general assembly of the Franks. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 12).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what is the changing direction of Carolingian foreign policy revealed by the RFA?

(p. 12) ¶3 The RFA usually fails to reveal the underlying objectives of campaigns and diplomatic missions, but it indicates the direction and the changing thrust of Carolingian foreign policy. In the begin- (p. 13) ¶1-ning Pepin and Charles have their hands tied because they are forced to subjugate independently minded powers within the borders of the kingdom, in particular the dukes of Alamannia (742), Aquitaine (742-69), and Bavaria (743-88). These conflicts end with the seizure and submission of the rebels. The annalists make no attempt to determine the deeper causes of these revolts. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 12-13).

(p. 120) ¶4 While this was going on, Hilduin, abbot of the monastery of the holy martyr Dionysius,6[6. Hilduin, abbot of St.-Denis (806-42) and archchaplain of the empire (818-30). He has been considered as the possible author of the RFA from 820 to 829; Kurze, p. 171, n. I; see the Introduction and Nithard, I, ch. 6, II, ch. 3.] petitioned Rome for the relics of the holy martyr Sebastian. Eugenius, who was then head of the Holy Apostolic See, granted his request. Hilduin interred the relics in the basilica of St.-M6dard in the city of Soissons. As long as they were lying unburied- (p. 121) ¶1-next to the tomb of St. Medard an incredible and inexpressible num- ber of marvels occurred, manifesting miraculous power7[7. Cf. Justin, XXIX, I.] in all kinds of healings, through divine grace in the name of this most blessed martyr. Some of these miracles are said to have been so amazing as to exceed the faith of man's limited mind.8[8. Cf. Velleius Paterculus, II, 50, I; 56, I.] Of course it cannot be doubted that our Lord Jesus Christ, for whom this most blessed martyr is known to have suffered, can do everything He wishes by His divine omnipotence, in which every creature in heaven and on earth is subject to Him. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 120-121).

(p. 122) ¶2 The emperor held two assemblies. One was at Nijmegen because Hohrich, son of Godofrid, the king of the Danes, had falsely promised to appear before the emperor. The other was at Compiegne, where he accepted the annual gifts and gave instructions to those who had to be sent to the Spanish March on how they were to proceed. He him- self stayed at Compiegne, Quierzy, or other neighboring palaces until the beginning of winter. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 122).

(p. 124) ¶6 But when he found out that the rumor about the Norsemen was false, he came to Worms in the middle of August, as had been planned before. He held a general assembly there and as usual ac- cepted the annual presents brought to him. He also received a great number of embassies which had come to him from Rome and Benevento as well as from other distant countries and dismissed them again. After the assembly he also sent his son Lothair to Italy. He appointed as chamberlain in his palace Bernard, count of Barcelona, who up to that time had been the commander of the Spanish March.2[2. Bernard, count of Barcelona and commander of the Spanish march, ruler of Septimania, i.e., the coastal region from the Rhône to the Pyrenees.] After properly settling the other affairs which seemed to be the- (p. 125) ¶1-business of this assembly and sending the people home, he went to the villa of Frankfurt for the fall hunting. When this was over he wintered at Aachen and there celebrated Martinmas, the feast of the blessed apostle Andrew, and Holy Christmas with much joy and exultation. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 124-125).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how is the Carolingian war against the Saxons explained?

(p. 14) ¶1 ... Whereas the revisor of the RFA explains the bloody campaigns against the Saxons primarily as a consequence of their rebellion, their inroads into Frankish territory, and their stubborn treachery and perfidy, the original annalist sees the conflict above all as a war between Christians and pagans. One of the first acts of Charlemagne in Saxony is the destruction of the Irminsul, the heathen sanctuary; three times Frankish exploits and victories are accompanied by miracles; and phrases like "by the will of God," "with the help of God," "God frustrated their intentions," and "How much the power of God worked against them for the salvation of the Christians, nobody can tell," seem to indicate that to this annalist the Saxon campaign is almost a holy war to increase the kingdom of God. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 14).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what was the significance of Charlemagne's diplomatic relations with the Abbasid caliphate?

(p. 16) ¶3 Charles's conflicts with the Umayyard emir of Cordova make him an ally of the Abbasid caliph of Bagdad, the celebrated Harun al- Rashid. The RFA records two embassies sent by Charlemagne to Bagdad and two missions in return from the caliph (797-807).- (p. 17) ¶1-Harun's emissaries carry presents which include an elephant, a clock, and a beautiful tent. Harun al-Rashid even cedes certain rights of the Holy Places in Palestine to Charlemagne. The embassy from the oriental ruler-called the "king of Persia" by the annalists-and his exotic gifts receive much attention in the RFA and seem to confirm in the authors' minds their lofty notion of Charlemagne's place in the world. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 16-17).

In "The Life of Charlemagne" by Paul E. Dutton, in pages 15-39 of Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard edited by Paul E. Dutton, how is the court of the Merovingian dynasty described?

(p. 16) ¶3 i. The family of the Merovingians, from which the Franks used to make their kings, is thought to have lasted down to King Childeric [III], whom Pope Stephen [II] ordered deposed. His [long] hair was shorn and he was forced into a monastery. Although it might seem that the [Merovingian] family ended with him, it had in fact been without any vitality for a long time and [had] demonstrated that there was nothing of any worth in it except the empty name of 'king'. For both the [real] riches and power of the kingdom were in the possession of the prefects of the palace, who were called the mayors of the palace [maiores domus], and to them fell the highest command. Nothing was left for the king [to do] except sit on his throne with his hair long and his beard uncut, satisfied [to hold] the name of king only and pretending to rule. [Thus] he listened to representatives who came from various lands and, as they departed, he seemed to give them decisions of his own, which he had [in fact] been taught or rather ordered [to pronounce]. Except for the empty name of'king' and a meager living allowance, which the prefect of the court extended to him as it suited him, he possessed nothing else- (p. 17) ¶1-of his own but one estate with a very small income. On that estate, he had a house and servants who ministered to his needs and obeyed him, but there were few of them. He traveled about on a cart that was pulled by yoked oxen and led, as happens in the countryside, by a herdsman to wherever he needed to go. In this way he used to go to the palace and so also to the public assembly of his people, which was held annually for the good of the kingdom, and in this manner he also returned home. But it was the prefect of the court [the mayor of the palace] who took care of everything, either at home or abroad, that needed to be done and arranged for the administration of the kingdom. (Einhard 2009, 16-17)

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what two powers challenge relations between the Franks and the Byzantines in the RFA?

(p. 17) ¶3 Two powers complicate the relations between the Franks and the Byzantines in the course of the last ten years covered by the RFA. First the duke of Lower Pannonia, Ljudovit, revolts against Carolin- gian rule, and the Franks attack him on many campaigns. After Ljudovit's timely death in 823 the Franks encounter a new foe in the Bulgars, whose emissaries appear before Emperor Louis the Pious for the first time in 824. At issue is the border between Franks and- (p. 18) ¶1-Bulgars and the control of the Slavonic tribes living along the Danube in Dacia and in neighboring territories. That the Franks are fighting the Bulgars deep in the Balkans by the time the annalists discontinue the official annals of the realm is a measure of the expansion which the Carolingian empire undergoes over the nine decades of Carolingian history recorded by the RFA. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 17-18).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what is the relationship between the papacy and the Carolingian kings as depicted in the RFA?

(p. 19) ¶1 ... The annalist notes this charge as well as the pope's vigorous defense of the murderers and on another occasion claims that Roman affairs have been "confused due to the wickedness of several popes." As a result the RFA leaves the impression that the annalists think of the emperor very much in terms of the Christian Roman emperors whose foes are guilty of lèse majesté. The emperor is "the Lord's steward," Dei dispensator, holding his power from God and responsible alone to the Lord, but assisted in matters divine by a revered and prayerful Roman pope. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 19).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what were common traits shared by the authors of the RFA?

(p. 19) ¶2 ... They were literate men in an age of illiteracy and thus more enlightened than most in their rough environment. They were members of the clergy or had at least attended monastic schools, which would have fostered in them, as it did in Alcuin and Einhard, a deep concern with the religious life and the current issues of theology. As writers they were obviously influenced by the language and thought of the Bible and easily borrowed the polished phrases of classical authors.- (p. 20) ¶1-In spite of their ecclesiastical garb their spirituality was superficial, superstitious, and legalistic, and their devotion to the pope tempered by their loyalty to the king. They were the king's men first, just as were the secular vassals, and cherished above everything the bond which personal fidelity tended to create between lord and faithful followers. They were probably men of aristocratic descent who shared the values and prejudices of their class; who served the king not only as priests and scribes but as emissaries and administrators; who would not wield a sword themselves but appreciated a good bout with plenty of blood and piles of spoils; who were proud of being Franks and contemptuous of their faithless enemies; who knew the court and its intrigues and competed with their peers for the honors and offices dispensed by royal bounty. They were men of limited sophistication who did not usually foresee the consequences of the acts they recorded, but they were also the men who supported Charlemagne's vision of empire and made possible its short-lived realization and the regeneration of Carolingian society. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 19-20).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what time period does the Royal Frankish Annuals cover?

(p. 2) ¶3 The Royal Frankish Annals (Annales regni Francorum, as they have been called since Ranke) covers the period from 741 to 829. ..." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 2).

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, what is a key model that Einhard used in the construction of Live of Charlemagne?

(p. 273) ¶1 Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars was the key model for a biography of the Carolingian Emperor Charlemagne that was written by Einhard, a Frankish courtier, in the early ninth century ... (Wood 2014, 273).

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, what is the thesis of Wood's article?

(p. 274) ¶3 Previous scholarship has suggested that the chance discovery of a manuscript of the Caesars in the monastery of Fulda was responsible for Einhard's decision to model his imperial biography on those of Suetonius. Other historians have focused on Carolingian-authored texts that mention Suetonius and demonstrated that there was a substantial upsurge in interest in his work in the ninth century. In this chapter, I build on this work to explore Carolingian engagement with Suetonius from a different perspective, examining earlier Christian texts that were being copied and read in the Carolingian age and which make reference to Suetonius as a biographer of some standing. In particular, Suetonius had a rather high approval rating among the 'bibliographies' that were being consulted by Carolingian monastic librarians. This leads me to argue that the Carolingian intelligentsia, of which Einhard was a leading light, had a broader awareness of Suetonius than has previously been allowed. This helps to account for the increasing interest in the author and his text in the ninth century. ... (Wood 2014, 274)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, what is Einhard's biography in brief?

(p. 276) ¶2 Einhard (born c.770) was from a Frankish noble family. He was educated at the monastery of Fulda (in the modern German state of Hesse) and made his way to Charlemagne's court in the early 790s. There, he played a central role in attempts to reform the Church in Frankia and was entrusted with some important tasks, such as overseeing the construction of royal palaces, and a mission to Pope Leo in Rome in 806 to inform him of the partition of the kingdom between Charlemagne's sons. In 813, Einhard publicly proclaimed one of Charlemagne's sons, Louis the Pious, as coemperor, and on Charlemagne's death in 814, he became Louis' private secretary. In 815, Louis granted him extensive lands, appointed him lay abbot of four monasteries, and, when he retired from court in 830, Louis presented him with further lands. This enabled Einhard to establish a monastery at Seligenstadt. Although Einhard had retired to his monastery, his letters reveal that he maintained contacts with the court during the 830s, dying in 840.11[11.] (Wood 2014, 276)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, what is one of the aims of Einhard in writing the Life of Charlemagne?

(p. 277) ¶1 One of Einhard's main aims seems to have been to use Roman history to 'Romanize' the Carolingian Franks and their new emperor. By modelling his biography of Charlemagne on accounts of earlier Roman emperors, Einhard simultaneously raised the Carolingians above their Merovingian predecessors and justified Charlemagne's assumption of the imperial title. As we shall see later in this chapter, one of Einhard's main strategies in accomplishing this aim, when writing the Life of Charlemagne, was to generate typological linkages between Charlemagne, the first Frankish Roman emperor, and Augustus, the first 'Roman' Roman emperor. Partly this was inspired by the need to justify Charlemagne's new imperial status. However, such promotion began prior to Charlemagne's elevation, built upon earlier Frankish traditions, and was deployed across a range of media, not merely history-writing. Einhard was therefore part of a broader attempt to depict the Franks (not just their rulers) as the legitimate successors to the Romans, and as an imperial and a chosen people. (Wood 2014, 277)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, how did Charlemagne grant patronage to the liberal arts?

(p. 277) ¶3 Einhard tells us that Charlemagne was a great patron of the liberal arts (VK 25), and the Carolingian royal administration and ecclesiastical establishment played a leading role in promoting this resurgence in learning.15[15.] The emperor and the church enacted laws that encouraged linguistic unity, based on a written Latin that was standardized across the empire. By supporting book production and learning, the Carolingian rulers also promoted their power as Christian kings and consolidated the faith by disseminating the texts on which that faith was based.16[16.] (Wood 2014, 277)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire ", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, where was the ROman impact on Carolingian intellectual life particularly significant?

(p. 279) ¶2 The Roman impact on Carolingian intellectual life was particularly significant, however, in the field of historiography.24[24.] The earliest manuscripts of the ancient historians Sallust, Tacitus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Justinus, Livy, Caesar, Eutropius, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Frontinus, the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, and Suetonius all date to the Carolingian period.25[25.] Carolingian historians also drew heavily on the historians of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, who in turn were heavily indebted to the historians of Rome. The moral and didactic imperatives underpinning classical historiography found expression in Carolingian historywriting.26[26.] For example, Einhard wrote the Life of Charlemagne with the intention of advising Louis the Pious. So too did the historian Thegan, who wrote an account of the deeds of Louis later in the emperor's reign, while Einard's Life of Charlemagne may have been used in the instruction of Carloman, the great grandson of Charlemagne.27[27.] Another Life of Charlemagne, written by Notker the Stammerer in the late ninth century, can likewise be read as a 'mirror of princes'.28 So, at the same time as reinforcing the moral basis for historywriting, Roman exemplars helped to promote the education of members of the Carolingian elite. (Wood 2014, 279)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, why did Einhard frame Charlemagne in the mold of classical emperors, rather than a hagiographical saint?

(p. 280) ¶2 Yet Einhard was motivated by more than a desire to tell Charlemagne's life story. As the first Frankish emperor, the 'memoria and exempla of Charlemagne' were 'highly-charged political issues'.32[32.] In the preface to the Life of Charlemagne, Einhard states that he is writing because he feared that the lack of contemporary historians could mean that the memoria of the great men of his age would be lost.33[33.] It is hardly surprising that Einhard did not construct a standard narrative of Charlemagne's life or adopt a hagiographical approach. Instead, he adapted a series of classical exemplars in order to develop a thematic account of his 'subject's virtues and moral characteristics'.34[34.] He did not follow Cicero, Suetonius, or any of his other sources slavishly. For example, Einhard mentions far fewer of Charlemagne's vices than Suetonius tended to report in his imperial biographies, although as Donna Hurley shows in Chapter 1 of this volume, on Suetonian rubrics, Suetonius was far from consistent in arranging his biographies. Rubrics provided broad guidelines, not a literary straightjacket. Similarly, the Life of Charlemagne was a vehicle for the display of Einhard's literary skill and inventiveness. (Wood 2014, 280)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, how specifically did Einhard model his Life of Charlemagne on Seutonius?

(p. 281) ¶3 ... Einhard does more than simply imitate his predecessor's vocabulary or turn of phrase and was not simply fitting Charlemagne to an imperial 'type'.35[35.] Structurally, Einhard borrowed Suetonius' organization of the different aspects of his subject's life under headings or rubrics.36[36.] So, at the start of the second book, he states: primo res gestas et domi et foris, deinde mores et studia eius, tum de regni administratione et fine narrando. First of all I shall describe his achievements at home and abroad, then his personal habits and enthusiasms, then the way in which he administered his kingdom and last of all his death. (VK 4)37[37.] The Suetonian model is also acknowledged in the breach when Einhard explains that he cannot include anything on his subject's childhood, the starting point of Suetonian imperial biography (VK 4). ¶2 Although the section describing Charlemagne's physical appearance is constructed out of a blend of Suetonian emperors, the ordering of information sometimes varies, and Einhard occasionally relies on other imperial biographies, he draws above all on Suetonius' description of Augustus in constructing his biography of Charlemagne.38[38.] Direct borrowing occurred throughout. One striking example of such borrowing is the spinning that Charlemagne's daughters are said to have engaged in as soon as they were old enough, which seems to echo the education which Augustus' daughter and granddaughters received: ... ('He made his daughters learn to spin and weave wool, use the distaff and spindle', VK 19) ... ('The education of his daughter and granddaughters included even spinning and weaving', Aug. 64.2).39[39.] Another clear connection can be made between the two emperors' temperance in eating and drinking alcohol: . . . his eating habits. He was frugal and, as a rule, preferred the food of the common people . . . Augustus was also a habitually abstemious drinker. (Aug. 76.1, 77) He was moderate in his eating and drinking, and especially so in drinking; for he hated to see drunkenness in any man, and even more so in himself and his friends. (VK 24) We can also point to Charlemagne's understanding of Greek but unwillingness to speak the language as quasi-Augustan attributes: ... ('but he understood Greek better than he could speak it', VK 25) ... ('He had ambitions to be as proficient in Greek as in Latin . . . but he never learned to speak Greek with real fluency, and never ventured on any Greek literary composition', Aug. 89.1). A final example is the omens that portended the deaths of both emperors: Next we come to Augustus' death and subsequent deification, both of which were predicted by evident signs. (Aug. 97.1) Many portents marked the approach of Charlemagne's death, so that not only other people but he himself could know that it was near. (VK 32) (Wood 2014, 281)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, what was Einhard's goal making Charlemagne similar to Augustus?

(p. 283) ¶1 ... We should also note that Einhard's account of Charlemagne frequently echoed the general context of Suetonius' entries on Augustus and other emperors, usually in order to create connections between the Frankish emperor and his Roman predecessors.40[40.] Einhard's aim in all this was to demonstrate, through parallelisms, that Charlemagne was a true Roman emperor, the founder of an empire to rival that of Augustus. ¶2 Einhard drew on other classical models alongside Suetonius when compiling his imperial biography. For example, Cicero was an important stylistic point of reference.41[41.] Reference to Cicero also enabled Einhard simultaneously to demonstrate his knowledge of classical Latin literature and to showcase his humility. The principle of imitatio explains why Einhard used Suetonius too. Einhard needed a generic literary model that was suitable for the depiction of a Roman emperor. He wanted to demonstrate that the Franks were the legitimate successors to the Romans, and an effective method of doing this was to parallel the Roman and the Frankish emperors. Suetonius was suitable on both of these counts, providing Einhard with typological ammunition to demonstrate that Charlemagne was a legitimate Roman emperor. This was particularly pressing, because the Carolingians had only recently usurped the royal title from the Merovingians. Einhard was thus able to reframe the question of Carolingian legitimacy through reference to timeless imperial stereotypes. (Wood 2014, 283)

In Jamie Wood's 2014 article "Suetonius and the De uita Caesarum in the Carolingian Empire", found on pg. 273-291 of Suetonius the Biographer: Studies in Roman Lives, why was Seutonius' Caesars considered respectable by monastic scholars?

(p. 286) ¶3 Jerome's De uiris illustribus and other lists of illustrious (and non-heretical) Christian writings played a pivotal role in the selection of works for inclusion in Carolingian monastic libraries.52[52.] Einhard was familiar with Jerome because in a letter to Lupus of Ferrières in 836, he states: ... ('There were at hand . . . illustrious expositors of the Holy Scriptures, Augustine and Jerome', apud Lupus, Ep. 3.3).53[53.] Einhard also makes use of the diminutive ingeniolum, which is often used by Jerome (e.g. Ep. 85.3, 118.7, Ruf. 1.30), although not in his De uiris illustribus, in the preface to the Vita Karoli.54[54.] Isidore also signalled- (p.287) ¶1-the importance of Jerome for the formation of the Christian literary canon in [her] Etymologies, stating that Jerome had searched systematically throughout the entire world for ecclesiastical writers and collated them into a catalogue (Etym. 6.6.2). Although there is no direct evidence that Einhard had read Jerome's De uiris illustribus, given its positive appraisal by Isidore and the influence that it exercised on intellectual life in the Carolingian Empire, it does not seem unreasonable to suggest that it helped to construct an image of Suetonius as a biographer who was worthy of imitation.55[55.] (Wood 2014, 286-287)

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, why did Leopold von Ranke argue that the RFA was an official court history?

(p. 4) ¶2 That the RFA has an official character was convincingly argued by Leopold von Ranke more than a century ago. The historian noted two striking features in the first part (741-95), written evidently by a single author: first, a tendency to keep silent on great disasters in the field and on internal troubles, such as the conspiracies which arose from time to time, and second, his intimate knowledge of the affairs which he chose to record. ... The first author of the RFA, however, tells in terse and precise terms not only about military campaigns but about the make-up of the armies, their commanders, and the purpose and nature of the individual military actions. He is also well versed in the diplomatic negotiations of the court. No one who was not close to Charlemagne's council could give such detailed information about the operations against Benevento and Bavaria. The combination of these two elements, good information and great reservation, convinced Ranke that the work was an official compilation. Ranke thought that the author was a cleric well acquainted with public affairs and perhaps officially commissioned to do this work. ..." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 4).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what was the time period covered by the first author?

(p. 5) ¶3 ... It seems certain now that the first author compiled the RFA between 787 and 793 on the basis of older annals and the continuations of Fredegar, and then followed them with contemporary events. ... " (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 5).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how manyauthors does the RFA have?

(p. 5) ¶3 Even a casual reading of the RFA suggests that more than one author had a hand in this work. Its composite nature is betrayed both by the manuscripts and by its language and style. ..." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 5).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, where was Einhart born?

(p. 58) ¶3 He was born in Germany of the East Franks about 770, in the valley of the Main, the Maingau; and as a child he spoke the East Frankish tongue, which we know as Old High German. His parents appear to have been people of substance; tradition has seen their names in a deed of gift made by "Einhart and his wife Engelfrit," bestowing "fields, meadows, woods, houses and their tenants" upon the monastery of Fulda. (Duckett 1962, 58).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what did Einhard learn while in the monastery at Fulda?

(p. 59) ¶3 ... In its library Einhard toiled at Latin words and grammar until he could read from the Latin Bible; in the course of years he followed not only the study of Fathers of the Church, but also of Latin pagan classics: Virgil, Livy, Tacitus, Suetonius. At Fulda, too, he learned to write his Latin in clear and orderly sequence after the Roman classical manner. There, also, he learned the art of fair and formal penmanship. We can still read the words of six legal deeds, carefully written out by him during the years 788 to 791 and signed by his name as scribe for the abbey under Baugulf. ¶4 At Fulda he began also to take a keen interest in other work of art: crafts of building, of modeling in metal, of design and decoration. He often watched the brethren at their manual labors and looked curiously at structures already in place. To the first rude church of Fulda, Sturm in course of time had added pillars, strong beams, and new roofing. Inside, he had placed on the Boniface altar a tabernacle overlaid with design in wrought gold. He had thought at the same time of his monks' bodily welfare.- (p. 60) ... ¶2 Above all, at Fulda he received that training in religion which was to remain with him all his years. He was never to be monk or priest or missionary. But a sense of the reality of prayer grew within him as day by day he heard Fulda's monks chant their mass and office in the Benedictine round; as he climbed the hill-in his time still called "The Bishop's Mount"-to the retreat upon its summit, looking down upon the abbey, where Boniface, bishop of Mainz, had loved to spend hours of contempla- tion in silence and solitude. (Duckett 1962, 59-60).

(p. 6) The third part of the RFA begins with the year 8o8 and extends to the last entries in 829. ..." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 6).

(p. 6) ¶2 The second part of the RFA comprises the years 795 to 807. The entries during these years are obviously contemporaneous with the events, but there is no agreement about the exact year in which authors changed. Different dates, all within the period from 792 to 795, have been suggested. ..." (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 6).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what brought Einhard to the attention of Charlemagne?

(p. 62) ¶4 It was Einhard's enthusiastic love of books and of art which brought him to the notice of Charles. In a letter of Alcuin, written to the king after Alcuin's retirement from Aachen to Tours, we find these words: "If my letter does not give you enough illustra- tion of style in verse, Beseleel, always at hand to help both you and me, will be able to supply more. And he is well able, also, to think out problems in arithmetic." (Duckett 1962, 62).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what did Charlemagne have Einhard do starting in 796?

(p. 63) ¶2 For long Aachen had held attraction for the king because of the hot springs which made bathing a pleasure; and after the royal residence at Worms caught fire one night in 790 and burned to the ground, there was greater need for Aachen to become a new central focus of his activities. From about 796 onward for many years Einhard was busy at work: upon the great hall of this Palace at Aachen, a hall dominated by its high throne; upon the courtyards, fair with flowers and trees, among which stood buildings filled with archives, books, jewels; upon the swimming pool; on the homes to be seen here and there in the Palace en- closure, built for those in attendance on the king. At last all was done. ... (Duckett 1962, 63).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what happened in Charles the Great in the year 814?

(p. 64) ¶4 In 814 Charles the Great died. ... (Duckett 1962, 64).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, when do scholars think that "Life of Charles" by Einhardt was composed?

(p. 65) ¶3 When did Einhard write it? ... Internal evidence-mention in chapter 12 of a rising against the Franks by their former allies, the Abodrites, and another notice in chapter 17 of a raid by the Northmen-has told us that it was composed after 817. ... (Duckett 1962, 65).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what are some of the faults of the "Life of Charles"?

(p. 66) ¶3 It has, indeed, as critics have noted, many faults. It presents the king in a recital of his wars and conquests, taken, at times with borrowing, not only factual but verbal, from the historical sources of the day: the royal annals, the continuators of Fredegarius, and the royal archives. This, of course, in itself is under- standable. But it uses them carelessly, with errors of place, of date, of deed. Now and then in its enthusiasm it omits detail unfavorable to its hero, or exaggerates his merit. There is not a word concerning the unspeakable beheading of forty-five hundred rebel Saxons by order of Charles at Verden on the Aller in 782, although Frankish record had declared it; and the territory conquered by the king is here larger than it actually was. ¶2 There is fault, also, in Einhard's usage of his chief literary model, his ideal pattern for treatment and style: Suetonius, who wrote in the second century A.D. his Latin Lives of the Roman Emperors. Many details describing the Frankish king's appearance and manner of life are given in the very words in which Suetonius drew his picture of the Roman Emperor Augustus; so many, in- (p. 67) ¶1-fact, that often without our wider knowledge from other sources it would be difficult to know whether we have here in Einhard the reality of truth. (Duckett 1962, 66-67).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, how is Charles the Great portrayed in Einhardt's "Life of Charles"?

(p. 67) ¶3 From a simple, concise, and clear narrative, then, Charles the Great here looks out at us: his figure tall and rather full, his head rounded at the top, his hair white but still abundant, his nose rather long, his eyes keen and bright, his smile twinkling and gay in hours of peace and leisure. His step is firm; his bearing shows one accustomed to authority. Only when he speaks are those who bow before him conscious of unseemliness, since his voice comes forth from that strong, virile face both small and thin. In all other respects he is a man of vigor and vitality. Hunting has been his joy from his boyhood. He has built his Palace at Aachen because of his delight in swimming; not one of his courtiers can conquer him in the pool. (Duckett 1962, 67).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, how is Charles the Great portrayed in Einhardt's "Life of Charles" specifically in terms of dress?

(p. 67) ¶4 One sees him in the Frankish dress: linen shirt and drawers; tunic bordered with silk; leggings and shoes of thongs inter- twined; vest of otter skin for cold weather. The blue cloak is thrown, as usual, over his shoulders; the sword is buckled at his side, its hilt shining with silver or gold. On high days his mantle- (p. 68) ¶1-is woven of gold thread, fastened by a golden brooch; from his shoes to the crown upon his head jewels flash back the light. (Duckett 1962, 67-68).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, how is Charles the Great portrayed in Einhardt's "Life of Charles" specifically in terms of character?

(p. 68) ¶3 From the outer surroundings of his king Einhard brings us to his inner character. Charles was one of utterly determined will. Whatever he set his hand to do, he did it to the end, never count- ing the cost. Constantia, perseverantia, patientia, Stoic constancy, perseverance, endurance, are the words which describe him, whether fighting the men of Aquitaine or pursuing the stubborn Saxons. "Nothing of that which had to be undertaken, nothing which was to be followed through, did he refuse for its labor or for dread of its danger; he had learned to undergo and to bear whatever happened, of whatever nature; neither in time of crisis would he yield to disaster nor in success would he bow to fortune's false, flattering smile.: Fortune, Einhard admits, did smile con- (p. 69) ¶1-stantly upon the king; yet in front of Fortune walked always prudentia, his sense of what at the moment it was wise and politic to do. (Duckett 1962, 68-69).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, how is Charles the Great portrayed in Einhardt's "Life of Charles" how is Charlemagne depicted as he conducted himself as king?

(p. 69) So in peace and in war to Einhard Charles was ever the Great King; magnanimitas was his high quality. Great of mind he was. He lived splendidly. He built royally: in the work upon his palaces, not only at Aachen but at Ingelheim and at Nijmegen; in his restoration of old and ruined churches throughout the realm; in his engineering of the great bridge which spanned the Rhine at Mainz. He was known, feared, and respected by his fellow monarchs, by princes and by chieftains, West and East; he sent his gifts, his alms for the poor, not only to Rome and to Constantinople, but to Syria, to Egypt, to Jerusalem, to Alexandria, and to Carthage. (Duckett 1962, 69).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what is Einhardt's relationship with Charlemagne's son Louis the Pious, and his grandsons, between 814-822?

(p. 70) ¶2 ... Even in the first days of the reign of this successor, from 814 onward, the change in rule was hard for one so devoted to King Charles as Einhard had been, although a bond of religious fervor and practice united him with Louis and although the two had known one another more or less at Court during some twenty years. In 814 Einhard was in his mid-forties. Under the new reign we find him not only continu- ing his duties as commissioner of royal works, but acting as secretary and counselor to this new king and Emperor. Further- more, in 817 he was entrusted with the education of Lothar, the eldest son of Louis; and he held this trust until 822, when Lothar, with Wala as his adviser, left Frankland to assume the crown of Italy. (Duckett 1962, 70).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, how did Einhard's opinion of Francia change from 817 to 823?

(p. 74) ¶3 ... as time went on, Einhard was forced to admit that things were changing for the worse in the Frankish land, in the Palace, even in himself. The resentment of those younger sons against the Ordinance of 817; the rebellion of Bernard of Italy and his death; the shock of the Penitence of Louis at Attigny in 822; the grave dissatisfaction of Wala, of Ago- bard, of other men of high importance in the kingdom; the grow- ing discontent of Frankish people at large-all these troubles weighed upon his mind. Far more heavily pressed his sense, sharpened year by year, of the apathy, the lack of wisdom and of power shown by the Emperor. Not that the Empire as such mat- tered vitally to Einhard. He was a true Frank among the men of many nationalities who crowded the Palace, and the royal- (p. 75) ¶1-kingship of the Frankish house to him was all in all. The thought of its decline and fall from the height it had reached in Charles was intolerable. Then had come the year 823 when the Empress was adding much to his mind's anxiety. Like Wala and Wala's friends he, too, could not face the breaking up into divided in- dependent shares of the one united Frankish realm. Could it be that possibly the future of his country lay with Lothar, the young heir, whom he himself had taught? Could Lothar follow good counsel and keep Frankland as one power in peace? ¶2 With the year 827 things were growing steadily worse. ... (Duckett 1962, 74-75).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what is story of how Einhardt transferred the relics of Marcellinus and Peter from Michelstadt to Mülinheim?

(p. 78) ¶2 All this business of travel and search had taken the greater part of the year 827. In November, when Einhard was staying at his abbey of Saint-Bavon in Ghent, he received word that the sacred relics of Marcellinus and Peter-a wonderful find- were on their way. Quickly he gave orders that a convoy of priests, minor clergy, and laymen should set out to meet and to escort them home. With great joy and pride of their bearers and acclaimed by crowds of people as they passed, they were carried to Strasbourg, then by boat along the Rhine, and finally for a short distance overland to Michelstadt. In its church, amid hymns and shouts of praise to Heaven from the peasants of the village, they were solemnly placed in a shrine visible to all. Thither Ein- hard hastened to do them all reverence. ¶3 Alas! They did not remain there very long. A vision soon declared that Michelstadt's church was not the place in which Marcellinus and Peter wished their dust to repose. Einhard, to whom the watcher in the church who received this vision of the night hurried with his news, was terribly distressed. Since the saints had given him no hint of the destination which they did desire, after anxious thought he decided to wait awhile in the hope of further enlightenment. He used this time in making new silken bags for his treasure's safety; and, as he filled the bags, he noticed that the dust of holy Marcellinus was distinctly less in quantity than that of Saint Peter. Of course, he concluded, Mar- cellinus must have been a smaller man. But here he was wrong. ¶4 Vision and warning, more and more grim, still continued to haunt the nights of those who prayed in the church of Michel- stadt; and still Einhard debated "with seething anxiety" what he was to do. What servant of Christ in that wild region of the Odenwald could advise him? There were, it was true, monasteries nearby; but not a monk within them would be held holy or wise- (p. 79) ¶1-enough, Einhard knew well, for a problem such as this. For several nights he and his household watched in prayer; and each night some one, and sometimes two or three of the watchers, heard in the silence the order from Heaven that the relics must depart elsewhere. ¶2 At last Einhard could wait no longer. He set out to walk with the bearers of his treasure whither the Lord and His saints should direct. It was daybreak on January 16, 828. All night long rain had poured down, and the sky was dark with clouds. Once again those who were early abroad bowed in reverence as the holy burden passed, preceded by the Cross, and stayed awhile to join in psalms and hymns. ¶3 The Lord directed them, as Einhard tells-and it is his story -to his other village of Miulinheim, and on the morrow they reached it. By this time the multitude, of those escorting and of those awaiting the arrival, was so great that the bearers could not get near the church. An altar was set up, and mass was offered on the slope of a meadow close at hand. The next day, January 18, the relics were safely lying at rest in the apse of the church which was their destiny. As soon as could be, a shrine was made for them, veiled in curtains of linen and silk. Above it, as was the Frankish custom, rose an arch of wood. Nearby stood an altar, and two crosses, one on either side of the altar, symbols of the Lord's Pas- sion. ¶4 Here, then, was a little chapel of honor, and here Mass and the Hours were regularly said by priests and clerics set apart for this purpose. In time this little band grew into a religious com- munity, with Einhard once again in charge as lay abbot. (Duckett 1962, 78-79).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what is the alternative explanation that Duckett provides for the movement of the relics from Michelstadt to Mülinheim?

(p. 79) ¶5 (Those who are not content, with him, to ascribe the cause of this removal of relics from Michelstadt to visions and warnings from Heaven, may find more natural reason in an act of Einhard and his wife. In 819 they had given Michelstadt in Odenwald for permanent holding to the abbey of Lorsch, near Worms, under condition that they themselves should retain right of residence and occupation as long as they should live.) (Duckett 1962, 79).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how is nature portrayed in the RFA?

(p. 8) ¶3 It is a world in which nature presents a forbidding challenge to man, raising barriers around him and beating down his ambitions. The changes of the season determine the rhythm of life. Summer is the time of action, and campaigns begin when the horses can feed off the land and come to a sudden halt when heavy rains cause rivers to flood. In winter the king settles down in his palace, leaving the annalist little to report. Minor variations in the climate spell disaster. Animals and men are killed by severe cold or by pestilence resulting from mild weather and excessive humidity. Expeditions into foreign lands end with military success and yet lead to calamity when disease carries off the men and horses of the victor. Hail and lack of sunshine spoil the harvest and sour the wine. Famine stays the king's hand and forces him to postpone a campaign. Lightning strikes men and burns villages. Earthquakes cause mountains to tumble on top of cities, and eclipses inspire wonder and apprehension. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 8).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how is divine action portrayed in the RFA?

(p. 8) ¶4 While nature threatens man with its spasmodic violence, divinity intervenes mysteriously: a large block of earth is moved without- (p. 9) ¶1-human support; ominous lights appear in the sky at night; a woman for two years abstains from all food except the bread of the Eucharist; a trace of the blood of Christ is found, and the discovery moves the pope to journey from Rome to Mantua; the relics of the saints miraculously heal the sick; the army of Charlemagne when suffering from thirst is marvelously relieved, like the Hebrews in the desert, by a sudden flow of water in a brook; the heathens are unable to burn a church because St. Boniface foretold that it would be proof against fire; and a picture of the Virgin and the infant Christ unaccountably shines with unusual brightness. Although the annalists record the intervention of the supernatural, divine activity is not presented as the immediate cause of political events. Rather it appears as a re- minder that the natural order is forever maintained by the divine will and subject to sudden dispensation: the Lord of history ordains the happenings among men. But human decisions and drives-the lofty resolutions of the Frankish monarch and the beastly instincts of the Saxons-and stubborn circumstance cause change and thus make the history which the annalists record. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 8-9).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what is the relevance of Einhard's story regarding how he transferred the relics of Marcellinus and Peter from Michelstadt to Mülinheim?

(p. 81) ¶2 This story, perhaps more than a little incredible to twentieth- century minds, is of interest since it comes from a narrative written by Einhard himself: his Translation and Miracles of Saints Mar- cellinus and Peter. In it he shows us much of his own character in later life, from the year 827 onward. The visions and miracles of which he tells with faith and gratitude were seen by him him- self, he declares, or by witnesses whom he could trust. In the course of years the name of Einhard's dedicated village was changed from Miulinheim to Seligenstadt, "City of the Blessed," the name by which the present little town is known. ¶3 And, secondly, Einhard's story, in its long, full detail, is worth reading for the light it throws upon the passion for gain- ing and owning relics which possessed Christian souls in this ninth century. Here Einhard, without hesitation, scruple, or apol- ogy, but with faith and delight, tells that he received and en- shrined in his church relics stolen from a church in Rome by his clerk. His only distress rises from the seizure, also through theft, of part of his stolen joy by the archchaplain of the royal Palace for his own happiness and pride! ¶4 There is, moreover, a third reason for interest in this nar- rative of Einhard; for here he also describes his endeavors, through visions occurring at Miulinheim, to save his king, Louis the Pious, from the evil now increasing in his land. (Duckett 1962, 81).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, what vision to Louis the German, son of Louis the Pious, see in the year 874?

(p. 82) ¶5 Forty-six years later, against the year 874, the Annals of Fulda recorded: "In January Louis the German, son of the Emperor Louis the Pious, visited the church of Saints Marcellinus and Peter to hold secret conference with certain friends of his father. About February the first he went to Frankfurt and there took counsel with his trusted advisers on problems of his king- dom, especially in regard to prevailing discord. When Lent set in and he turned from secular business to prayer, he had one night a terrible dream. Before him stood the Emperor Louis the Pious, his face wrung by anguish of pain. Then from this vision came words; Louis the German clearly remembered afterwards that- (p. 83) ¶1-they were Latin words. 'I beseech thee, my son,' said his father, dead since 840, 'by Our Lord Jesus Christ and by the Majesty of the Trinity, that thou rescue me from the torture which now holds me fast, that after long endurance I may win the life ever- lasting.'" ¶2 Louis the German, the record of Fulda goes on, was so upset by this vision that he sent letters to all the monasteries of his kingdom of Bavaria, requesting with all his energy that their com- munities intercede with the Lord for souls in torment. But the comment made here by the annalist of Fulda is rather drastic. "This gives us to understand," he writes, "that although the Emperor Louis the Pious did many things worthy of praise and pleasing to God, yet many things contrary to the law of God did he allow to come to pass in his realm. If, indeed, to omit other matters, he had vigorously resisted the heresy of the Nicolaites, and had paid due heed to the admonitions of Gabriel the Arch- angel as conveyed to him by Abbot Einhard, perchance he would not have suffered thus." ¶3 Einhard does not tell us what these admonitions were; but we can guess from another attempt to warn the Emperor by means of a second document which arrived at Aachen. This was also addressed to Einhard and also written by Ratleic, now back in Mülinheim. From the country district of Hochst in the Odenwald, Ratleic now told, a young peasant girl some sixteen years of age had been brought to the church of Sts. Marcellinus and Peter by her parents. She was possessed by an evil spirit, they said, and in their despair they had come to seek aid. At once one of the priests serving the church began to recite the appointed formula of exorcism. He was interrupted by a flood of Latin from the girl's lips. The priest knew, of course, that the evil spirit was speaking, for the girl had learned no Latin. "Who art thou?" he said. "I," replied the demon, "am named Wiggo; and servant and disciple of Satan I am. For long I was doorkeeper in Hell; but now for some years past with eleven of my comrades I have been laying waste this kingdom of the Franks. Corn and wine and all other fruits born of earth for the use of men have we destroyed, in obedience to orders given us; cattle we have slain by plague; disease and pestilence we have sent forth against men."- (p. 84) ¶1-"Wherefore was this power given thee?" demanded the priest. "For the wickedness of this people," came the answer, "and the manifold iniquities of those set over them, those who love possessions more than justice. Almost without number are the crimes committed daily by the Frankish people and their rulers: perjury, drunkenness, adultery, manslaughter, theft, pillage. Friend puts no trust in friend; brother hates brother; father has no thought for son. Rarely do men give tithes, more rarely alms. They keep no longer the holy days of the Church; they follow but their own will. Therefore we have been ordered to make them suffer for their faithlessness." ¶2 This writing, also, Einhard handed to the Emperor, Louis the Pious. ¶3 Such is Einhard's tale. What is the truth concerning these stories of Archangel and devil? That is impossible to say, but in any case they bear witness that, while he was still at Aachen, Einhard was doing all in his power to arouse his Emperor and king to action and by whatever means he could find. (Duckett 1962, 84).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what did Charles the Younger, the second son of Charlemagne, do when Godofrid, king of the Danes, crossed with his army inot the land of the Obodrites in 808?

(p. 88) ¶4 Since he was informed that Godofrid, the king of the Danes, with his army had crossed over into the land of the Obodrites, he sent his son Charles with a strong host of Franks and Saxons to the Elbe, with orders to resist the mad king if he should attempt to attack the borders of Saxony.' Godofrid set up quarters on the shore for some days2 and attacked and took a number of Slavic castles in hand- to-hand combat. Then he withdrew, suffering severe casualties. He expelled Thrasco, duke of the Obodrites, who did not trust the loyalty of his countrymen,3 hanged on the gallows Godelaib, another duke, whom he had caught by treachery, and made two-thirds of the Obodrites tributary. But he lost the best and most battle-tested of his soldiers. With them he lost Reginold, his brother's son, who was killed at the siege of a town along with a great number of Danish nobles. But Charles, the son of the emperor, built a bridge across the Elbe,4 and moved the army under his command as fast as he could across the river against the Linones and Smeldingi. These tribes had also defected to Godofrid. Charles laid waste their fields far and wide and after crossing the river again returned to Saxony with his army unimpaired. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 88).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what did Godofrid do on his expedition into the land of the Obodrites, specifically to the trading place called Reric, in 808?

(p. 88) ¶5 ... Godofrid before his return destroyed a trading place on the seashore, in Danish called Reric, which, because of the taxes it paid, was of great advantage to his kingdom.6[6. Abel-Simons, 11, 389, n.2; for this defensive bulwark, see the literature in Braunfels, Karl der Grosse, I, 701 n. 15.] ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 88).

(p. 89) ¶5 In the west the Lord King Louis entered Spain with his army and besieged the city of Tortosa on the River Ebro. When he had de- voted some time to the siege and had seen that he could not take the city quickly, he gave up and returned to Aquitaine with his army unimpaired. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 89).

In the "Introduction" of Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, how is technology portrayed in the RFA?

(p. 9) ¶2 The annalists live in a world of villages and manors, of camps and castles, of few roads and fixed routes, where the Lombards can keep a single messenger or an entire army from passing across the Alps, and of uncertain frontiers which are difficult to protect. It is a world of simple and unpredictable technology. The Saxon siege machines do more damage to their operators than to the enemy; the gift of an organ from the emperor of Constantinople deserves an entry in the annals of the realm, and an organ-builder from the East is escorted to Aix-la-Chapelle by the treasurer of the emperor. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 9).

In Chapter 3, "Einhard of Seligenstadt", of Eleanor S. Duckett's book 1962 Carolingian Portraits, when did Einhard die?

(p. 90) ¶2 ... He died on March 14, 840, some three months before his King-Emperor, Louis the Pious, when he was about seventy years old. He was buried in his church at Mülin- heim ... (Duckett 1962, 90).

(p. 90) ¶3 In the meantime Godofrid, king of the Danes, sent word by some merchants that he had heard of the emperor's wrath against him because he had led an army against the Obodrites the year before and revenged himself for injuries done to him. Godofrid added that he would like to purge himself of the charges made against him and that the Obodrites had broken the peace first. He also requested that a meeting between his counts and the emperor's should take place be- yond the Elbe near the borders of his kingdom. There they could establish what both parties had done and determine what redresses were to be made. This the emperor did not refuse. A conference was held with Danish nobles beyond the Elbe at Badenfliot.4[4.] Both sides brought up and elaborated on a number of matters and then departed, leaving the entire question unsettled. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 90).

(p. 90) ¶5 Since he had heard much about the arrogance and pride of the Danish king, the emperor decided to build a castle on the other side- (p. 91) ¶1- of the Elbe and to garrison it with a Frankish force. For this purpose he gathered men in Gaul and Germany equipped with arms and all other necessities, and ordered them to be taken by way of Frisia to their destination. In the meantime Thrasco, duke of the Obodrites, was treacherously killed by Godofrid's men at the trading place of Reric. When the location for the founding of a castle had been explored, the emperor appointed Count Egbert to be responsible for this matter, ordering him to cross the Elbe and to occupy the site. This place is located on the River Stor and is called Esesfelth. Egbert and the Saxon counts occupied it and began to fortify it about March 15.8[8. Eselfelth has been discovered on the northern bank of the Stör west of Itzehoe; cf. BML, p. 200, and Braunfels, Karl der Grosse, I, 701.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 90-91).

(p. 91) ¶6 Hruodtrude, the emperor's eldest daughter, died on June 6. (Scholz and Rogers 1972)

(p. 91) ¶7 While the emperor was still at Aachen, considering an expedition against King Godofrid, he received the news that a fleet of two hundred ships from Denmark had landed in Frisia, that all the islands off the coast of Frisia had been ravaged, that the army had- (p. 92) ¶1-already landed and fought three battles against the Frisians, that the victorious Danes had imposed a tribute on the vanquished, that already one hundred pounds of silver had been paid as tribute by the Frisians, and that King Godofrid was at home. That, in fact, is how things stood. This information aroused the emperor so much that he sent out messengers everywhere to gather an army. Leaving the palace without delay, he decided first to go and meet the fleet, then to cross the Rhine at Lippeham and wait for the troops which had not yet arrived. While he stayed there for a few days, the elephant which Harun, the king of the Saracens, had sent him, suddenly died. When the troops had finally assembled, the emperor hastened to the Aller at the greatest possible speed, set up camp where it flows into the Weser, and then waited for what would come of King Godofrid's threats. Inflated by the vain hope of victory, this king boasted that he wished to fight the emperor in open battle.4[4. ON all rivers flowing into the ocean, including those of Aquitaine, ships were to be built for the defense against the Normans; BML, p. 200.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 91-92).

(p. 92) ¶2 But while the emperor had his quarters in the place mentioned, news of various matters was brought to him. It was reported that the fleet which ravaged Frisia had returned home and King Godofrid had been murdered by one of his retainers; that the castle of Hohbuoki on the Elbe,5[5. Cf. Tacitus, Annals, II, 7.] with Odo, the emperor's envoy, and a garrison of East Saxons, had been captured by the Wilzi; that his son Pepin, the king of Italy, had died on July 8; and that two embassies to make peace had arrived from different countries, one from Constantinople, the other from Cordova. When the emperor had received all these reports, he settled the affairs of Saxony as far as circumstances at that time permitted and returned home. On this campaign an epidemic broke out among the cattle which was so severe that almost no animals remained to feed such a large army. All perished to the last head. Not only there but in all provinces subject to the emperor the mortality of this kind of animal ran very high.6[6. On this campaign the emperor fell from his horse, which was considered a portent of his impending death; cf. Einhard, ch. 32; MGH, Cap., I, 249; Migne, PL CIV, 147-58.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 92).

(p. 92) ¶3 Arriving at Aachen in the month of October, the emperor re- ceived the embassies mentioned and made peace with Emperor Nicephorus and with Abul Aas, king of Spain. He gave back Venice to Nicephorus and received Count Haimric, who at one time had been taken prisoner by the Saracens and whom Abul Aas now sent back.7[7. Charles surrendred Venice to Nicephorus (802-11) in return for Byzantien recognition of his imperial title; BML, p. 202. Al-Hkam, emir of Cordova (796-822), called Abdus Aas, now made peace with Charlemagne; Buckler, Harunnu'l-Rashid, p. 40.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 92).

(p. 93) ¶2 After the death of Godofrid, king of the Danes, Hemming, the son of his brother, succeeded to his throne and made peace with the emperor.8[8. Hemming, king of the Danes (810-11).] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 93).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what did the Frankish emperor Charlemagne, and the Danish king Hemming, do to cement the peace early in the year of 811?

(p. 93) ¶4 The peace announced between the emperor and Hemming, the king of the Danes, was only sworn on arms because of the severity of the winter, which closed the road for traveling between the parties. Only with the return of spring and the opening of the roads, which had been closed because of harsh frost, did twelve magnates of each party and people, that is, of Franks and Danes, meet on the River Eider at Heiligen and confirm the peace by an exchange of oaths according to their customs. The nobles on the Frankish side were Count Walach, son of Bernard, Count Burchard, Count Unroch,3 Count Odo, Count Meginhard, Count Bernard, Count Egbert, Count Theothari, Count Abo, Count Osdag, and Count Wigman. On the Danish side there were Hankwin and Angandeo, Hemming's brothers, and, in addition, other men distinguished among this people: Osfrid nicknamed Turdimulo, Warstein, Suomi, Urm, another Osfrid, son of Heiligen, and Osfrid of Schonen, and Hebbi and Aowin. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 93).

(p. 93) ¶5 After peace had been made with Hemming and the general assembly held at Aachen according to custom, the emperor sent into three parts of his kingdom an equal number of armies. One went beyond the Elbe against the Linones, which ravaged their territory and restored the castle of Hohbuoki on the Elbe destroyed by the Wilzi in the preceding year. The second went into Pannonia to end the disputes among Huns and Slavs. The third was dispatched against- (p. 94) ¶1-the Bretons to punish their treachery. They all returned home unharmed after carrying out their orders successfully. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 93-94).

In the "The Royal Frankish Annals, 808-829," in Carolingian Chronicles: Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard's Histories, translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz and Barbara Rogers, what happened to Charles, the eldest recognized son of Charlemagne (though technically Pepin the Hunchback was the oldest son of CHarlemagne, by this time he was tonsured, and died sometime in 810-811)?

(p. 94) ¶3 Charles, the eldest son of the Lord Emperor, died on December 4.5[5. Charles was born in 772 and was to have been Charlemagne's heir and successor; BML, p. 209; MGH, EE, IV, 315-16.] The emperor spent the winter at Aachen. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 94).

(p. 94) ¶4 Not much later the news arrived that Hemming, king of the Danes, had died. Sigifrid, the nephew of King Godofrid, and Anulo, the nephew of Heriold and of the former king, both wished to succeed him. Being unable to agree on who should be king, they raised troops, fought a battle, and were both killed. The party of Anulo won, however, and made his brothers Heriold and Reginfrid their kings. The defeated party out of necessity had to go along with Anulo's party and did not reject the brothers as their kings. They say that ten thousand nine hundred and forty men died in that battle. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 94).

(p. 94) ¶5 Emperor Nicephorus after many remarkable victories died in the province of Moesia in a battle against the Bulgars.1[1. Nicephorus was slain in a battle against the Bulgarian king Krum in July 811. Michael I Rangabe (811-13) was his successor] His son-in-law Michael became emperor and received and dismissed in Constantinople the envoys of the Lord Emperor Charles, who had been sent to Nicephorus. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 94).

(p. 95) ¶8 The emperor spent the winter at Aachen, and when the mild season of spring set in, he sent Bishop Amalhar of Trier and Abbot Peter of the monastery of Nonantola to Constantinople in order to ratify the peace with Emperor Michael.1[1.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 95).

(p. 95) ¶9 He invited his son Louis, king of Aquitaine, to a general assembly at Aachen, placed the crown on his head, and shared the title of emperor with him. His grandson Bernard, son of his son Pepin, he placed in charge of Italy and ordered to be called king.2[2. See sa.a. 817, 818; BML, pp. 231-34.] Also on his order councils were held by the bishops in all of Gaul to improve the condition of the churches, one at Mainz, another at Reims, a third at Tours, a fourth at Chalon, a fifth at Arles. Of the canons issued in- (p. 96) ¶1-the individual councils a collection was made before the emperor at that assembly. Anyone who wants to know them can find them in the above-named five cities, although copies are also available in the archives of the palace.3[3.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 95-96).

(p. 96) ¶4 Emperor Michael achieved little success when he made war on the Bulgars. On his return home he laid down the imperial headband and became a monk. In his place Leo, son of the patrician Bardas, was made emperor? Krum, king of the Bulgars, who two years before had killed Emperor Nicephorus and driven Michael out of Moesia, was elated by his luck and advanced with his army to the very con- fines of Constantinople, pitching his camp before the gate of the city. But as he rode his horse around the walls Emperor Leo ordered a- (p. 97) ¶1-sally and intercepted the reckless king. Krum was gravely wounded and forced to save himself by flight and to return to his homeland in disgrace. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 96-97).

(p. 97) ¶2 While spending the winter at Aachen, the Lord Emperor Charles departed this life on January 28, in about his seventy-first year, in the forty-seventh year of his reign, in the forty-third since the conquest of Italy, and in the fourteenth since he had been named Emperor and Augustus.1[1. A fever forced Charles to take to his sickbed; he first hoped to cure himself by dieting but contracted pleurisy. His illness started apparently on January 2. He was buried in his basilica of Aix-la-Chapelle; cf. Einhard, ch. 31; MGH, PL. I, 407-8, 435-36; BML, pp. 224-25; Abel-Simson, II, 528-39.] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 97).

(p. 97) ¶3 A large number of messengers informed Louis of this event at the royal villa of Doué2[2. Dép. Maine-et-Loire, arr. Saumar.] in Aquitaine, where he was then spending the winter. Thirty days later he arrived at Aachen and succeeded his father with the full consent and support of all Franks. Turning his mind to the administration of the kingdom which he had assumed, he first heard and dismissed the foreign envoys who had come to his father. He then received the other envoys who had been sent to his father but had come to him instead. ¶4 The most important among the latter was the mission sent from Constantinople. When Emperor Leo, Michael's successor, dismissed Bishop Amalhar and Abbot Peter, who had been sent to Michael but had come to him, he dispatched his own envoys along with them to the Lord Charles. These were the spatarius Christopher and the deacon Gregory. Through them Emperor Leo delivered the ratified text of a treaty of alliance. When they had been received and dismissed, the Lord Louis directed his envoys, Bishop Nordbert of Reggio and Count Richoin of Padua, to Emperor Leo to renew friendship with him and to ratify the aforementioned pact.3[3. Emperor Leo V asked for help against the Bulgars; BML, p. 242.] ¶5 After holding a general assembly of his people at Aachen he sent envoys into all parts of his kingdom to render justice and relieve the oppression of the people. He sent for Bernard, king of Italy, his nephew, presented him with gifts, and dismissed him again. With Duke Grimoald of the Beneventans he made a solemn treaty similar to that of his father, namely that the Beneventans should pay an annual tribute of seven thousand solidi. Then he sent Lothair, one of his two sons, to Bavaria and the other son, Pepin, to Aquitaine. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 97).

(p. 97) ¶6 Heriold and Reginfrid, kings of the Danes, had been defeated and expelled from their kingdom the year before by the sons of- (p. 98) (p. 99) ¶1-Godofrid, against whom they regrouped their forces and again made war. In this conflict Reginfrid and the oldest son of Godofrid were killed. When this had come to pass, Heriold despaired of his cause,4 came to the emperor, and put himself under his protection. The emperor received him and told him to go to Saxony and to wait for the proper time when he would be able to give him the help which Heriold had requested. (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 97-99).

(p. 99) ¶3 ... while he was still at home, the emperor was informed that some Roman nobles had conspired to murder Pope Leo in the very city of Rome. Since the pontiff had been informed in advance, all the ringleaders wore butchered on his order. The emperor was annoyed with these events. He settled the affairs of the Slavs and of Heriold, and, leaving Heriold behind in Saxony, returned to his palace in Frankfurt. ... (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 99).

In "An Introduction to Einhard" by Paul E. Dutton, in pages xi-xxiv of Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard edited by Paul E. Dutton, what is the background of Einhard?

(p. xi) ¶3 His noble lineage came from his parents, Einhard and Engilfrit, who held property near the Main River in eastern Francia [see 1.14 and 3.6 below]. Einhard may have been their eldest or only child and was probably born around 770 not long after Charlemagne became king. His parents sent him to be educated at the monastery of Fulda [see Map 3], perhaps, as has been suggested, because his small size made it unlikely that he could take up a military career. At Fulda he learned Latin and immersed himself in the Bible and the classics. He wrote out six charters while resident at Fulda, three of them dated to the period between 788 and 791 [3.1-6]. Einhard was already in his early 2Os when the abbot of Fulda, Baugulf, to whom Charlemagne sent his famous letter on educational reform [see Carolingian Civilization 13.7], apparently recommended him to Charlemagne's attention as a learned young man who would be useful at court [see 1.14 below]. Given the king's drive to improve official literacy within the kingdom, Charlemagne and his court must have been on the lookout for excellent and energetic officials in order to extend and improve the workings of the palace and the administration of the kingdom. There was also a standing need to replace those court officials and schoolmasters who had already departed. (Dutton 2009, xi)

In "An Introduction to Einhard" by Paul E. Dutton, in pages xi-xxiv of Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard edited by Paul E. Dutton, how is Alcuin portrayed by contemporaneous sources?

(p. xii) ¶3 The portrait of Einhard drawn by his contemporaries in these early years is consistent and fond. Both Alcuin and Theodulf characterized him as small and energetic, though the one seems to have done so with more love than the other [1.3 and 1.6]. Theodulf s relationship with Einhard, as with so many others, may have been strained by his sharp wit and aggressive nature [1.7]. He complained that others, on occasion, avoided him, but he effectively sketched Einhard as a man in constant motion, scurrying here and there, books in hand, little legs awhirl. ¶4 The early reports of those at court also portray Einhard as a poet and learned man. Alcuin told Charlemagne in 799 that Einhard, their intimate assistant, could easily explain difficult problems of grammar and arithmetic to him in Alcuin's absence, and he wondered why Einhard, fine poet that he was, had not replaced him as the master of the court school [1.1-2]. Modoin, in his list of successful court poets, counted Einhard as one of that charmed circle of poets - Angilbert, Alcuin, and Theodulf - who had achieved great names and fortunes at Charlemagne's court because of their expert command of song [1.5]. This was exalted company, ... (Dutton 2009, xii)

According to Professor Booker, what is the 2nd stage of textual application: 2) Content?

*content, that is, what is the passage saying, and how and why is it saying it in the manner that it does (i.e., I want you to demonstrate what you've learned about the rhetorical component of the text, and how this is marshaled by the author to make his/her point [and of course you'll tell me what this point is] as prudently/effectively as possible).

According to Professor Booker, what is the 3rd stage of textual application:3) Significance?

*significance, that is, who cares? Why is this piece that I've chosen (obviously not at random) meaningful insofar as the topic of the course is concerned; and insofar as the topic of the larger work as a whole from which the piece is excerpted is concerned? Might such questions relate to the practice of history more generally?

What was the main dispute between Trinitarianism and Arianism?

-has the Son always existed eternally with the Father or was the Son begotten at a certain time in the past? -is the Son equal to the Father or subordinated to the Father? -for Constantine, it was minor theological claptrap that stood in the way of uniting the Empire, but for the theologians, it was of huge importance; for them, it was a matter of salvation

According the Lev Vygotsky, what are the three stages of internalization?

1 An operation that initially represents an external activity is reconstructed and begins to occur internally. 2 An interpersonal process is transformed into an intrapersonal one. 3 The transformation of an interpersonal process into an intrapersonal one is the result of a long series of developmental events.

According to Professor Booker, what are the 3 steps to understanding the texts?

1) Context; 2) Content; 3) Significance.

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne", what are the 4 parts of his work?

1) Introduction; 2) Wars, External Affairs, Rise of Carolingians; 3) Personal Life and Internal Affairs of Rulers; 4) Portents and Omens of Death, followed by the Will.

According to Professor Booker, what is the "historical context" of the 1st stage of textual explication? : 1) Context?

1) historical = what was going on when the piece was written, when was it written, why was it written, who wrote it, for whom was it written, etc.

In the sample from M. Cornelius Fronto's, "Eulogy of Negligence", circa 139 A.D., what is paragraph 1?

1. ... For those, who are too anxious in the performance of their duties, rely too little on friendship ... I have taken upon myself to indite the praises of NEGLIGENCE, and the reason why I have never to this day indited them, that too, as the subject demands, I neglect to give ... is checked by self-control. Generally too is the idleness praised, which readily pardons the sins of men, but unless you good-naturedly neglect offence,s you are not likely to deal over mildly with them.

How many sons, and heirs, did Louis the Pious (778 - 20 June 840) have with his second wife, Queen Judith (797- 19 April 843), also known as Judith of Bavaria?

1. Charles ΙΙ the Bald (13 June 823 - 6 October 877)

If one were to interpret a single passage that mentioned Jerusalem, how would one interpret using the fourfold method of meaning?

1. The literal sense referred to the actual capital city of Judea. 2. The moral sense of Jerusalem represents the soul of man. 3. The allegorical meaning of Jerusalem is the church. 4. The anagogical meaning is heaven.

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what are some sources that Claussen cites that examines Dhuoda's use of scripture?

16. Dhuoda's use of Scripture as a whole, a very complex topic, has not received the systematic examination it merits, but several brief studies have appeared on the way she uses certain biblical books. See Marie Anne Mayeski, "The Beatitudes and the Moral Life of the Christian: Practical Theology and Biblical Exegesis in Dhuoda of Septimania," Mystics Quarterly 18 (1992): 6-15; Glenn Olsen, "One Heart and One Soul (Acts 4:32 and 34) in Dhuoda's 'Manual,"' Church History 61 (1992): 23-33; BernadetteJanssens has examined Dhuoda's use of wisdom literature in "LEtude de la langue et les citations bibliques dans le Liber Manualis de Dhuoda: Un Sondage," in Aevum inter utrumque: Melanges offerts d Gabriel Sanders, Instrumenta patristica 23, ed. Marc Van Uytfanghe and Roland Demeulenaere (Steenbruge, 1991), 259-75. Janssens has also carefully studied Dhuoda's use of a nonbiblical author in "LInfluence de Prudence sur le Liber Manualis de Dhuoda," Studia patristica 17, no. 3 (Oxford, 1982), 1366-73. (Claussen 787)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what are some sources that Claussen cites that examines Dhuoda's intentions, and use of Carolingian sources?

17. Dhuoda relies on a number of Carolingian texts as well, most notably, the De usu psalmorum liber ascribed to Alcuin, PL 101:465-68, in book 11; and more generally Alcuin's De virtutibus et vitiis. She is clearly aware of the speculum genre, and, as Mayeski suggests, Dhuoda clearly intended to contribute to the written tradition of moral theology ("Beatitudes and the Moral Life of the Christian," 6). (Claussen 788)

According to Professor Booker, what is the "intratextual context" of the 1st stage of textual explication? : 1) Context?

2) intratextual = what is the larger context of the work from which the passage itself was taken.

In the sample from M. Cornelius Fronto's, "Eulogy of Negligence", circa 139 A.D., what is paragraph 2?

2. A man may think negligence to be unsafe and exposed to dangers, but my view is clean contrary, that it is diligence which is much more liable to perils. For there is not one who takes the trouble to lay traps for negligence, judging that even without a trap it would be easy work to take in a negligent man always and everywhere and at pleasure: against the diligent, however, and the wide-awake and those who watch over their wealth, wiles and deceptions and traps are made ready. So general is it for negligence to be safeguarded by contempt, diligence to be assailed by craft. Mistakes too, committed through negligence are more readily pardoned and for kindnesses so done a more gracious gratitude is felt. For that a man in all other respects neglectful should not have neglected to do a kindness in season is from its unexpectedness grateful.

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how unique is Dhuoda's use of the psalms?

21 1 Dhuoda's privileging of the psalms over all the other biblical books is typical of early medieval monastic writers. According to Marie-Christine Chartier, "Presence de la Bible dans les Regles et Coutumiers," in Le Moyen Age et la Bible, 305-25, at 308, roughly a third of the biblical citations in the sixth- and seventh-century rules of Caesarius, Aurelian, Ferreolus, Donatus, and the Regula Tarnatensis are from the psalms; in the mid-eighth century Rule for Canons by Chrodegang, about 20 percent are from the same book; and in the ninth-century Rule for Solitaries by Grimlaic, about 13 percent. (Claussen 788)

What happened to Charlemagne on 25 December, 800 AD.

25 December, 800 AD. Charlemagne was crowned "Emperor of the Romans" by Pope Leo III on Christmas Day at Rome's Old St. Peter's Basilica.

According to Professor Booker, what is the "preservation/transmission" of the 1st stage of textual explication?

3) preservation/transmission = how many manuscripts does the work survive in? do we know what was copied/compiled with the work?

How many sons, and heirs, did Louis the Pious (778 - 20 June 840) have with his first wife, Ermengarde of Hesbaye?

3. FIRST, Lothair I (795 - 29 September 855); SECOND, Pepin I or Pepin I of Aquitaine (French: Pépin; 797 - 13 December 838); THIRD, Louis (also Lewis, German: Ludwig) "the German" (c. 806 - 28 August 876)

In the sample from M. Cornelius Fronto's, "Eulogy of Negligence", circa 139 A.D., what is paragraph 3?

3. Now the famous golden age celebrated by the poets, if you think over it, you will find to have been the age of negligence, when the earth neglected bore rich crops and, without trouble taken, provided all the requisites of life to those who neglected it. These arguments shew that negligence comes of good lineage, is pleasing to the Gods, commended by the wise, has her share of virtues, is the teacher of mildness, shielded from traps, welcomed in well-doing, pardoned in faults, and, finally, pronounced golden. Who pray prevents us from painting-in much colour from the paint-box of our friend Favorinus1[1.]? The more a woman relies on her looks, the more easily does she neglect her complexion and her coiffure; but with most women it is because they distrust their beauty that all the alluring devices which care can discover are brought into being that they may particularly adorn themselves.

In the sample from M. Cornelius Fronto's, "Eulogy of Negligence", circa 139 A.D., what is paragraph 4-5?

4. The myrtle and the box and all the other shrubs and bushes that submit to the shears, accustomed as they are to being most diligently and carefully pruned, watered, and trimmed, creep on the ground or raise their tops but little over the soil where they stand; but those unshorn firs and neglected pines hide their aspiring heads amid the clouds. 5. Lions are not so diligent in seeking their food and procuring their prey as ants, while spiders are more diligent in weaving than any Penelope or Andromache. And altogether insignificant abilities ... How small a part, I ask you, of the Lucullan ...

When did Louis the Pious ascend to be Emperor of the Emperor of Francia?

814 A.D.

When does Charlemagne die?

814 A.D.

What year did Einhard die?

840.

How can forgeries themselves become 'facts of history'?

A "forgery" can become a fact of history when the forgery itself becomes in service to a historical explanation. For example, historians have created histories of "the Donation of Constantine."

Saint Benedict of Aniane (Latin: Benedictus Anianensis; German: Benedikt von Aniane; c. 747 - 12 February 821 AD), born Witiza and called the Second Benedict

A Benedictine monk and monastic reformer, who left a large imprint on the religious practice of the Carolingian Empire. His feast day is February 12. According to Ardo, Benedict's biographer, the saint was the son of a Visigoth, Aigulf, Count of Maguelonne (Magalonensis comes). Originally given the Gothic name Witiza, he was educated at the Frankish court of Pippin the Younger, and entered the royal service as a page. He served at the court of Charlemagne, and took part in the Italian campaign of Charlemagne in 773 where he almost drowned in the Ticino near Pavia while attempting to save his brother. The experience led him to act on a resolve which had been slowly forming in him, to renounce the world and live the monastic life. He later left the court and was received into the monastery of Saint Sequanus, the Abbey of Saint-Seine. At Saint-Seine, Benedict was made cellerar, and then elected abbot, but realizing the monks would never conform to his strict practices he left and returned to his father's estates in Languedoc, where he built a hermitage. Around 780, he founded a monastic community based on Eastern asceticism at Aniane in Languedoc. This community did not develop as he had intended. In 782, he founded another monastery based on Benedictine Rule, at the same location. His success there gave him considerable influence, which he used to found and reform a number of other monasteries, and eventually becoming the effective abbot of all the monasteries of Charlemagne's empire. In 781 Louis the Pious became King of Aquitaine and asked Benedict to reform the monasteries in his territory. Later as Emperor, he entrusted him with the coordination of practices and communication among the monasteries within his domains. He had a wide knowledge of patristic literature, and churchmen, such as Alcuin sought his counsel. In 814, Louis, now emperor, had Benedict found a monastery on the river Inde near the court at Aachen. The monastery was at first called the "Monastery of the Redeemer on the Inde", but came to be known as Kornelimünster Abbey. He was the head of a council of abbots which in 817 at Aachen created a code of regulations, or "Codex regularum", which would be binding on all their houses. Benedict sought to restore the primitive strictness of the monastic observance wherever it had been relaxed or exchanged for the less exacting canonical life. Shortly thereafter, he compiled a "Concordia regularum". Sections of the Benedictine rule (except ix-xvi) are given in their order, with parallel passages from the other rules included in the Liber regularum, so as to show the agreement of principles and thus to enhance the respect due to the Benedictine. He was primarily an ecclesiastic, who zealously placed his not inconsiderable theological learning at the service of orthodoxy, and the cause of Benedictine monasticism. Although these new codes fell into disuse shortly after the deaths of Benedict and his patron, Emperor Louis the Pious, they did have lasting effects on Western monasticism. Benedict died at Kornelimünster Abbey, the monastery Louis had built for him to serve as the base for Benedict's supervisory work.

Wetti of Reichenau (Latin: Wettinus Augiensis; c 775-824)

A Benedictine monk, scholar and educator at the monastery at Reichenau in modern-day Germany. He was one of the leading educators of his time, and an influential scholar among monks and laity throughout not only the Carolingian empire but also the Western European monastic community. His best known surviving work is his biography of Saint Gallus, the founder of Reichenau's sister monastery, St Gall.

Nithard (c. 795-844)

A Frankish historian, was the son of Charlemagne's daughter Bertha. His father was Angilbert.

Pepin, or Pippin the Hunchback (French: Pépin le Bossu, German: Pippin der Buckelige; c. 769 - 811

A Frankish prince. He was the eldest son of Charlemagne and noblewoman Himiltrude. He developed a humped back after birth, leading early medieval historians to give him the epithet "hunchback". He lived with his father's court after Charlemagne dismissed his mother and took another wife, Hildegard. Around 781, Pepin's half brother Carloman was rechristened as "Pepin of Italy"—a step that may have signaled Charlemagne's decision to disinherit the elder Pepin, for a variety of possible reasons. In 792, Pepin the Hunchback revolted against his father with a group of leading Frankish nobles, but the plot was discovered and put down before the conspiracy could put it into action. Charlemagne commuted Pepin's death sentence, having him tonsured and exiled to the monastery of Prüm instead. Since his death in 811, Pepin has been the subject of numerous works of historical fiction.

Charles Martel (c. 688 - 22 October 741)

A Frankish statesman and military leader who, as Duke and Prince of the Franks and Mayor of the Palace, was the de facto ruler of Francia from 718 until his death. He was a son of the Frankish statesman Pepin of Herstal and Pepin's mistress, a noblewoman named Alpaida. Charles successfully asserted his claims to power as successor to his father as the power behind the throne in Frankish politics. Continuing and building on his father's work, he restored centralized government in Francia and began the series of military campaigns that re-established the Franks as the undisputed masters of all Gaul. According to a near-contemporary source, the Liber Historiae Francorum, Charles was "a warrior who was uncommonly [...] effective in battle". Much attention has been paid to his success in defeating an Arab invasion in Aquitaine at the Battle of Tours. Alongside his military endeavours, Charles has been traditionally credited with a seminal role in the development of the Frankish system of feudalism. At the end of his reign, Charles divided Francia between his sons, Carloman and Pepin. The latter became the first king of the Carolingian dynasty. Charles' grandson, Charlemagne, extended the Frankish realms, and became the first Emperor in the West since the fall of Rome.

Dom Jean Mabillon, O.S.B., (23 November 1632 - 27 December 1707)

A French Benedictine monk and scholar of the Congregation of Saint Maur. He is considered the founder of the disciplines of palaeography and diplomatics.

Gregory of Tours (30 November c. 538 - 17 November 594)

A Gallo-Roman historian and Bishop of Tours, which made him a leading prelate of the area that had been previously referred to as Gaul by the Romans. He was born Georgius Florentius and later added the name Gregorius in honour of his maternal great-grandfather. He is the primary contemporary source for Merovingian history. His most notable work was his Decem Libri Historiarum (Ten Books of Histories), better known as the Historia Francorum (History of the Franks), a title that later chroniclers gave to it, but he is also known for his accounts of the miracles of saints, especially four books of the miracles of Martin of Tours. St. Martin's tomb was a major pilgrimage destination in the 6th century, and St. Gregory's writings had the practical effect of promoting this highly organized devotion.

What is "anagoge" or "anagogy"?

A Greek word suggesting a "climb" or "ascent" upwards. The anagogical is a method of mystical or spiritual interpretation of statements or events, especially scriptural exegesis, that detects allusions to the afterlife. Certain medieval theologians describe four methods of interpreting the scriptures: literal/historical, tropological, allegorical, and anagogical. Hugh of St. Victor, in De scripturis et scriptoribus sacris, distinguished anagoge, as a kind of allegory, from simple allegory. He differentiated in the following way: in a simple allegory, an invisible action is (simply) signified or represented by a visible action; Anagoge is that "reasoning upwards" (sursum ductio), when, from the visible, the invisible action is disclosed or revealed. The four methods of interpretation point in four different directions: The literal/historical backwards to the past, the allegoric forwards to the future, the tropological downwards to the moral/human, and the anagogic upwards to the spiritual/heavenly.

Arius (/əˈraɪəs, ˈɛəri-/; Koinē Greek: Ἄρειος, Áreios; 250 or 256-336)

A Libyan presbyter and ascetic, and priest in Baucalis in Alexandria, Egypt. His teachings about the nature of the Godhead in Christianity, which emphasized God the Father's uniqueness and Christ's subordination under the Father, and his opposition to what would become the dominant Christology, Homoousian Christology, made him a primary topic of the First Council of Nicaea, which was convened by Emperor Constantine the Great in 325. After Emperors Licinius and Constantine legalized and formalized the Christianity of the time in the Roman Empire, Constantine sought to unify the newly recognized Church and remove theological divisions. The Christian Church was divided over disagreements on Christology, or, the nature of the relationship between Jesus and God. Homoousian Christians, including Athanasius of Alexandria, used Arius and Arianism as epithets to describe those who disagreed with their doctrine of coequal Trinitarianism, a Homoousian Christology representing God the Father and Jesus Christ the Son as "of one essence" ("consubstantial") and coeternal.

Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus (Classical Latin: [ˈɡaːɪ.ʊs sweːˈtoːnɪ.ʊs traŋˈkᶣɪllʊs]), commonly known as Suetonius (/swɪˈtoʊniəs/; c. 69 - after 122 AD).

A Roman historian belonging to the equestrian order who wrote during the early Imperial era of the Roman Empire. He is mainly remembered as the author of De Vita Caesarum—translated as The Life of the Caesars although a more common English title is The Lives of the Twelve Caesars or simply The Twelve Caesars—his only extant work except for the brief biographies and other fragments noted below. The Twelve Caesars, probably written in Hadrian's time, is a collective biography of the Roman Empire's first leaders, Julius Caesar (the first few chapters are missing), Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. The book was dedicated to his friend Gaius Septicius Clarus, a prefect of the Praetorian Guard in 119. The work tells the tale of each Caesar's life according to a set formula: the descriptions of appearance, omens, family history, quotes, and then a history are given in a consistent order for each Caesar.

Pope-elect Stephen (died 26 March 752)

A Roman priest elected pope in March 752 to succeed Zachary; he died of a stroke a few days later, before being consecrated a bishop. Therefore, he is not listed as a pope in the Annuario Pontificio.

An incunable, or sometimes incunabulum (plural incunables or incunabula, respectively).

A book, pamphlet, or broadside printed in Europe before the year 1501. Incunabula are not manuscripts, which are documents written by hand. As of 2014, there are about 30,000 distinct known incunable editions extant, but the probable number of surviving copies in Germany alone is estimated at around 125,000.

Computus (Latin for "computation")

A calculation that determines the calendar date of Easter. Because the date is based on an ecclesiastical or paschal "equinox" date rather than the actual astronomical equinox, there are differences between calculations done according to the Julian calendar and the modern Gregorian calendar. The name has been used for this procedure since the early Middle Ages, as it was considered the most important computation of the age.

Annals (Latin: annāles, from annus, "year")

A concise historical record in which events are arranged chronologically, year by year, although the term is also used loosely for any historical record.

synod

A council of a church, usually convened to decide an issue of doctrine, administration or application. The word synod comes from the Greek σύνοδος (sýnodos) meaning "assembly" or "meeting", and it is synonymous with the Latin word concilium meaning "council". Originally, synods were meetings of bishops, and the word is still used in that sense in Catholicism, Oriental Orthodoxy and Eastern Orthodoxy. In modern usage, the word often refers to the governing body of a particular church, whether its members are meeting or not. It is also sometimes used to refer to a church that is governed by a synod.

Autograph

A document written entirely in the handwriting of its author, or the term may refer to a person's signature.

Donation of Constantine

A forged Roman imperial decree by which the 4th-century emperor Constantine the Great supposedly transferred authority over Rome and the western part of the Roman Empire to the Pope. Composed probably in the 8th century, it was used, especially in the 13th century, in support of claims of political authority by the papacy. Lorenzo Valla, an Italian Catholic priest and Renaissance humanist, is credited with first exposing the forgery with solid philological arguments in 1439-1440, although the document's authenticity had been repeatedly contested since 1001.

Microhistory

A genre of history writing which focuses on small units of research, such as an event, community, individual, or a settlement. In its ambition, however, microhistory can be distinguished from a simple case study insofar as microhistory aspires to "[ask] large questions in small places", to use the definition given by Charles Joyner. It is closely associated with social and cultural history.

What is a "Fact of the Past" compared to a "Historical Fact"?

A historical fact is a fact about the past. It answers the very basic question, "What happened?" Yet beyond merely listing the events in chronological order, historians try to discover why events happened, what circumstances contributed to their cause, what subsequent effects they had, and how they were interpreted. In an effort to get at what really happened, historians compare stories from a wide variety of sources, searching for common elements that corroborate a plausible account. Accounts are compared with archeological findings. Neither history nor archeology is an exact science, but technique and technology improvements over the years have enabled them both to make stronger and stronger cases for their accounts of the past.

Propaedeutics or propedeutics (from Ancient Greek προπαίδευσις, propaídeusis, "preparatory education")

A historical term for an introductory course into a discipline, that is an art, or science. The etymology of propedeutics comprises: the Latin prefix pro meaning earlier, rudimentary, or in front of + the Greek: paideutikós which means "pertaining to teaching". As implied by the etymology, propaedeutics may be defined as more particularly as the knowledge necessary before, or for the learning a discipline, but not which is not sufficient for proficiency.

What is a "Topos"?

A literary theme or motif; a rhetorical convention or formula.

In textual studies, a palimpsest (/ˈpælɪmpsɛst/).

A manuscript page, either from a scroll or a book, from which the text has been scraped or washed off so that the page can be reused for another document.

A cartulary or chartulary (/ˈkɑːrtjʊləri/; Latin: cartularium or chartularium), also called pancarta or codex diplomaticus

A medieval manuscript volume or roll (rotulus) containing transcriptions of original documents relating to the foundation, privileges, and legal rights of ecclesiastical establishments, municipal corporations, industrial associations, institutions of learning, or families. The term is sometimes also applied to collections of original documents bound in one volume or attached to one another so as to form a roll, as well as to custodians of such collections.

Richerus or Richer of Reims (fl. 10th century)

A monk of Saint-Remi, just outside Reims, and a historian, an important source for the contemporary kingdom of France.

A monogram

A motif made by overlapping or combining two or more letters or other graphemes to form one symbol. Monograms are often made by combining the initials of an individual or a company, used as recognizable symbols or logos. A series of uncombined initials is properly referred to as a cypher (e.g. a royal cypher) and is not a monogram.

Arianism

A nontrinitarian Christological doctrine which asserts the belief that Jesus Christ is the Son of God who was begotten by God the Father at a point in time, a creature distinct from the Father and is therefore subordinate to him, but also divine. Arian teachings were first attributed to Arius (c. AD 256-336), a Christian presbyter in Alexandria of Egypt. The term "Arian" is derived from the name Arius; it was not a self-chosen designation but bestowed by hostile opponents—and never accepted by those on whom it had been imposed. The nature of Arius's teaching and his supporters were opposed to the theological views held by Homoousian Christians, regarding the nature of the Trinity and the nature of Christ. The Arian concept of Christ is based on the belief that the Son of God did not always exist but was begotten within time by God the Father.

gatekeeper

A person who controls access to something, for example via a city gate. Various figures in the religions and mythologies of the world serve as gatekeepers of paradisal or infernal realms, granting or denying access to these realms, depending on the credentials of those seeking entry. Acting in this capacity these figures may also partake of the status of watchman, interrogator or judge. In the late 20th century the term came into metaphorical use, referring to individuals or bodies that decide whether a given message will be distributed by a mass medium.

A capitulary (medieval Latin capitulare)

A series of legislative or administrative acts emanating from the Frankish court of the Merovingian and Carolingian dynasties, especially that of Charlemagne (the first emperor of the Romans in the west since the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in the late 5th century). They were so called because they were formally divided into sections called capitula (plural of capitulum, a diminutive of caput meaning "head(ing)", i.e. chapters). As soon as the capitulary was composed, it was sent to the various functionaries of the Frankish empire, archbishops, bishops, missi dominici and counts, a copy being kept by the chancellor in the archives of the palace. The last emperor to compose capitularies was Lambert in 898.

De vita Caesarum (Latin; lit. "About the Life of the Caesars"), commonly known as The Twelve Caesars.

A set of twelve biographies of Julius Caesar and the first 11 emperors of the Roman Empire written by Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus.

Marcus Tullius Tiro (died c. 4 BC)

A slave, then a freedman of Cicero. He is frequently mentioned in Cicero's letters. After Cicero's death he published his former master's collected works. He also wrote a considerable number of books himself, and possibly invented an early form of shorthand. He is credited with inventing the shorthand system of Tironian notes, later used by Medieval monks, among others. There is no clear evidence that he did, although Plutarch credits Cicero's clerks as the first Romans to record speeches in shorthand.

Tironian notes (Latin: notae Tironianae; or Tironian shorthand)

A system of shorthand invented by Tiro (who died in 4 BC), Marcus Tullius Cicero's slave and personal secretary, and later a freedman. Tiro's system consisted of about 4,000 symbols that were extended in classical times to 5,000 signs. During the medieval period, Tiro's notation system was taught in European monasteries and was extended to about 13,000 signs. Tironian notes declined after 1100 but were still in some use in the 17th century, and a very few are still used today.

A wax tablet

A tablet made of wood and covered with a layer of wax, often linked loosely to a cover tablet, as a "double-leaved" diptych. It was used as a reusable and portable writing surface in Antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages. Cicero's letters make passing reference to the use of cerae, and some examples of wax-tablets have been preserved in waterlogged deposits in the Roman fort at Vindolanda on Hadrian's Wall. Medieval wax tablet books are on display in several European museums. Writing on the wax surface was performed with a pointed instrument, a stylus. A straight-edged spatula-like implement (often placed on the opposite end of the stylus tip) would be used as an eraser. The modern expression of "a clean slate" equates to the Latin expression "tabula rasa". Wax tablets were used for a variety of purposes, from taking down students' or secretaries' notes to recording business accounts. Early forms of shorthand were used too.

According to Giuseppina D'Oro and James Connelly,'s The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article "Robin George Collingwood", what was Robin George Collingwood's, English philosopher, historian and archaeologist, philosophy of history, specificially "History as the study of Mind"?

According to Collingwood, the science which is dedicated to the study of mind is history. Collingwood's philosophy of mind and action is thus to be found in his philosophy of history, primarily in The Idea of History (1946) and The Principles of History (1999) both of which were posthumously published. The claim that history is the study of mind is prima facie counter-intuitive because many of us tend to think of history as a descriptive science of the past rather than as a normative science of thought. Collingwood's claim that history is the study of mind is in line with the distinction between the Naturwissenschaften and the Geisteswissenschaften that is found in continental philosophy of social science. Collingwood arrives at the claim that history is the study of mind by reflecting on what we mean when we use the word 'history'. He claims that when speaking about history we do not usually mean 'natural history'. For example, we would not class palaeontology as a historical science. In ordinary usage history tends to be identified not with natural history but with the history of human affairs. Moreover, if we reflect carefully on what we mean by history, we find that we do not mean the history of human beings in so far as they are purely natural beings, but a history of human beings in so far as they are rational beings. There is an evolutionary history of the species homo sapiens, but such a natural history is not what we properly mean when we speak about human history. We tend to identify history in the proper sense with the history of human beings not in so far as they are natural beings but in so far as they are civilized beings: ... a great many things which deeply concern human beings are not, and never have been, traditionally included in the subject-matter of history. People are born, eat and breathe and sleep, and beget children and become ill and recover again, and die; and these things interest them, most of them at any rate, far more than art and science, industry and politics and war. Yet none of these things have been traditionally regarded as possessing historical interest. Most of them have given rise to institutions like dining and marrying and the various rituals that surround birth and death, sickness and recovery; and of these rituals and institutions people write histories; but the history of dining is not the history of eating, and the history of death-rituals is not the history of death. (The Principles of History, W. H. Dray and Jan Van der Dussen (eds.), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, 46). The subject matter of history, therefore is provided not by natural but rational processes. As Collingwood puts it, the so-called Res Gestae "are not the actions, in the widest sense of that word, which are done by animals of the species called human; they are actions in another sense of the same word, equally familiar but narrower, actions done by reasonable agents in pursuit of ends determined by their reason." (The Principles of History, W. H. Dray and Jan Van der Dussen (eds.), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, 46). History proper, then, is the history of mind. (D'Oro and Connelly 2015)

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne," in Paul Dutton's 1998 collection Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, what does Einhard write in the first paragraph of the Preface of his work?

After I decided to describe the life and character, and many of the accomplishments, of my lord and foster father, Charles, that most outstanding and deservedly famous king, and seeing how immense this work was, I have expressed it in as concise a form as I could manage. But I have attempted not to omit any of the facts that have come to my attention, and [yet I also seek] not to irritate those who are excessively critical by supplying a long-winded account of everything new [I have learned]. Perhaps, in this way, it will be possible to avoid angering with a new book [even] those who criticize the old masterpieces composed by the most learned and eloquent of men. (Einhard 1998, 15). INTERPRETATION: On the one hand, Einhard is casting himself in a humble life, and he is portraying possible critics as excessive who criticize even old masterpieces. Therefore, Einahrd is trying to act in a humble manner so that he might be able ot satisfy even those who criticize the old masters.

According to Professor Booker, what was a major influence on Charlemagne's desire to initiate architectural projects that are modelled after Roman architecture?

Alcuin's presence. Alcuin was trained, and knowledgeable, in Roman architecture and culture. Booker thus concludes that Alcuin convinced Charlemagne, in an attempt to evoke an affinity with the memory of Rome, to build Roman-style buildings, like a royal place in the capital of Aachen.

Laity

All members who are not part of the clergy, usually including any non-ordained members of religious institutes, e.g. a nun or lay brother.

Iconodulism

Also Iconoduly or Iconodulia) designates the religious veneration of icons. The term comes from Neoclassical Greek εἰκονόδουλος (eikonodoulos), meaning "one who serves images". It is also referred to as Iconophilism (also Iconophily or Iconophilia) designating a positive attitude towards the religious use of icons. In the history of Christianity, _______ (or Iconophilism) was manifested as a moderate position, between two extremes: Iconoclasm (radical opposition to the use of icons) and Iconolatry (idolatric adoration of icons).

What are RESISTANT READINGS?

Alternative readings of the text that challenge dominant cultural beliefs and reject the position the text appears to offer. There are many different types of resistant reading. For instance, a feminist reading will focus on how a text reinforces stereotypes about the role of women.

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the norms and conventions regarding literature or writing that will appear in the public in 400-1500?

Always emphasize humility. Whenever one profers one's own work, one should always appear to be humble, and self-effacing.

Walafrid, alternatively spelt Walahfrid, surnamed Strabo (or Strabus, i.e. "squint-eyed") (c. 808 - 18 August 849)

An Alemannic Benedictine monk and theological writer who lived on Reichenau Island in southern Germany.

Shorthand

An abbreviated symbolic writing method that increases speed and brevity of writing as compared to longhand, a more common method of writing a language.

Interpolation, in relation to literature and especially ancient manuscripts.

An entry or passage in a text that was not written by the original author. As there are often several generations of copies between an extant copy of an ancient text and the original, each handwritten by different scribes, there is a natural tendency for extraneous material to be inserted into such documents over time.

The Battle of Tours (10 October 732), also called the Battle of Poitiers and, by Arab sources, the Battle of the Highway of the Martyrs (Arabic: معركة بلاط الشهداء‎, romanized: Ma'arakat Balāṭ ash-Shuhadā')

An important victory of the Frankish and Burgundian forces under Charles Martel over the raiding parties of the Umayyad Caliphate led by Abdul Rahman Al Ghafiqi, Governor-General of al-Andalus. It was fought in an area between the cities of Poitiers and Tours, in Aquitaine in west-central France, near the village of Moussais-la-Bataille, about 20 kilometres (12 mi) northeast of Poitiers. The location of the battle was close to the border between the Frankish realm and the then-independent Duchy of Aquitaine under Odo the Great. The Franks were victorious. Abdul Rahman Al Ghafiqi was killed, and Charles subsequently extended his authority in the south. Details of the battle, including its exact location and the number of combatants, cannot be determined from the accounts that have survived. Notably, the Frankish troops won the battle without cavalry. The battle helped lay the foundations of the Carolingian Empire and Frankish domination of Europe for the next century. Most historians agree that "the establishment of Frankish power in western Europe shaped that continent's destiny and the Battle of Tours confirmed that power."

Internalization (sociology)

An individual's acceptance of a set of norms and values (established by others) through socialisation.

A missus dominicus (plural missi dominici), Latin for "envoy[s] of the lord [ruler]" or palace inspector, also known in Dutch as Zendgraaf (German: Sendgraf), meaning "sent Graf".

An official commissioned by the Frankish king or Holy Roman Emperor to supervise the administration, mainly of justice, in parts of his dominions too remote for frequent personal visits. As such, the missus performed important intermediary functions between royal and local administrations. There are superficial points of comparison with the original Roman corrector, except that the missus was sent out on a regular basis. Four points made the missi effective as instruments of the centralized monarchy: the personal character of the missus, yearly change, isolation from local interests and the free choice of the king.

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne," in Paul Dutton's 1998 collection Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, what does Einhard write in the second paragraph of the Preface of his work?

And yet, I am quite sure that there are many people devoted to contemplation and learning who do not believe that the circumstances of the present age should be neglected or that virtually everything that happens these days is not worth remembering and should be condemned to utter silence and oblivion. Some people are so seduced by their love of the distant past, that they would rather insert the famous deeds of other peoples in their various compositions than deny posterity any mention of their own names by writing nothing. Still, I did not see why I should refuse to take up a composition of this sort, since I was aware that no one could write about these things more truthfully than me, since I myself was present and personally witnessed them, as they say, with my own eyes. I was, moreover, not sure that these things would be recorded by anyone else. (Einhard 1998, 15). INTERPRETATION: Einhard is setting up a conflict between those who are obsessed with the past VS. those people who are "devoted to contemplation and learning", the good people, who believe that circumstances of the present are worthy of an account, and Einhard positions himself among such people . Einhard then tries to set himself up as a reliable source of information. Einhard is claiming authority to speak about the matters about which he will such write.

What are ALTERNATIVE READINGS?

Any readings that differ from—but do not challenge—the commonly accepted interpretation. Alternative readings are less common but are easily accepted because they do not undermine the dominant reading.

According to Professor Booker, what was the hermeneutic of "decline" used rhetorically?

Apparently, often in 400-1500 chroniclers, and even to today, the notion of a "decline" and of a need and hope of a "restoration", can be studied and used to understand those who are using such rhetoric.

According to Giuseppina D'Oro and James Connelly,'s The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article "Robin George Collingwood", for Robin George Collingwood, English philosopher, what is the difference between "Action" and "Event"?

As we have seen, the subject matter of history, understood as a science of the mind, is actions--actions understood not simply as the doings of human beings but of human beings in so far as they are rational. Actions, in the sense in which they constitute the subject matter of historical investigation have an 'inside' that events lack. To explain an event all we need to do is to subsume it under a general law that is obtained by inductive generalisation, through the observation of repeated events of type B following events of type A. In order to understand an action, by contrast, we need to render it intelligible by reconstructing the thought processes that inform it. Whereas in event-explanations the relation between the explanans and the explanandum is empirical, in action-explanations the relationship between the explanans and the explanandum is a logical or conceptual relation. To explain an action is not to look for an antecedent condition that, together with a general empirical law, explains the occurrence of an event, it is rather to look for the motive that renders behaviour intelligible and as such more than mere behaviour. Collingwood's description of actions as having an inside which mere events lack led many of his early commentators to conclude that he believed the distinction between actions and events to be a distinction between inner psychological processes which are inaccessible from a third person perspective and outer bodily movement which are observable form a third person perspective. Collingwood was thus accused of subscribing to what Ryle called the doctrine of the ghost in the machine. Most contemporary commentators, on the other hand, would argue that the inside/outside distinction is not to be taken literally, that it is a mere metaphor intended to draw attention to the fact that the term "because" has different meanings in different explanatory contexts. The distinction between actions and events, far from being a distinction between inner psychological processes and outer bodily movements, is a distinction between the explanatory practices of different sciences. As Collingwood puts it in The New Leviathan (1942), the relationship between the mind and the body "is a relation between the sciences of the body, or natural sciences, and the sciences of the mind; that is the relation inquiry into which ought to be substituted for the make-believe inquiry into the make-believe problem of 'the relation between body and mind" (NL, 2.49/11). In line with Collingwood's conception of philosophical analysis as a second order enquiry into first order forms of knowledge, it is the task of the philosophy of history to make explicit the explanatory principles that are implicit in the practice of historians. It is also the task of the philosophy of history to detect bad history or explanations that pass themselves as historical whilst they are not. As we have seen, history for Collingwood differs from natural science because in the former as opposed to the latter the relationship between the explanans and the explanandum is logical or conceptual rather than empirical. The question that the genuine historian asks is not "what kind of event usually precedes the event that I am trying to explain?" but "what reasons make the action intelligible?" In other words the historian is concerned with rational connections rather than with inductive generalisations. Further, only to the extent that this point is acknowledged is the study of history genuinely distinct from the study of nature. Collingwood denounces historians who employ the method of inductive generalisations as writing pseudo-histories. The pseudo history that Collingwood has in mind is of the kind one finds in Hume's account of miracles. According to Hume, a historian who comes across statements which are, in the eyes of the historians, false, should simply discard them. Historians who come across statements asserting the occurrence of miracles should ask themselves whether an inductive generalisation based on their own experience of reality would provide probabilistic evidence for the occurrence of miraculous events. If the experience of the historian fails to provide such probabilistic support, then the historian is justified in deeming the statement false and cutting it from the available evidence. Collingwood calls this kind of history scissors-and-paste history and condemns it as a pseudo history. Genuine history seeks to recover the meaning behind the statements, not whether they are true or false (Haddock 1995). To recover such meanings historians must try, as far as possible, to bear in mind the epistemic and motivational premises of agents, even when they regard them as false. Thus an historian who comes across a statement claiming that certain agents changed their itinerary in order to avoid crossing mountains inhabited by devils, should not discard the statement as false but rather understand the decision making process in the light of the agent's beliefs, even if these are not shared by the historian. In investigating the actions of historical agents, Collingwood reminds us, historians cannot presuppose that the agents whose actions they are trying to interpret share the same background epistemic premises. Whilst the uniformity of nature is an absolute presupposition of natural science (the assumption that nature is uniform is necessary in order to carry out the inductive generalisations that enable us to predict and control the natural environment), historians cannot presuppose that the agents whose thoughts they are trying to recover share their same background beliefs. The presumption of rationality is a presupposition of historical enquiry; but historians must presuppose that agents are rational not in the substantive sense that they hold true beliefs, but in the more minimal sense that they can infer validly from premises to conclusions and act on the practical syllogism. (D'Oro and Connelly 2015)

What did Louis the Pious do in 831?

At Aachen in February 831, Louis the Pious annulled his former testamentary provisions in a new DIVISIO REGNI ("Division of the Realm"). The emperor planned for a partition of the empire into roughly equal kingdoms under Pippin, Louis the German, and Charles the Bald, while Lothair would retain the Italian lands he already possessed. Until the death of the emperor, the kings would each owe absolute obedience to their father. Thereafter, each realm would be independent, and the kings were to remain content with defending their respective borders and protecting the church.

What happened in 829 that really destabilized Louis the Pious' court?

At Worms in 829, Louis gave Alemannia to Charles, with the title of king or duke (historians differ on this), thus enraging his son and co-emperor Lothair, whose promised share was thereby diminished. An insurrection was soon at hand. Also, Judith brought in Count Bernard of Septimania as the new chamberlain of the court. With the urging of the vengeful Wala and the cooperation of his brothers, Lothair accused Judith of having committed adultery with Bernard of Septimania, even suggesting Bernard to be the true father of Charles.

What happened in the Carolingian Empire & the Louis the Pious with regard to the Vikings in 836-839?

At about that time, the Vikings terrorized and sacked Utrecht and Antwerp. In 837, they went up the Rhine as far as Nijmegen, and their king, Rorik, demanded the wergild of some of his followers killed on previous expeditions before Louis the Pious mustered a massive force and marched against them. They fled, but it would not be the last time they harried the northern coasts. In 838, they even claimed sovereignty over Frisia, but a treaty was confirmed between them and the Franks in 839. Louis the Pious ordered the construction of a North Sea fleet and the sending of missi dominici into Frisia to establish Frankish sovereignty there.

How do we know that the terminus ante quem of Einhard's text was 840?

Because Einhard died in 840. He could not have written the document any later?

Who was Pepin of Italy's illegitimate son?

Bernard of Italy (797 in Vermandois, Picardy - 17 April 818 in Milan, Lombardy) was the King of the Lombards from 810 to 818. He plotted against his uncle, Emperor Louis the Pious, when the latter's Ordinatio Imperii made Bernard a vassal of his cousin Lothair. When his plot was discovered, Louis had him blinded, a procedure which killed him.

Saint Boniface (Latin: Bonifatius; c. 675 - 5 June 754 AD)

Born Winfrid (also spelled Winifred, Wynfrith, Winfrith or Wynfryth) in the Devon town of Crediton, England, was a leading figure in the Anglo-Saxon mission to the Germanic parts of the Frankish Empire during the 8th century. He organised significant foundations of the Catholic Church in Germany and was made archbishop of Mainz by Pope Gregory III. He was martyred in Frisia in 754, along with 52 others, and his remains were returned to Fulda, where they rest in a sarcophagus which became a site of pilgrimage. Boniface's life and death as well as his work became widely known, there being a wealth of material available—a number of vitae, especially the near-contemporary Vita Bonifatii auctore Willibaldi, legal documents, possibly some sermons, and above all his correspondence. He became the patron saint of Germania, known as the "Apostle of the Germans".

What did Carloman do on 15 August 747?

Carloman renounced his position as majordomo and withdrew to a monastic life, being tonsured in Rome by Pope Zachary. All sources from the period indicate that Carloman's renunciation of the world was volitional, although some have speculated that he went to Rome for other, unspecified reasons and was "encouraged" to remain in Rome by the pope, acting on a request from Pepin to keep Carloman in Italy. Carloman founded a monastery on Monte Soratte and then went to Monte Cassino. All sources from the period indicate that he believed his calling was the Church. He withdrew to Monte Cassino and spent most of the remainder of his life there, presumably in meditation and prayer. His son, Drogo, demanded from Pepin the Short his father's share of the family patrimony, but was swiftly neutralised. Seven years after Carloman's retirement and on the eve of his death, he once more stepped briefly on the public stage. In 754, Pope Stephen II had begged Pepin, now king, to come to his aid against the king of the Lombards, Aistulf. Carloman left Monte Cassino to visit his brother to ask him not to march on Italy (and possibly to drum up support for his son Drogo). Pippin was unmoved, and imprisoned Carloman in Vienne, where he died on 17 August. He was buried in Monte Cassino.

Ermengarde (or Irmingard) of Hesbaye (c. 778 - 3 October 818)

Carolingian empress from 813 and Queen of the Franks from 814 until her death as the wife of the Carolingian emperor Louis the Pious. About 794 Ermengarde married Louis the Pious,[1] son of Charlemagne, who since 781 ruled as a King of Aquitaine. He had already fathered two children, and Ermengarde may have been his concubine. Ermengarde gave birth to six children: 1. Lothair I (795-855), born in Altdorf, Bavaria 2. Pepin I of Aquitaine (797-838) 3. Adelaide, born ca. 799 4. Rotrude, born about 800, married Gerard, Count of Auvergne (c. 800 - d. 25.6.841) Comte de Auvergne and they had Ranulf I of Poitiers. 5. Hildegard/Matilda, born c.802, abbess of Notre-Dame in Laon 6. Louis the German (c.805-876), King of East Francia She died at Angers, Neustria (in present-day France) on 3 October 818. A few years after her death, her husband remarried to Judith of Bavaria, who bore him Charles the Bald.

What did the Carolingians do hat made them proud in comparison to Merovingians? What was the significance when Louis the Pious had Bernard killed?

Carolingians seem to take pride in NOT killing members of their family, but rather exiling family members to monasteries. When Louis the Pious had Bernard killed, this sent shockwaves to the rest of the court, including Louis the Pious' other sons.

What gave Charlemagne sole ruler of the Frankish kingdom?

Charlemagne became king in 768 following his father's death, initially as co-ruler with his brother Carloman I. Carloman's sudden death in December 771 under unexplained circumstances left Charlemagne the sole ruler of the Frankish Kingdom.

What did Charlemagne do in the year 806AD?

Charlemagne draws up a will, known as the Divisio Regnorum.

Who were Charlemagne's children?

Charlemagne had eighteen children with eight of his ten known wives or concubines. Nonetheless, he had only four legitimate grandsons, the four sons of his fourth son, Louis. In addition, he had a grandson (Bernard of Italy, the only son of his third son, Pippin of Italy), who was illegitimate but included in the line of inheritance. Among his descendants are several royal dynasties, including the Habsburg, Capetian and Plantagenet dynasties. By consequence, most if not all established European noble families ever since can genealogically trace their background to Charlemagne.

What is the significance of Charlemagne's monogram, wherein there was a diamond and a checkmark in it?

Charlemagne himself signed it. This was part of the greater tradition of having illiterate people checkmark documents that they couldn't otherwise read.

In the Treaty of Verdun (August 843 - Verdun), what did Charles the Bald, and Peppin II, receive?

Charles the Bald received the West Francia portion of the empire, which later became the Kingdom of France. Pepin II was granted the Kingdom of Aquitaine, but only under the authority of Charles. Charles received all lands west of the Rhône, called West Francia.

According to Professor Booker, what are one of the ways to find out the thesis of an academic work?

Check out the book review.

What is the origin of Christian typology?

Christian typology begins in the New Testament itself. For example, Paul in Romans 5.14 calls Adam "a type [τύπος] of the one who was to come" — i.e., a type of Christ. He contrasts Adam and Christ both in Romans 5 and in 1 Corinthians 15. The author of the First Epistle of Peter uses the term ἀντίτυπον (antitypon) to refer to baptism. There are also typological concepts in pre-Pauline strata of the New Testament. The early Christians, in considering the Old Testament, needed to decide what its role and purpose was for them, given that Christian revelation and the New Covenant might be considered to have superseded it, and many specific Old Testament rules and requirements were no longer being followed from books such as Leviticus dealing with Expounding of the Law. One purpose of the Old Testament for Christians was to demonstrate that the Ministry of Jesus and Christ's first coming had been prophesied and foreseen, and the Gospels indeed contain many Old Testament prophecies fulfilled by Christ and quotations from the Old Testament which explicitly and implicitly link Jesus to Old Testament prophecies. Typology greatly extended the number of these links by adding others based on the similarity of Old Testament actions or situations to an aspect of Christ. Typology is also a theory of history, seeing the whole story of the Jewish and Christian peoples as shaped by God, with events within the story acting as symbols for later events. In this role, God is often compared to a writer, using actual events instead of fiction to shape his narrative. The most famous form of this is the three-fold Hegelian dialectic pattern, although it is also used in other applications besides history.

Which 400-1500 groups held on to charters in HUGE numbers, to the extent that they make up the majority of surviving legal documents?

Churches saved legal charters to preserve their legal privileges and rights.

Regular clergy, or just regulars

Clerics in the Catholic Church who follow a rule (Latin: regula) of life, and are therefore also members of religious institutes. It is contrasted with secular clergy, clerics who are not bound by a rule of life.

What are 3 ways for common readings?

DOMINANT READINGS are the most common and widely-accepted interpretations of a text. They embody the dominant values and beliefs in a culture and position the reader to favor the interpretation. ALTERNATIVE READINGS are any readings that differ from—but do not challenge—the commonly accepted interpretation. Alternative readings are less common but are easily accepted because they do not undermine the dominant reading. RESISTANT READINGS are alternative readings of the text that challenge dominant cultural beliefs and reject the position the text appears to offer. There are many different types of resistant reading. For instance, a feminist reading will focus on how a text reinforces stereotypes about the role of women.

During the Bruderkrieg, what started "the rise of autonomous lordship", in the 9th and 10th century?

Due to the constant infighting between Louis the Pious's sons, and the battles for territory, local strong men and tough guys, as well as local nobility, take it upon themselves to defend their territories from Viking invasion. They set up a fortified centre from which they could defend their lands, which evolved into European castles. They set up contractual relationships with the local peasantry, establishing what historians call the feudal obligation. They also assumed more control over the local administration, assuming the right to print coinage and issue justice, which weakened the central power of the king.

When did the Donation of Constantine be realized that it was a fake?

During the Middle Ages, the Donation was widely accepted as authentic, although Emperor Otto III did possibly raise suspicions of the document "in letters of gold" as a forgery, in making a gift to the See of Rome. It was not until the mid-15th century, with the revival of Classical scholarship and textual criticism, that humanists, and eventually the papal bureaucracy, began to realize that the document could not possibly be genuine. Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa declared it to be a forgery and spoke of it as an apocryphal work. Later, the Catholic priest Lorenzo Valla argued in his philological study of the text that the language used in manuscript could not be dated to the 4th century. The language of the text suggests that the manuscript can most likely be dated to the 8th century. Valla believed the forgery to be so obvious that he leaned toward believing that the Church had knowledge that the document was inauthentic. Valla further argued that papal usurpation of temporal power had corrupted the church, caused the wars of Italy, and reinforced the "overbearing, barbarous, tyrannical priestly domination." This was the first instance of modern, scientific diplomatics. Independently of both Cusa and Valla, Reginald Pecocke, Bishop of Chichester (1450-57), reached a similar conclusion. Among the indications that the Donation must be a fake are its language and the fact that, while certain imperial-era formulas are used in the text, some of the Latin in the document could not have been written in the 4th century; anachronistic terms such as "fief" were used. Also, the purported date of the document is inconsistent with the content of the document itself, as it refers both to the fourth consulate of Constantine (315) as well as the consulate of Gallicanus (317). Pope Pius II wrote a tract in 1453, five years before becoming pope, to show that, though the Donation was a forgery, the papacy owed its lands to Charlemagne and its powers of the keys to Peter; he did not publish it, however.

Generally, when is Einhard's work Vita Karoli Magni (Life of Charles the Great) dated?

During the reign of Louis the Pious. THis is significant because Einhard is writing about

What happened between Louis the German and Charles the Bald in 842?

During the three year Carolingian Civil War during 840-843, that followed Louis the Pious' death, two of his sons, Louis the German and Charles the Bald, formalize their alliance at the city of Strassbourg. These oaths are sworn NOT in Latin, but in the vernacular. This is unique is that this is the first surviving texts written in the French language

How do early modern humanist copy manual scripts?

Early modern humanist copied manual scripts by hand

What is one of the characteristics of Einhard's writing?

Einhard is very good at signposts. FIRST, he does a set up, he writes about the next topic he is going to write about. SECOND, he will write about the topic. THIRD, he does a review of the topic he just talked about. THEN, he sets up the next topic, and so the cycle begins again.

How does Einhard portray Charlemagne's handling of rebellion?

Einhard often portrays conspirators against Charlemagne as the agents of their own destruction. "They lost their lives" is a phrase Einhard uses. Charlemagne is not responsible for these conspirators downfall, the conspirators are responsible for their own downfall.

What is unique about Einhard's portrayal of Louis the Pious?

Einhard seems to constantly compare negatively Louis the Pious to his father Charlemagne

According to Professor Booker, what was Einhard's attitude, in Vita Karoli Magni (a.k.a. The Life of Charlemagne) towards Charlemagne's collection and preservation of Frankish poetry and sagas of the heroic deeds of the Franks?

Einhard seems to endorse the collection and preservation of Frankish poetry and sagas of the heroic deeds of the Franks. This is significant because EInahrd is writing in a time when Charlemagne's son Louis the Pious reigns. One of the first things Louis the Pious did was destroy all the old- Frankish, non-Christian poetry and songs. Einhard's emphasis on comparing how Charlemagne did such a good thing for preserving past serves as an IMPLICIT criticism of Louis the Pious' destruction of Frankish poetry and literature. Einhard is thus potraying his present unfavourably with the past. Implicit within Einhard's work is the principle of degeneration, with the past being better than the present, and as one moves closer and closer to the present, conditions of the world degenerate. By comparison to the superior past as it is constructed within his work, Einhard's work suggests a criticism of Louis the Pious' actions, and possibly some constructive alternatives.

How specifically was Einhard so smart?

Einhard was VERY politically astute. He was able to negotiate the politics of his time, even though he was at the highest level of power.

According to Professor Booker, what is the significance of Einhard's portrayal of Charlemagne in his "The Life of Charlemagne," especially since there is historical record that a copy of the work was read in Louis the Pious' court?

Every way in which Einhard portrays Charlemagne as so great, he is implicitly setting up Louis the Pious n a negative light. So the question is, to what extent is Einhard trying to get Louis the Pious to change his ways?

According to Professor Booker, what were the most important books that a monastery would attempt to transcribe and preserve?

FIRST, the Holy Scripture. SECOND, the Church Fathers.

According Professor Booker, what is the process for writing a document like the Royal Frankish Annals?

FIRST, the author has a CRITERION OF INCLUSION, the values that determine what is written down. In the Royal Franish Annals, what is written appears to suggest that the author was embedded in the Frankish Royal Court. SECOND, the author (maybe) consults his notes about the events recorded.

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne", translated by Paul E. Dutton in Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, what is the significance of saying that "it is [widely] believed that the cruelty of Queen Fastrada was the cause and source of these conspiracies, since in both cases these men conspired against the king because it looked as if [Charles] had savagely departed from his usual kind and gentle ways by consenting to the cruel ways of his wife." (Einhard 30)

FIRST, the idea that Charlemagne is a kind and gentle king sets up Charlemagne as a positive counterpart to Louis the Pious, who is dealing with accusations of cruelty after the blinding and death of Bernard in 17 April 818. SECOND, the text, by outright saying how it "looked as if" Charles was acting savage, Einhard signifies how there were rumors abounding of how Charlemagne.

According to Professor Booker, what is unique about Louis the Pious' attempt to repent from his sins?

First, Louis the Pious had all his half-sisters and half-brothers tonsured and sent into monasteries. Then, Louis the Pious destroys all the Frankish non-Christian poetry collected by Charlemagne. This reveals that there is some anti-Charlemagne discourse.

According to Professor Booker, why are historians moving away from the language of "decline and fall" regarding the Roman Empire and the 400-1500 era?

For MEDIEVALISTS, the language of "decline and fall" implies that ancient rome was somehow privileged, namely that there was some idealized, platonic, gold standard by which ancient Rome is compared favourably to the early 400-1500 era. Historians prefer to use the language of "transformation" or "change" to avoid such evaluative judgments.

In medieval chronicles, what events are seen in some way being caused by divine action?

For many, natural disasters and plagues were seen as a way of divine action to communicate displeasure with a specific misdeed.

Foederati (/ˌfɛdəˈreɪtaɪ/ in English; sing. foederatus /ˌfɛdəˈreɪtəs/)

Foreign states, client kingdoms, or barbarian tribes to which ancient Rome provided benefits in exchange for military assistance. The term was also used, especially under the Roman Empire, for groups of "barbarian" mercenaries of various sizes, who were typically allowed to settle within the Roman Empire.

What is the SPATIAL coverage, a.k.a. The Provenance, of the Royal Frankish Annals?

Francia, also called the Kingdom of the Franks (Latin: Regnum Francorum), or Frankish Empire, was the largest post-Roman barbarian kingdom in Western Europe.

What is the TIME coverage of the Royal Frankish Annals?

From 741 (the death of Mayor of the Palace Charles Martel) to 829 (the beginning of the crisis of Louis the Pious).

terminus ante quem

From the Latin terminus ("boundary, limit") and ante ("before") and quem ("which"), the accusative of quī ("what"). Literally meaning "the limit before which". The date before which a document must have been written. The date before which an archaeological artifact must have been deposited.

What did Charlemagne do with regard to his father Peppin's policy regarding to military campaigns?

He continued his father's policy towards the papacy and became its protector, removing the Lombards from power in northern Italy and leading an incursion into Muslim Spain. He campaigned against the Saxons to his east, Christianizing them upon penalty of death and leading to events such as the Massacre of Verden. He reached the height of his power in 800 when he was crowned "Emperor of the Romans" by Pope Leo III on Christmas Day at Rome's Old St. Peter's Basilica.

When does Louis the Pious die?

He died 20 June 840 in the presence of many bishops and clerics and in the arms of his half-brother Drogo, though Charles and Judith were absent in Poitiers.

According to Professor Booker, what is the significance of methodological readings in the 3rd stage of textual application:3) Significance?

Here it might be helpful to think about the methodological readings we discussed in the first few weeks of the course. While the general title to this course is "gateway to the Middle Ages", the subtitle is "The Rhetoric of Decline." There is an overall sense of a "decline"" in the ninth century. How do the authors signify this to their work. How does the text signify an instrumental use of the rhetoric of Decline to effect some sort of political or societal change?

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the techniques that historians constantly do?

Historians, following the tradition of Collingwood, often try to ascribe motivation and mental states. They use a practical syllogism.

What is the main point that Professor Courntey Booker?

History is an argument, a thesis and/or narrative based on their interpretation of the available evidence.

Why do historians continue to write new books on the same topic, even though hardly new evidence might be gathered?

History is an argument, and a response to a contemporary context and audience. The types of questions that are asked by historians are influenced by the context and culture in which the historians are operating. Different historians, operating in different contexts, will ask different questions and provide different answers.

According to Professor Booker, what is the first question a historian should ask about a text?

How did we get this text?

What is the first question to ask?

How do we have it. In what form is the text?

According to Professor Booker, what is the FIRST question to ask of a primary source?

How do we have it? How did it survive?

If there is no autograph, what do you ask first?

How many copies exist?

According to Professor Booker, what is the SECOND question to ask of a primary source THAT IS A COPY?

How many copies survive? What are the dates of the surviving copies?

According to Professor Booker, what is the FIRST question to ask of a primary source THAT IS A COPY?

How many years are the copies removed from the original autographs?

authority

I. An authoritative piece of writing. A book, passage, etc., accepted as a source of reliable information or evidence, esp. one used to settle a question or matter in dispute; an authoritative book, passage, etc. A person whose opinion or testimony is accepted as true; the author of an accepted opinion or statement; a person with extensive or specialized knowledge on (also upon) a particular subject; an expert.

What is "De Re Diplomatica"?

In 1681, prompted by the doubts raised by the Jesuit Daniel van Papenbroek over the authenticity of supposed Merovingian documents held at the Abbey of Saint-Denis, Mabillon published his De re diplomatica. This work investigated different types of medieval documents and manuscripts, including scrutiny of their script, style, seals, signatures, testimonia, and other intrinsic and extrinsic factors, using an acquired taste derived from long experience, and consulting the views of other document scholars. Manuscripts from many archives are addressed, and references made to items dating back to Dagobert I (King of the Franks, c.629-639). Concerned often with "distinguishing genuine documents from forgeries" the work is now seen as the foundation work of palaeography and diplomatics. Mabillon writes: I do not deny that in fact some documents are false and others interpolated, but all of them should not be dismissed for that reason. Rather, it is necessary to devise and hand down rules for distinguishing genuine manuscripts from those that are false and interpolated. ... I undertook this task after long familiarity and daily experience with these documents. For almost twenty years I had devoted my studies and energies to reading and examining ancient manuscripts and archives, and the published collections of ancient documents. ... I compared and weighed them with one another that I might be able to compile a body of knowledge which was not merely scanty and meager, but as accurate and as well-tested as possible in a field which had not been previously investigated. This work brought Mabillon to the attention of Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who offered him a pension (which he declined), and King Louis XIV. He began to travel throughout Europe, to Flanders, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy, in search of medieval manuscripts and books for the royal library.

What did Charlemagne do in 781 in relation to his youngest legitimate son Louis?

In 781, Charlemagne made his third son Louis, then three years of age, king of Aquitaine.

Divisio regnorum

In 806, Charlemagne first made provision for the traditional division of the empire on his death. For Charles the Younger he designated Austrasia and Neustria, Saxony, Burgundy and Thuringia. To Pippin, he gave Italy, Bavaria, and Swabia. Louis received Aquitaine, the Spanish March and Provence. The imperial title was not mentioned, which led to the suggestion that, at that particular time, Charlemagne regarded the title as an honorary achievement that held no hereditary significance.

What did Louis the Pious do in 822 in response to Bernard's death?

In 822, as a deeply religious man, Louis performed penance for causing Bernard's death, at his palace of Attigny near Vouziers in the Ardennes, before Pope Paschal I, and a council of ecclesiastics and nobles of the realm that had been convened for the reconciliation of Louis with his three younger half-brothers, Hugo whom he soon made abbot of St-Quentin, Drogo whom he soon made Bishop of Metz, and Theodoric. This act of contrition, partly in emulation of Theodosius I, had the effect of greatly reducing his prestige as a Frankish ruler, for he also recited a list of minor offences about which no secular ruler of the time would have taken any notice. He also made the egregious error of releasing Wala and Adalard from their monastic confinements, placing the former in a position of power in the court of Lothair and the latter in a position in his own house.

What was the inciting incident of the first civil war, or rebellion of, of Louis the Pious' sons against their father?

In 823 Judith gave birth to a son, who was named Charles. The birth of this son damaged the Partition of Aachen, as Louis's attempts to provide for his fourth son met with stiff resistance from his older sons, and the last two decades of his reign were marked by civil war. At Worms in 829, Louis gave Alemannia to Charles, with the title of king or duke (historians differ on this), thus enraging his son and co-emperor Lothair, whose promised share was thereby diminished. An insurrection was soon at hand.

What primary source suggests that Charlemagne's reputation was in decline in the 820s?

In 824, the Vision of Wettin is published. In the vision, Wettin saw Charlemagne suffering torture in Purgatory because of his sexual incontinence. The name of the ruler alluded to is not directly stated in the text, but "Carolus Imperator" form the initial letters of the relevant passage.

When did the next civil war breakout?

In 832. The disaffected Pepin was summoned to his father's court, where he was so poorly received he left against his father's orders. Immediately, fearing that Pepin would be stirred up to revolt by his nobles and desiring to reform his morals, Louis the Pious summoned all his forces to meet in Aquitaine in preparation of an uprising, but Louis the German garnered an army of Slav allies and conquered Swabia before the emperor could react. Once again the elder Louis divided his vast realm. At Jonac, he declared Charles king of Aquitaine and deprived Pepin (he was less harsh with the younger Louis), restoring the whole rest of the empire to Lothair, not yet involved in the civil war. Lothair was, however, interested in usurping his father's authority. His ministers had been in contact with Pepin and may have convinced him and Louis the German to rebel, promising him Alemannia, the kingdom of Charles.

What happened in the Carolingian Empire to Louis the Pious in the Second Civil War, in 836?

In 836, however, the family made peace and Louis restored Pepin and Louis, deprived Lothair of all save Italy, and gave it to Charles in a new division, given at the diet of Crémieu.

What was the inciting incident of the third civil war, or rebellion of, of Louis the Pious' sons against their father?

In 837, Louis crowned Charles king over all of Alemannia and Burgundy and gave him a portion of his brother Louis' land. Louis the German promptly rose in revolt. The emperor redivided his realm again at Quierzy-sur-Oise, giving all of the young king of Bavaria's lands, save Bavaria itself, to Charles. Emperor Louis did not stop there, however. His devotion to Charles knew no bounds. When Pepin died in 838, Louis declared Charles the new king of Aquitaine. The nobles, however, elected Pepin's son Pepin II. When Louis threatened invasion, the third great civil war of his reign broke out.

What is "Typology"?

In Christian theology and Biblical exegesis is a doctrine or theory concerning the relationship of the Old Testament to the New Testament. Events, persons, or statements in the Old Testament are seen as types pre-figuring or superseded by antitypes, events or aspects of Christ or his revelation described in the New Testament. For example, Jonah may be seen as the type of Christ in that he emerged from the fish's belly and thus appeared to rise from death. In the fullest version of the theory of typology, the whole purpose of the Old Testament is viewed as merely the provision of types for Christ, the antitype or fulfillment. The theory began in the Early Church, was at its most influential in the High Middle Ages, and continued to be popular, especially in Calvinism, after the Protestant Reformation, but in subsequent periods has been given less emphasis. In 19th century German protestantism, typological interpretation was distinguished from rectilinear interpretation of prophecy. The former was associated with Hegelian theologians and the latter with Kantian analyticity. Several groups favoring typology today include the Christian Brethren beginning in the 19th century, where typology was much favoured and the subject of numerous books and the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod.

What is in the "Vision of Wetti"?

In late October 824 Wetti drank a potion - supposedly medicinal - and became violently ill, suffering "terrible pains, vomiting up undigested food, and balking at being fed ...: On the third day, still unwell, Wetti had his bed moved to a private chamber. Under vigil of some of his brothers, he soon drifted off and his first vision began. He dreamed that a demon dressed as a cleric entered the chamber, bringing torture instruments to punish him for his sins.Before it began to torment him a swarm of demons pushed their way into the room, but they were turned away by the monks and an angel peculiarly dressed in purple robes. On awaking Wetti told his dream to the other monks and asked them to read aloud passages from Gregory's Dialogues regarding the afterlife, something which may have influenced the next vision. Shortly afterwards Wetti was again asleep. The same angel, this time in white, entered the room and led him through to purgatory, where Wetti was made to witness sinners suffering contrapasso punishments. He was first shown the fate of those guilty of sexual misconduct. He saw priests and their concubines bound to stakes, standing hip-deep in a river of fire, their genitals being flogged every third day. Next he was made to observe the punishments for lay and ecclesiastical officials who lusted for wealth and prestige, officials who did not heed others' prayers, who neglected those in need, those who were indulgent, guilty of concealing wealth, adultery, concubinage and sodomy. Wetti was most terrified to see emperor Charlemagne, bound and completely unharmed, except for an animal tearing at his genitals. His shock came from the idea that Charlemagne was a pious, good-natured Christian king, but the angel revealed that all Charlemagne's good deeds had been negated by the lust and debauchery which dominated his later life. Yet he would eventually be forgiven because of his actions on behalf of Christianity. Wetti is then led to heaven, where the angel asks a group of priests to petition Christ for Wetti's salvation. It is revealed that Wetti will die the following day and that he will ultimately be doomed to punishment because he had apparently become "smothered with laziness ... [and] shunned his duty" as a responsible educator, and had also perhaps corrupted his students in lurid ways. Christ tells Wetti that by doing so he had not only implicated himself but also misled and corrupted others - thus being responsible for their punishment. Through a group of priests and virgins God informs Wetti that he could still be forgiven providing he corrects those he had led astray. Wetti is also enjoined to expose those guilty of adultery, sodomy, greed or neglect, to reform his own actions and to deliver a message of reform and austerity, such as drinking only water, wearing only functional clothing, pursuing humble study, holy poverty, and saintly self-sacrifice. Although Wetti initially refuses this task, pleading his humility and unworthiness, on waking he immediately relays his dream to the monks. He also demands that his superiors Heito, Tatto, Theganmar and Erlebald be summoned, so that his vision could be recorded and remembered as a warning. After dictating his visions, which were recorded on wax tablets and later rewritten by Heito, Wetti spent his last day in prayer and study with Walahfrid Strabo. On November 4, 824 Wetti died, in much the same way as he described St Gall's death only a few years earlier - in prayer, surrounded by monks, friends and students.

secular clergy

In the Catholic Church, they are ordained ministers, such as deacons and priests, who do not belong to a religious institute. While regular clergy take religious vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience and follow the rule of life of the institute to which they belong, secular clergy do not take vows, and they live in the world at large (secularity) rather than at a religious institute.

What happened during the Third Civil War, or rebellion of, of Louis the Pious' sons against their father?

In the spring of 839, Louis the German invaded Swabia, Pepin II and his Gascon subjects fought all the way to the Loire, and the Danes returned to ravage the Frisian coast (sacking Dorestad for a second time). Lothair, for the first time in a long time, allied with his father and pledged support at Worms in exchange for a redivision of the inheritance. At a final placitum held at Worms on 20 May, Louis gave Bavaria to Louis the German and disinherited Pepin II, leaving the entire remainder of the empire to be divided roughly into an eastern part and a western. Lothair was given the choice of which partition he would inherit and he chose the eastern, including Italy, leaving the western for Charles. The emperor quickly subjugated Aquitaine and had Charles recognised by the nobles and clergy at Clermont-en-Auvergne in 840. Louis then, in a final flash of glory, rushed into Bavaria and forced the younger Louis into the Ostmark. The empire now settled as he had declared it at Worms, he returned in July to Frankfurt am Main, where he disbanded the army. The final civil war of his reign was over.

According to Professor Booker, what distinguished western lords and nobility VS. the eastern lords and nobility during the gradual break-up of the Carolingian empire?

In the west, in modern-day France, the local lords ruled in counties, which were relatively smaller. The office of the King of France remained, but was very small. By contrast, in the east, in Germany, there were larger noble estates known as duchies, and they were, at least somewhat, subservient to the state of the Holy Roman Empire.

According to Professor Booker, what is the significance of the greater scholarship in the 2nd stage of textual application: 2) Content?

In this section, it would be a good idea to invoke some of the secondary scholarship you have read on the particular source. For example, if you were writing on Einhard, at some point in your essay you should probably refer to the introduction by Dutton and the article by Glenn and/or Wood, and what they argue. In other words, show me that you've read the scholarship, and that you know what points are being made by the author/s with respect to the primary source text.

Charlemagne (English: /ˈʃɑːrləmeɪn, ˌʃɑːrləˈmeɪn/; French: [ʃaʁləmaɲ]) or Charles the Great (2 April 742- 28 January 814), numbered Charles I

King of the Franks from 768, king of the Lombards from 774, and emperor of the Romans from 800. During the Early Middle Ages, he united the majority of western and central Europe. He was the first recognised emperor to rule from western Europe since the fall of the Western Roman Empire three centuries earlier. The expanded Frankish state that Charlemagne founded is called the Carolingian Empire. He was later canonized by Antipope Paschal III.

According to Professor Booker, what was unique about Everett's argument?

Literacy continued because of legal culture, especially the need for property law. The need to maintain records regarding property motivated people to maintain literacy. This is interesting because Evertt's own interest in early 400-1500 legal culture.

What are the 3 sons of Louis the Pious?

Lothair (first and eldest), Pepin (second), and Louis (third and youngest),

Louis the Pious and Judith had the sons of Ermengarde do with regard to their half-brother Charles the Bald?

Lothair I, Pepin I of Aquitaine, and Louis "the German" all swear not to harm Judith's son Charles the Bald. They agree, probably due to the fact that their inheritance and power was secure by the Ordinatio Imperii.

In the Treaty of Verdun (August 843 - Verdun), what did Louis the German receive?

Louis the German received the East Francia portion of the empire. He was guaranteed the kingship of all lands to the east of the Rhine (although not the Netherlands to the north of the Rhine) and to the north and east of Italy, plus the Rhineland west of the Rhine, altogether called East Francia. It eventually became the High Medieval Kingdom of Germany, the largest component of the Holy Roman Empire.

What did Louis the Pious do with Benedict of Aniane

Louis the Pious employed Benedict of Aniane (the Second Benedict), a Septimanian Visigoth and monastic founder, to help him reform the Frankish church. One of Benedict's primary reforms was to ensure that all religious houses in Louis' realm adhered to the Rule of Saint Benedict, named for its creator, Benedict of Nursia (480-550), the First Benedict.

When was Louis the Pious crowned?

Louis was crowned co-emperor with Charlemagne in 813.

What happened in the Carolingian Empire to restore Louis the Pious to the throne in 834?

Men like Rabanus Maurus, Louis' younger half-brothers Drogo and Hugh, and Emma, Judith's sister and Louis the German's new wife, worked on the younger Louis to make peace with his father, for the sake of unity of the empire. The humiliation to which Louis was then subjected at Notre Dame in Compiègne turned the loyal barons of Austrasia and Saxony against Lothair, and the usurper fled to Burgundy, skirmishing with loyalists near Chalon-sur-Saône. Louis was restored the next year, on 1 March 834.

What are the Origins of Microhistory?

Microhistory originally developed in Italy in the 1970s. According to Giovanni Levi, one of the pioneers of the approach, it began as a reaction to a perceived crisis in existing historiographical approaches. Carlo Ginzburg, another of microhistory's founders, has written that he first heard the term used around 1977, and soon afterwards began to work with Levi and Simona Cerutti on Microstorie, a series of microhistorical works. The word "microhistory" dates back to 1959, when the American historian George R. Stewart published Pickett's Charge: A Microhistory of the Final Attack on Gettysburg, July 3, 1863, which tells the story of the final day of the Battle of Gettysburg. Another early use was by the Annales historian Fernand Braudel, for whom the concept had negative connotations, being overly concerned with the history of events. A third early use of the term was in the title of Luis González's 1968 work Pueblo en vilo: Microhistoria de San José de Gracia. González distinguished between microhistory, for him synonymous with local history, and "petite histoire", which is primarily concerned with anecdotes.

In the Treaty of Verdun (August 843 - Verdun), what did Lothair 1 receive?

Middle Francia, the central portion of the empire. In the settlement, Lothair (who had been named co-emperor in 817) retained his title as emperor, but it conferred only nominal overlordship of his brothers' lands. His domain later became the Low Countries, Lorraine, Alsace, Burgundy, Provence, and the Kingdom of Italy (which covered the northern half of the Italian Peninsula). He also received the two imperial cities, Aachen and Rome.

According to Professor Booker, when it came to the Christianization of Europe, what is unique regarding the sources?

Most of the sources come from 400-1500 monks, or Christian chroniclers, who were writing from the perspective of the Christianizers. There unfortunately no sources from the "pagans".

According to professor Booker, from where do most of the documents of the historical record of 400-1500AD era?

Most of them come from clergy, both regular clergy and secular clergy. This means that there are a LOT of things that are NOT covered, like the laity.

12 February 842 - Strassbourg : The Oaths of Strasbourg (Latin: Sacramenta Argentariae; French: Les Serments de Strasbourg; German: Die Straßburger Eide)

Mutual pledges of allegiance between Louis the German (†876), ruler of East Francia, and his half-brother Charles the Bald (†877), ruler of West Francia made on 12 February 842. They are written in three different languages: Medieval Latin, Old Gallo-Romance and Old High German, all in Caroline minuscule. The Romance passages are generally considered to be the earliest texts in a language that is distinctly Gallo-Romance.

Did Einhard write about Bernard's rebellion?

NO, Einhard wrote roughly after C

What is the significance of the presence of Nithard (c. 795-844), a Frankish historian, was the son of Charlemagne's daughter Bertha. His father was Angilbert.

Nithard exists due to Charlemagne's daughter Bertha having something of an illicit affair. This suggests that Louis the Pious's concerns about Charlemagne's daughters may not be entirely without merit.

What is Nithard's life in brief (c. 795-844)

Nithard was born sometime around the year Charlemagne was crowned Imperator Augustus in December 800. He was probably raised either at the imperial palace, where his mother continued to live until the death of the emperor, or at the monastery of St. Riquier, where his father was lay abbot. He would have been educated most likely at the imperial schola, which offered the kind of high-quality instruction in both military and literary training he is known to have received. Nithard himself later became lay abbot of St Riquier in commendam. He served his cousin Charles the Bald in both war and peace, fighting at his side during the Carolingian civil war and at the battle of Fontenoy in June 841. It is probable that he died as the result of wounds received whilst fighting for him against the Northmen near Angoulême. The date of his death is disputed among scholars, but consensus is now for June 14, 844. In the 11th century his body, with the fatal wound still visible, was found in the grave of his father, Angilbert.

In "The Testament of the Piglet,", what was St. Jerome's commentary?

No writer is so maladept that he cannot find a reader suited to him; and far greater is the camp of those who ponder Milesian tales than the books of Plato. In the one sort of reading is play and delight, in the other difficulty and sweaty toil. Indeed, Cicero confesses that he does not understand the TIMAEUS, which discusses the harmony of the universe as well as the course and number of the stars--even though he himself translated the TIMAEUS! Yet troops of guffawing boys in the schools reel off the testament of the pig Grunnius Corocotta. "As if the throng of curly-headed boys in the schools did not reel off the fantasies of Milesian tales and as if the testament of the pig did not make their limbs quake with guffaws, and as if at the banquets of men about town trifles of this sort did not enjoy constant repetition."

In the Frankish Royal Annals, is Charles the Bald's birth mentioned?

No. Neither is Louis the Pious's second wife Judith mentioned all that much, if at all. By contrast, the sons of Louis the Pious' first marriage: Lothair I, Pepin of Aquitaine, and Louis the German. This is significant because the omission can suggests the author's political leanings and attitude.

According to Professor Booker, did Judith, Louis the Pious's second wife, had a good reputation among the Franks?

No. This was not helped by the fact that her first male child was named "Charles" after "Charles the Great," suggesting aspirations. Also, Judith had far more influence over Louis the Pious that the first wife, Ermengarde of Hesbaye, never had. Also, Benedict of Aniane died, which meant that Louis the Pious didn't have good advice, which meant that Louis the Pious was turning to his wife for counsel.

What is text regarding info about the Bible?

Often the commentary on the bible that is typical for medieval manual scripts.

What happened on 13 November 833, in Ebbo?

On 13 November 833, Ebbo, with Agobard of Lyon, presided over a synod at the Church of Saint Medard in Soissons which saw Louis undertake public penance for the second time in his reign. The penitential ritual that was undertaken began when Louis arrived at the church and confessed multiple times to the crimes levied against him. The crimes had been historic and recent, with accusations of oath breaking, violation of the public peace and inability to control his adulterous wife, Judith of Bavaria. Afterwards, he threw his sword belt at the base of the altar and received judgement through the imposition of the hands of the bishops. Louis was to live the rest of his life as a penitent, never to hold office again.

What happened in the Carolingian Empire to Louis the Pious in the Second Civil War, on 2 February 835?

On 2 February 835 at the palace Thionville, Louis presided over a general council to deal with the events of the previous year. Known as the Synod of Thionville, Louis himself was reinvested with his ancestral garb and the crown, symbols of Carolingian rulership. Furthermore, the penance of 833 was officially reversed and Archbishop Ebbo officially resigned after confessing to a capital crime, whilst Agobard of Lyon and Bartholmew, Archbishop of Narbonne were also deposed.

Ordinatio imperii

On Maundy Thursday 817 (9 April), Louis and his court were crossing a wooden gallery from the cathedral to the palace in Aachen when the gallery collapsed, killing many. Louis, having barely survived and feeling the imminent danger of death, began planning for his succession; three months later he issued an Ordinatio Imperii, an imperial decree that laid out plans for an orderly succession. In 815, he had already given his two eldest sons a share in the government, when he had sent his elder sons Lothair and Pepin to govern Bavaria and Aquitaine respectively, though without the royal titles. Now, he proceeded to divide the empire among his three sons: -Lothair was proclaimed and crowned co-emperor in Aachen by his father. He was promised the succession to most of the Frankish dominions (excluding the exceptions below), and would be the overlord of his brothers and cousin. -Pepin was proclaimed King of Aquitaine, his territory including Gascony, the march around Toulouse, and the counties of Carcassonne, Autun, Avallon and Nevers. -Louis, the youngest son, was proclaimed King of Bavaria and the neighbouring marches. If one of the subordinate kings died, he was to be succeeded by his sons. If he died childless, Lothair would inherit his kingdom. In the event of Lothair dying without sons, one of Louis the Pious' younger sons would be chosen to replace him by "the people". Above all, the Empire would not be divided: the Emperor would rule supreme over the subordinate kings, whose obedience to him was mandatory. With this settlement, Louis tried to combine his sense for the Empire's unity, supported by the clergy, while at the same time providing positions for all of his sons. Instead of treating his sons equally in status and land, he elevated his first-born son Lothair above his younger brothers and gave him the largest part of the Empire as his share.

Battle of Fontenoy-en-Puisaye, also called the battle of Fontenoy

On the 25 June 841, fought at Fontenoy, near Auxerre. The culmination of the three year Carolingian Civil War which was the contention over the territorial inheritances —the division of the unified lands of Charlemagne's Carolingian Empire between his grandsons, the three surviving sons of Louis the Pious. Despite provisions by Louis the Pious, war broke out between his sons and nephews. The battle was not well-documented, but it was known that Lothair I of Italy and Peppin II of Aquitaine fought Charles the Bald and Louis the German. The outcome was described as a defeat for Lothair I of Italy and Peppin II of Aquitaine , and a victory for Charles the Bald and Louis the German. While hostilities continued until another two years into 843, the Treaty of Verdun ending the war shaped and influences history in Europe even to this late modern date.

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the ways to read documents in terms of a vacuum?

One cannot read the text in a vacuum, for no text is written in a vacuum. Every text is written as part of, and in response to, a specific CONTEXT. This context can include other written texts, but also oral texts.

One of the best-known aspects of Collingwood's philosophy of history is his account of re-enactment. Collingwood's account of re-enactment is developed in answer to the question "what does it mean to understand historically?" Historical understanding differs from explanation in natural science because historians do not formulate empirical hypotheses but think through the actions of historical agents in order to make them intelligible. One of the most discussed aspects of Collingwood's account of re-enactment is the claim that when historians re-enact the thought of an historical agent, they do not re-enact a thought of a similar kind but the very same thought of the agent. This claim has often been regarded as counterintuitive since to say that the thought of the agent and that of the historian are the same appears to presuppose that there is only one rather than two numerically distinct acts of thought, that of the historian and that of the agent. Collingwood's point, however, is that, since thought proper is conceptually distinct from the physiological process in which it is instantiated, the criterion of numerical identity that is usually applied to physiological processes is not applicable to thought. Thoughts, in other words, are to be distinguished on the basis of purely qualitative criteria, and if there are two people entertaining the (qualitatively) same thought, there is (numerically) only one thought since there is only one propositional content. Collingwood makes this point by saying that "... in its immediacy, as an actual experience of his own, Plato's argument must undoubtedly have grown up out of a discussion of some sort, though I do not know what it was, and been closely connected to such a discussion. Yet if I not only read his argument but understand it, follow it in my own mind re-enacting it with and for myself, the process of argument which I go through is not a process resembling Plato's, it is actually Plato's so far as I understand him correctly " (IH, 301). As the last clause in the sentence makes clear, Collingwood's account of re-enactment is designed to establish a conceptual point about what thought is and a related point about the criteria for identifying and distinguishing thoughts, not a method for the recovery of past thoughts (Saari 1984 and 1989; Van der Dussen 1981 and 1995; D'Oro 2000). The doctrine of re-enactment has, however, often been read as an attempt to establish a methodological as opposed to a conceptual point. Thus, in the aftermath of the publication of The Idea of History, the re-enactment doctrine was widely associated with Dilthey's account of empathetic understanding and accused of ascribing to the historian telepathic powers of access to other minds (Gardiner 1952a and 1952b). On the conceptual reading the re-enactment doctrine establishes merely that it is possible in principle to re-enact the thoughts of others because thoughts, unlike physiological processes, are not private items unique to the person who has them, but publicly rethinkable propositional contents. It is important to point out that although the conceptual reading of the re-enactment doctrine was developed primarily as an antidote to the claim that Collingwood presumed historians to have telepathic powers, not all methodological readings endorse intuitionism. Some have a distinctly constructivist feel (Goldstein 1970, 1976, 1977; Nowell-Smith 1977; Nielsen 1981). Nonetheless if the point of the re-enactment doctrine is conceptual rather than methodological, then Collingwood's project differs substantially from that of contemporary simulation theorists (Stueber 2006) and it is inappropriate to champion him as a forefather for this project (Davies & Stone 2000). (D'Oro and Connelly 2015)

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the ways to read documents like the Frankish Annals?

One of the ways to read the Frankish Annals, or any historical document, is to see how the writer seems to be pushing back against the ruler's actions or activities.

What is to be kept in mind regarding those who wrote letters or other forms of manuscripts in the Middle Ages?

People often practiced self-censorship, in order to avoid having their ideas or words being interpreted as something that dangerous, like treason or heresy. Very often, when engaged in speculation that could be seen as dangerous, writers often wrote anonymously. Therefore, when people do put their names on things, this is remarkable, and suggests a very unique circumstances or motivations.

Why did Pepin get himself, and his sons, anointed for the second time?

Pepin added to his power after Pope Stephen II traveled all the way to Paris to anoint him a second time in a lavish ceremony at the Basilica of St Denis in 754, bestowing upon him the additional title of patricius Romanorum (Patrician of the Romans) and is the first recorded crowning of a civil ruler by a Pope. As life expectancies were short in those days, and Pepin wanted family continuity, the Pope also anointed Pepin's sons, Charles (eventually known as Charlemagne), who was 12, and Carloman, who was 3.

What happened to make Charlemagne reconsider his inheritance?

Pepin died in 810 and Charles in 811. Charlemagne then reconsidered the matter, and in 813, crowned his youngest son, Louis, co-emperor and co-King of the Franks, granting him a half-share of the empire and the rest upon Charlemagne's own death. The only part of the Empire that Louis was not promised was Italy, which Charlemagne specifically bestowed upon Pippin's illegitimate son Bernard.

When and where was Pepin anointed for the first time?

Pepin was anointed for a first time in 751.

What is a general rule of thumb that Professor?

Prior to 1000AD, 99.9% of the time, the text does not survive in the autograph (very first copy of the text) form.

According to Professor Booker, what is the approximate date of "The Testament of the Piglet?"

Professor Booker dates the Testament of the Piglet at the earlier end of the 4th century.

According to Professor Booker, to what audience are works like the Frankish Royal Chronicles addressed?

Professor Booker says that they are unknown.

What is the word that contemporary writers used to describe Einhard?

Prudent. Einhard was constantly described as being prudent, of being shrewd and capable of navigating the dangerous politics of the Royal Court.

What is a fundamental rhetorical maneuver that the medieval writers use?

Quasi-clause. Literally, it means "as if."

Pope Zachary (Latin: Zacharias; 679 - March 752)

Reigned from 3 December or 5 December 741 to his death in 752. A Greek from Santa Severina, Calabria, he was the last pope of the Byzantine Papacy. Most probably he was a deacon of the Roman Church and as such signed the decrees of the Roman council of 732, and succeeded Gregory III on 5 December 741. Zachary built the original church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, forbade the traffic of slaves in Rome, and negotiated peace with the Lombards. In response to an inquiry forwarded by Pepin the Short, Zachary rendered the opinion that it was better that he should be king who had the royal power than he who had not. Shortly thereafter, the Frankish nobles decided to abandon the Merovingian Childeric III in favor of Pepin, who then reigned as King of the Franks[4] from 751 to 768.

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne,", translated by Paul E. Dutton in Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, what is the significance of Einhard saying that Charlemagne "... although his daughters were extremely beautiful women and were deeply loved by him, it is strange to have to report that he never wanted to give any of them away in marriage to anyone, whether it be to a Frankish noble or to a foreigner. Instead he kept the close beside him at home until his death, saying that he could not stand to be parted from their company. ... he always acted as if there was no suspicion of any sexual scandal on their part or that any such rumor had already spread for and wide." (Einhard 29).

Remember, Louis the Pious had the daughters and other children of Charlemagne sent to the monasteries. Louis did so for the stated reason was to cleanse the court of inequity, which suggests that there was scandal involving Charlemagne's daughters, and maybe there were up to no good. Einhard is setting up Charlemagne as a more positive counter to Louis' actions. Einhard records that Charlemagne kept his daughters in the palace, and did not marry them off, because he loved them so much. Einahrd is also addressing rumors of sexual scandal among Charlemagne's daughters. This is an implicit criticism against Louis the Pious' actions.

Bernard (or Bernat) of Septimania (795-844)

Son of William of Gellone, was the Frankish Duke of Septimania and Count of Barcelona from 826 to 832 and again from 835 to his execution. He was also count of Carcassonne from 837. He was appointed to succeed his fellow Frank Rampon. During his career, he was one of the closest counsellors of the Emperor Louis the Pious, a leading proponent of the war against the Moors, and opponent of the interests of the local Visigothic nobility.

What happened when Louis the Pious dies among his sons?

Soon dispute plunged the surviving brothers into a civil war that was only settled in 843 by the Treaty of Verdun, which split the Frankish realm into three parts, to become the kernels of France and Germany, with Burgundy and the Low Countries between them. The dispute over the kingship of Aquitaine was not fully settled until 860.

What is the procedure for scholarly peer review, at least in the Anglophone world?

Step 1: Desk evaluation. An editor evaluates the manuscript to judge whether the paper will be passed on journal referees. At this phase many articles receive a "desk reject," that is, the editor chooses not to pass along the article. The authors may or may not receive a letter of explanation. Step 2: Blind review. If the paper is not desk rejected, the editors send the manuscript to the referees, who are chosen for their expertise and distance from the authors. At this point, referees may reject, accept without changes (rare) or instruct the authors to revise and resubmit. Step 3: Revisions. If the manuscript has not been rejected during peer review, it returns to the authors for revisions.

What is the Roman schoolmaster teaching strategy?

Teaching device = tricking children into believing that it is fun to study.

What is the ANAGOGICAL / ESCHATOLOGICAL sense of Scripture?

That which expresses future hope.

What is the MORAL / TROPOLOGICAL sense of Scripture?

That which instructed men how to behave.

What is the ALLEGORICAL sense of Scripture?

That which revealed the content of faith.

What are the sections of the Royal Frankish Annals.

The First Section (741-795); The Second Section (796-807); The Third Section (808-819); The Fourth Section (809-829).

According to Professor Booker, what is the source for most of the civil war between Louis the Pious' sons?

The Historiae or De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici pii (On the Dissensions of the Sons of Louis the Pious), by Nithard.

The Cheese and the Worms

The Italian historian Carlo Ginzburg. The book is a notable example of cultural history, the history of mentalities and microhistory. It is "probably the most popular and widely read work of microhistory". The study examines the unique religious beliefs and cosmology of Menocchio (1532-1599), also known as Domenico Scandella, who was an Italian miller from the village of Montereale, twenty-five kilometers north of Pordenone. He was from the peasant class and not a learned aristocrat or man of letters, Ginzburg places him in the tradition of popular culture and pre-Christian naturalistic peasant religions. His outspoken beliefs earned him the title of a heresiarch (heretic) during the Roman Inquisition.

Pepin the Short (German: Pippin der Kurze, French: Pépin le Bref, c. 714 - 24 September 768)

The King of the Franks from 751 until his death. He was the first of the Carolingians to become king. Pepin died in 768 and was succeeded by his sons Charlemagne and Carloman. Although unquestionably one of the most powerful and successful rulers of his time, Pepin's reign is largely overshadowed by that of his more famous son, Charlemagne.

According to Professor Booker, how did the Carolingian dynasty set themselves apart from their predecessors, the Merovingians?

The Merovingians were known as the "long-haired kings", and we known as for having long hair and great bears. By contrast, the Carolingians evidently had a short hair style, with short moustaches.

What was noteable about long-hair among the Merovingians?

The Merovingians' long hair distinguished them among the Franks, who commonly cut their hair short. Contemporaries sometimes referred to them as the "long-haired kings" (Latin reges criniti). A Merovingian whose hair was cut could not rule and a rival could be removed from the succession by being tonsured and sent to a monastery. The Merovingians also used a distinct name stock. One of their names, Clovis, evolved into Louis and remained common among French royalty down to the 19th century.

August 843 - Verdun: The Treaty of Verdun.

The Treaty of Verdun, signed in August 843, was the first of the treaties that divided the Carolingian Empire into three kingdoms among the three surviving sons of Louis the Pious, who was the son of Charlemagne. The treaty, signed in Verdun-sur-Meuse, ended the three-year Carolingian Civil War.

When Louis the Pious, how does the Frankish Royal Chronicles portray Louis the Pious arrival in Aachen and ascension to the throne?

The annalist states specifically the Louis the Pious rose to the throne with the FULL consent the other nobility.

Ebbo or Ebo (c. 775 - 20 March 851)

The archbishop of Rheims from 816 until 835 and again from 840 to 841. He was born a German serf on the royal demesne of Charlemagne. He was educated at his court and became the librarian and councillor of Louis the Pious, king of Aquitaine, son of Charlemagne. When Louis became emperor, he appointed Ebbo to the see of Rheims, then vacant after the death of Wulfaire.

What happened in Rotfeld?

The armies of Louis the Pious and Lothair meet on the plains of the Rothfeld. There, Gregory met the emperor and may have tried to sow dissension amongst his ranks. Soon much of Louis's army had evaporated before his eyes, and he ordered his few remaining followers to go, because "it would be a pity if any man lost his life or limb on my account." The resigned emperor was taken to Saint-Médard de Soissons, his son Charles to Prüm, and the queen to Tortona. The despicable show of disloyalty and disingenuousness earned the site the name Field of Lies, or Lügenfeld, or Campus Mendacii, ubi plurimorum fidelitas exstincta est.

Collation

The assembly of written information into a standard order.

According to Professor Booker, what are some events that constantly recur in the Frankish Royal Chronicles?

The author tends to constantly note: when and where the rulers go hunting; when and where the rulers celebrate christmas and easter, the holy feast days; the diplomatic relations the Frankish emperor with other powers, such as the Danes, the Caliphates, etc. This suggests that the author was in some way connected to the Royal Court.

According to Melvin DeFleur's 2017 book "Mass Communication Theories: Explaining Origins, Processes, and Effects", what are the basic proposition of "gatekeeper" theory?

The basic proposition of Gatekeeping Theory, which explains that process, can be summarized in the following terms: 1) In exercising its "surveillance" function, every news medium, whether newspaper, radio,television, or, in some cases, the Internet, has a VERY LARGE NUMBER of news stories brought to its attention daily by reporters, wire services, and a variety of other sources. 2) Due to a number of practical considerations, only a LIMITED AMOUNT OF TIME OR SPACE e(the "newshole") is available in any medium for its daily presentations of the news to its audience. The remaining space must be devoted to advertising and other content. 3) Within any news organization, there exists a NEWS PERSPECTIVE, a subculture that includes a complex set of criteria for judging a particular news story—criteria based on economic needs of the medium, organizational policy, definitions of newsworthiness, conceptions of the nature of the relevant audience, and beliefs about fourth estate obligations of journalists. 4) This news perspective and its complex criteria are used by editors, news directors, and other personnel who select a LIMITED NUMBER of news stories for presentation to the public and encode them in ways such that the requirements of the medium and the tastes of the audience are met. 5) THEREFORE, personnel in the news organization become GATEKEEPERS, letting some stories pass through the system but keeping others out, thus limiting, controlling, and shaping the public's knowledge of the totality of actual events occurring in reality.

The Saxon Wars (not to be confused with the Saxon Rebellion of 1073-75)

The campaigns and insurrections of the thirty-three years from 772, when Charlemagne first entered Saxony with the intent to conquer, to 804, when the last rebellion of disaffected tribesmen was crushed. In all, 18 campaigns were fought, primarily in what is now northern Germany. They resulted in the incorporation of Saxony into the Frankish realm and their forcible conversion from Germanic paganism to Catholicism.

Queen Judith (797- 19 April 843), also known as Judith of Bavaria

The daughter of Count Welf of Bavaria and Saxon noblewoman, Hedwig. She was the second wife of Louis the Pious, Carolingian emperor and king of the Franks, which brought her the titles of queen and empress. Marriage to Louis marked the beginning of her rise as an influential figure in the Carolingian court. She had two children with Louis, a daughter Gisela and a son, Charles the Bald. The birth of her son led to a major dispute over the imperial succession, and tensions between her and Charles' half-brothers from Louis' first marriage. She would eventually fall from grace when Charles' wife, the new empress Ermentrude of Orléans, rose to power. She was buried in 846 in Tours.

According to Professor Booker, what brought instability to Louis the Pious's policies?

The death of Benedict of Aniane. Booker believes that Benedict of Aniane had a moderating influence upon Louis the Pious. With Benedict of Aniane dead, Louis the Pious' policies start to become unstable.

Carloman (between 706 and 716 - 17 August 754)

The eldest son of Charles Martel, majordomo or mayor of the palace and duke of the Franks, and his wife Chrotrud of Treves. On Charles's death (741), Carloman and his brother Pepin the Short succeeded to their father's legal positions, Carloman in Austrasia, and Pepin in Neustria. He was a member of the family later called the Carolingians and it can be argued that he was instrumental in consolidating their power at the expense of the ruling Merovingian kings of the Franks. He withdrew from public life in 747 to take up the monastic habit, "the first of a new type of saintly king," according to Norman Cantor, "more interested in religious devotion than royal power, who frequently appeared in the following three centuries and who was an indication of the growing impact of Christian piety on Germanic society".

According to Professor Booker, why did Everett spend such time focusing on the role of women?

The fact that Everett has to make such a digression suggests that, within the academic culture of medievalists, there is an underlying assumptions that women don't figure into the histories. Everett has to make a digression as a response to that lack.

What were major events regarding the "foederati" in the 4th century?

The first Roman treaty with the Goths was after the defeat of Ariaric in 332, but whether or not this treaty was a foedus is unclear. The Franks became foederati in 358 CE, when Emperor Julian let them keep the areas in northern Gaul, which had been depopulated during the preceding century. Roman soldiers defended the Rhine and had major armies 100 miles (160 km) south and west of the Rhine. Frankish settlers were established in the areas north and east of the Romans and helped with the Roman defense by providing intelligence and a buffer state. The breach of the Rhine borders in the frozen winter of 406 and 407 made an end to the Roman presence at the Rhine when both the Romans and the allied Franks were overrun by a tribal migration en masse of Vandals and Alans. In 376 CE, some of the Goths asked Emperor Valens to allow them to settle on the southern bank of the Danube river, and were accepted into the empire as foederati. These same Goths then rose in rebellion and defeated the Romans in the Battle of Adrianople in 378 CE. The critical ensuing loss of military manpower forced the Western Roman Empire to rely much more on foederati levies thereafter. The loyalty of the tribes and their chieftains was never reliable, and in 395, the Visigoths, this time under the lead of Alaric, once again rose in rebellion. The father of one of the most powerful late Roman generals, Stilicho, was from the ranks of the foederati.

Clovis (Latin: Chlodovechus; reconstructed Frankish: *Hlōdowig; c. 466 - 27 November 511)

The first king of the Franks to unite all of the Frankish tribes under one ruler, changing the form of leadership from a group of royal chieftains to rule by a single king and ensuring that the kingship was passed down to his heirs. He is considered to have been the founder of the Merovingian dynasty, which ruled the Frankish kingdom for the next two centuries. Clovis succeeding his father, Childeric I, as king of the Salian Franks in 481, ruling in what is now northern France, then northern Gaul. He took control of a rump state that the Western Roman Empire controlled at the Battle of Soissons (486), and by the time of his death in either 511 or 513, he had also conquered smaller Frankish kingdoms towards the northeast, the Alemanni to the east, and Visigothic kingdom of Aquitania to the south. Clovis is important in the historiography of France as "the first king of what would become France". Clovis is also significant due to his conversion to Catholicism in 496, largely at the behest of his wife, Clotilde, who would later be venerated as a saint for this act, celebrated today in both the Roman Catholic Church and Eastern Orthodox Church. Clovis was baptized on Christmas Day in 508. The adoption by Clovis of Catholicism (as opposed to the Arianism of most other Germanic tribes) led to widespread conversion among the Frankish peoples, to religious unification across what is now modern-day France, Belgium and Germany, and three centuries later to Charlemagne's alliance with the Bishop of Rome and in the middle of the 10th century under Otto I the Great to the consequent birth of the early Holy Roman Empire.

The Carolingian Renaissance

The first of three medieval renaissances, a period of cultural activity in the Carolingian Empire. It occurred from the late 8th century to the 9th century, which took inspiration from the Christian Roman Empire of the fourth century. During this period, there was an increase of literature, writing, the arts, architecture, jurisprudence, liturgical reforms, and scriptural studies. The Carolingian Renaissance occurred mostly during the reigns of Carolingian rulers Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. It was supported by the scholars of the Carolingian court, notably Alcuin of York. Charlemagne's Admonitio generalis (789) and Epistola de litteris colendis served as manifestos.

According to Professor Booker, how did historians from the 16th-19th century organize their historians?

The historians in that time, from the 16th-19th century, describe their histories in terms of the conventions of drama, with acts, scenes, protagonists, antagonists, and so forth.

According to Professor Booker, what is the problem of the "fetishization of older manuscripts."

The idea is that by paying attention to the oldest manuscript, one will get the text that is closest to the original. However, this is a false assumption. After all, a manuscript that was created later might have been influenced by a much older manuscript that was closer to the original

Iconolatry

The idolatric worship or adoration of icons. In the history of Christianity, iconolatry was manifested mainly in popular worship, as a superstitious belief in the divine nature of icons. It was practiced as a direct adoration of icons, and other objects representing various saints, angels and the God. One of extreme practices of iconolatry was scraping parts of icons into the Holy Communion.

What is the "Linguistic Turn"?

The linguistic turn was a major development in Western philosophy during the early 20th century, the most important characteristic of which is the focusing of philosophy and the other humanities primarily on the relationship between reality, knowledge, and language.

What are DOMINANT READINGS?

The most common and widely-accepted interpretations of a text. They embody the dominant values and beliefs in a culture and position the reader to favor the interpretation.

What is the approach of Microhistory?

The most distinctive aspect of the microhistorical approach is the small scale of investigations. Microhistorians focus on small units in society, as a reaction to the generalisations made by the social sciences which do not necessarily hold up when tested against these smaller units. For instance, Ginzburg's 1976 work The Cheese and the Worms - "probably the most popular and widely read work of microhistory" - investigates the life of a single sixteenth-century Italian miller, Menocchio. The individuals microhistorical works are concerned with are frequently those Robert Tristano describes as "little people", especially those considered heretics. Carlo Ginzburg has written that a core principle of microhistory is making obstacles in sources, such as lacunae, part of the historical account. Relatedly, Levi has said that the point of view of the researcher becomes part of the account in microhistory. Other notable aspects of microhistory as a historical approach are an interest in the interaction of elite and popular culture, and an interest in the interaction between micro- and macro-levels of history.

Who was left out in the Ordinatio Imperii, what what did they do?

The ordinatio imperii of Aachen left Bernard of Italy in an uncertain and subordinate position as king of Italy, and he began plotting to declare independence upon hearing of it. Louis immediately directed his army towards Italy, and betook himself to Chalon-sur-Saône. Intimidated by the emperor's swift action, Bernard met his uncle at Chalon, under invitation, and surrendered. He was taken to Aachen by Louis, who there had him tried and condemned to death for treason. Louis had the sentence commuted to blinding, which was duly carried out; Bernard did not survive the ordeal, however, dying after two days of agony.

What is the LITERAL sense of Scripture?

The plain and evident meaning

Internalization (or internalisation)

The process of making something internal, with more specific meanings in various fields. It is the opposite of externalization.

Scholarly peer review (also known as refereeing)

The process of subjecting an author's scholarly work, research, or ideas to the scrutiny of others who are experts in the same field, before a paper describing this work is published in a journal, conference proceedings or as a book. The peer review helps the publisher (that is, the editor-in-chief, the editorial board or the program committee) decide whether the work should be accepted, considered acceptable with revisions, or rejected.

stenography, from the Greek stenos (narrow) and graphein (to write)

The process of writing in shorthand

Gatekeeping (communication)

The process through which information is filtered for dissemination, whether for publication, broadcasting, the Internet, or some other mode of communication. The academic theory of gatekeeping is founded in multiple fields of study, including communication studies, journalism, political science, and sociology. It was originally focused on the mass media with its few-to-many dynamic but now gatekeeping theory also addresses face-to-face communication and the many-to-many dynamic inherent in the Internet. The theory was first instituted by social psychologist Kurt Lewin in 1943. Gatekeeping occurs at all levels of the media structure—from a reporter deciding which sources are chosen to include in a story to editors deciding which stories are printed or covered, and includes media outlet owners and even advertisers. Individuals can also act as gatekeepers, deciding what information to include in an email or in a blog.

The Merovingian dynasty

The ruling family of the Franks from the middle of the 5th century until 751. They first appear as "Kings of the Franks" in the Roman army of northern Gaul. By 509 they had united all the Franks and northern Gaulish Romans under their rule. They conquered most of Gaul, defeating the Visigoths (507) and the Burgundians (534), and also extended their rule into Raetia (537). In Germania, the Alemanni, Bavarii and Saxons accepted their lordship. The Merovingian realm was the largest and most powerful of the states of western Europe following the fall of the Western Roman Empire.

What did the term "foederati" refer to in the later Roman Empire?

The sense of the term foederati and its usage and meaning was extended by the Roman practice of subsidizing entire barbarian tribes — which included the Franks, Vandals, Alans, Huns and, best known, the Visigoths — in exchange for providing warriors to fight in the Roman armies. Alaric began his career leading a band of Gothic foederati. At first, the Roman subsidy took the form of money or food, but as tax revenues dwindled in the 4th and 5th centuries, the foederati were billeted on local landowners, which came to be identical to being allowed to settle on Roman territory. Large local landowners living in distant border provinces (see "marches") on extensive, largely self-sufficient villas, found their loyalties to the central authority, already conflicted by other developments, further compromised in such situations. Then, as these loyalties wavered and became more local, the Empire began to devolve into smaller territories and closer personal fealties.

Intertextuality

Iconoclasm

The social belief in the importance of the destruction of icons and other images or monuments, most frequently for religious or political reasons. People who engage in or support ______ are called iconoclasts, a term that has come to be figuratively applied to any individual who challenges "cherished beliefs or venerated institutions on the grounds that they are erroneous or pernicious".

What is the origin of the term "Merovingian"?

The term "Merovingian" comes from medieval Latin Merovingi or Merohingi ("sons of Merovech"), an alteration of an unattested Frankish form, akin to their dynasty's Old English name Merewīowing, with the final -ing being a typical Germanic patronymic suffix. The name derives from the possibly legendary King Merovech.

What is the difference between a self-construal VS. a social construal?

There is a difference between self-construal and construal in a social atmosphere. While self-construal is a perception of the self, the latter is a perception of one's surroundings. Construal plays a crucial role in situations "whenever people are obliged to venture beyond the information immediately provided by the direct observation or secondhand report of a stimulus event, in particular whenever they are obliged to infer additional details of content, context, or meaning in the actions and outcomes that unfold around them." In other words, a person is most likely to use construal when he or she lacks the knowledge to correctly deal with a given situation.

According to Professor Booker, what is a major problem with trying to understand the context within which a text was situated?

There is very little knowledge about the context of the text, such as how the text was received, how it was judged by the people of the time, how it was utilized (or not) by the audience of the time, etc.

According to Professor Booker, how do Historians get a picture of the past?

They acquire primary texts and fragments of the past, then they INFER from those fragments a picture of the past, and try to "stich over" any problems or picture of the past. The past is a "mosaic" created from controlled disciplined inferences COMBINED with human imagination. Now, these inferences are supposed to be regulated by a certain structure. Nevertheless, these inferences and interpretations may NOT be completely agreed upon by historians.

What was the precedent that Louis the Pious was emulating in his act of contrition in 822?

This act of contrition was partly in emulation of Theodosius I. In 390 the population of Thessalonica rioted in complaint against the presence of the local Gothic garrison. The garrison commander was killed in the violence, so Theodosius ordered the Goths to kill all the spectators in the circus as retaliation; Theodoret, a contemporary witness to these events, reports: ... the anger of the Emperor rose to the highest pitch, and he gratified his vindictive desire for vengeance by unsheathing the sword most unjustly and tyrannically against all, slaying the innocent and guilty alike. It is said seven thousand perished without any forms of law, and without even having judicial sentence passed upon them; but that, like ears of wheat in the time of harvest, they were alike cut down. Theodosius was excommunicated by the bishop of Milan, Saint Ambrose, for the massacre. Ambrose told Theodosius to imitate David in his repentance as he had imitated him in guilt; Ambrose readmitted the emperor to the Eucharist only after several months of penance.

According to Professor Booker, what is the ultimate factor influencing the process of gatekeeping?

Time and Money.

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the disciplines of historians?

To read historical documents AGAINST the grain, to extract information that the authors did not originally intend, so get a larger picture of the world.

mayor of the palace (Latin: maior palatii) or majordomo (maior domus)

Under the Merovingian dynasty, this was the manager of the household of the Frankish king. The office existed from the sixth century, and during the seventh it evolved into the "power behind the throne" in the northeastern kingdom of Austrasia. In 751, the mayor of the palace, Pepin the Short, orchestrated the deposition of the king, Childeric III, and was crowned in his place. The mayor of the palace held and wielded the real and effective power to make decisions affecting the kingdom, while the kings had been reduced to performing merely ceremonial functions, which made them little more than figureheads (rois fainéants, "do-nothing kings"). The office may be compared to that of the peshwa, shōgun or prime minister, all of which have similarly been the real powers behind some ceremonial monarchs.

According to Professor Booker, what was strange about the line of succession among the Pepinids?

Very often among the Carolingian kings, at least up until Louis the Pious, the various claimants to the throne are knocked off, leaving behind only one son.

According to Professor Booker, what is the problem with traditional early 400-1500 histories, including the notion of "nations"?

Very often, current historians often claim that Germanic kings were the "fathers of nations", despite the fact that the very concept of "nation" did not exist.

What is Wetti of Reichenau best known for?

Wetti is best known for the visions of heaven and hell he had shortly before his death in about November 4, 824, which were recorded in Latin (Visio Wettini) by Heito, former abbot of Reichenau, in 824 and by Wetti's disciple Walahfrid Strabo in 827. Walahfrid's version, in verse, reveals far more about Wetti's visions than Heito's does, leveling more detailed accusations of greed and sexual misconduct against monks, government and church officials - cautiously edited or omitted by Heito - even acrostically naming Charlemagne when he appears in purgatory. An example of dream literature, the Vision of Wetti reflects Carolingian afterlife conceptions of punishment and salvation; it was widely read throughout contemporary monastic communities and is generally considered one of the influences on Dante's Divine Comedy.

What did the Christian monks in the 400-1500 era preserve?

What determined what was preserved is determined by the priorities of those who are doing the preserving. In the case of 400-1500, these are Christina Monks. As such, what those monks tended to preserve was in order of priority: 1) Scripture (the Bible) 2) Exegesis on the Scripture, by the Church Fathers 3) Ritual texts and rules on how to properly practice Christianity, like the Rule of St. Benedict. 4) Natural philosophy and ancient texts useful for education, if necessary.

According to Professor Booker, what are some biases and prejudices of the contemporary historian?

What is unique about our contemporary historical biases and interests is the emphasis on INDIVIDUALS. For example, if this class were being more accurate or representative of medieval history, then the class would be examining anonymous tracts of theology.

What did Pope Gregory IV do in the second civil war, or rebellion of, of Louis the Pious' sons against their father?

When the war between father and sons resumed in Easter 833, Gregory was approached by Lothair, seeking his intervention to bring about reconciliation between Lothair and his father. He was convinced to leave Rome and travel up to join Lothair, in hopes that his intervention would promote peace, but in practice this action annoyed the Frankish bishops who followed Louis, who believed that Gregory was actively supporting Lothair. Suspicious of Gregory's intent, they refused to obey the Pope, and threatened to excommunicate him, were he to excommunicate them, and even to depose him as Pope. The vast bulk of the Frankish bishops maintained that the pope had no business interfering in the internal affairs of the kingdom, or in expecting the Frankish clergy to follow his lead in such matters. Their position was clear, that the equality of all the bishops outranked the leadership of the pope. The armies of Louis and two of his sons met at Rotfeld, near Colmar, on June 24, 833. The sons persuaded Gregory to go to Louis's camp to negotiate, and initially Louis refused to treat Gregory with any honour. However, Gregory managed to convince Louis of his good faith, and returned to Lothair to arrange a peace. However, Gregory soon learned that he had been deceived by Lothair. Gregory was prevented from returning to the emperor, while Louis was deserted by his supporters and was forced to surrender unconditionally; Louis was deposed and humiliated at the Campus Mendacii, and Lothair was proclaimed emperor. Following these events, Gregory returned to Rome. A second fraternal quarrel resulted in Louis was being restored in 834, but his position was sufficiently weakened that Lothair retained the Kingdom of Italy.

According to Professor Booker, what is one of the tags that signify or points to a greater meaning?

Whenever an action is described as done solemnly, it signifies that that action signifies some greater meaning or significance.

According to Professor Booker, what can one infer when an annalist, chronicler or historian provides an explanation for an event?

Whenever an annalist, chronicler or historian For example, when a chronicler goes out of his way to state that someone suffered an injury due to FORTUNA, or "fortune", or something that seems to be occurring outside of humanly-understandable Providence, and NOT due to some sort of divine or demonic curse. This suggests that the chronicler is RESPONDING to claims that the event was a product of divine action.

According to Professor Booker, what was the outcome of the Battle of Fontenoy, on 25 June 841?

While not outright defeated, Lothair I, and Peppin II of Aquitaine withdraws from the field. Charles the Bald and Louis the German claim victory.

SITE OF RECEPTION

Who and where was intended to receive the text.

According to Professor Booker, what is the second question a historian should ask about a text?

Who is the intended audience a.k.a. THE SITE OF RECEPTION.

What is an implicit assumption within Everett's document, and how is there tension?

Within Evertt's article, there is an implicit argument that literacy is inherently a GOOD thing. HOWEVER, among the early medieval attitude, especially among the aristocracy, that literacy was a sign of being a SERVANT, particularly a SCRIBE or NOTARY. Nobles paid SERVANTS to write things down, and paying others to write things down was a sign of wealth and power. Many agreements were made by via oral agreements.

According to Charles Taylor, in his book 2007 The Secular Age, what is a "construal"?

[3] ... the way we naively take things to be. We might say: the construal we just live in, without ever being aware of it as a construal or - for most of us - without ever even formulating it. ... the level of understanding prior to philosophical puzzlement. ... (Taylor 2007, 30).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the 'ultimate wisdom of history'?

[p. 10] ¶1 ... First get your facts straight, then plunge at your peril into the shifting sands of interpretation - that is the ultimate wisdom of the empirical, commonsense school of history. ..." (Carr 1964, 10)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the FIRST problem with the Positivist 'commonsense view of history'?

[p. 10] ¶3 ... According to the commonsense view, there are certain basic facts which are the same for all historians and which form, so to speak, the backbone of history - the fact, for example, that the Battle of Hastings was fought in 1066. But this view calls for two observations. In the first place, it is not with facts like these that the historian is primarily concerned. ... But when points of this kind are raised, I am reminded of Housman's remark that 'accuracy is a duty, not a virtue'.2[2. M. Manilii Astronomicon: Liber Primus (2nd ed., 1937) p. 87] To praise a historian for his- [p. 11] ¶1-accuracy is like praising an architect for using well-seasoned timber or properly mixed concrete in his building. It is a necessary condition of his work, but not bis essential function. It is precisely for matters of this kind that the historian is entitled to rely on what have been called the' auxiliary sciences' of history - archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics, chronology, and so forth. The historian is not required to have the special skills which enable the expert to determine the origin and period of a fragment of pottery or marble, to decipher an obscure inscription, or to make the elaborate astronomical calculations necessary to establish a precise date. These so-called basic facts, which are the same for all historians, commonly belong to the category of the raw materials of the historian rather than of history itself. ... (Carr 1964, 10-11)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, when was Louis, the third son of Charlemagne, born?

[p. 11] ¶2 Louis, the third son of Charles and of Hildegard, his second wife, had been born in 778 in Aquitaine, where the king had left his queen as he marched on the Spanish expedition which had ended in the disaster of Roncevaux. ... (Duckett 1969, 11).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the SECOND problem with the Positivist 'commonsense view of history'?

[p. 11]¶1 ... The second observation is that the necessity to establish these basic facts rests not on any quality in the facts themselves, but on an a priori decision of the historian. In spite of C. P. Scott's motto, every journalist knows today that the most effective way to influence opinion is by the selection and arrangement of the appropriate facts. It used to be said that facts speak for themselves. This is, of course, untrue. The facts speak only when the historian calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in what order or context. It was, I think, one of Pirandello's characters who said that a fact is like a sack - it won't stand up till you've put something in it. The only reason why we are interested to know that the battle was fought at Hastings in 1066 is that historians regard it as a major historical event. It is the historian who has decided for his own reasons that Caesar's crossing of that petty stream, the Rubicon, is a fact of history, whereas the crossing of the Rubicon by millions of other people before or since interests nobody at all. The fact that you arrived in this building half an hour ago on foot, or on a bicycle, or in a car, is just as much a fact about the past as the fact that Caesar crossed the Rubicon. But it will probably be ignored by historians. Professor Talcott Parsons once called science 'a selective system of cognitive orientations- [p. 12] ¶1-to reality'.1[1. T. Parsons and E. Shils, Towards a General Theory of Action (3rd ed., 1954), p. 167.] It might perhaps have been put more simply. But history is, among other things, that. The historian is necessarily selective. The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a preposterous fallacy, but one which it is very hard to eradicate. (Carr 1964, 11-12)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how effective a military leader is Louis compared to others?

[p. 12] ¶2 ... as his expeditions into Saxony were his father's responsibility, so his administration of Aquitaine was largely carried out by his counselors, and his battles for Spanish gain either ended without result or were won by other command than his. In 797 his father's order to him to besiege Huesca brought no success. In 800 a similar command sent him to attack Barcelona. It was, however, not Louis the king but his army, gathered from Gascony, from Burgundy, from Provence, and from Septimania, that brought the siege of the city to a victorious end. He was not even there until the last weeks, when the end seemed in sight. Then his generals sent for him in order that the king's presence might add luster to the taking. In 809 he was unable to capture Tortosa, which, as we saw, two years later offered its keys to King Charles. That great general of Charles, William, Count of Toulouse, who fought the Basques and the Arabs, at the head of a long-enduring force at last brought Barcelona to surrender; the same Count William who in 806 said farewell to the world and lived his last years as a monk in the abbey of Gellone which he himself had built in Aquitaine. (Duckett 1969, 12).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how does Charlemagne think of his son?

[p. 13] ¶3 ... Charles knew his [Louis'] nature only too well: humble in his own eyes, distrustful of himself and his acts, given overmuch to yielding his will to those whom he loved and admired, prone to introspection and scruple, revering those set in the seats of authority for their office rather than for their character as men. (Duckett 1969, 13).

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", why is Aquina's definition useful to Justice?

[p. 13] ¶2 These reflections of Aquinas's were "scholastic," of course; they also were written after most of the sources I use in this essay. And that is what makes them useful. Aquinas appears here not as an authority; the schoolmen did not treat their own statements as authoritative,53[53. M.-D. Chenu, OP, La théologie au douzième siècle (Paris, 1957), 351-65.] but worked upon, sought to draw systematic sense from, authorities that embodied the practices and problems, and displayed the logic, of institutional life and pastoral care.54[54. Increasingly, Thomas's own work is treated as an attempt to give systematic underpinnings to pastoral care; see Leonard E. Boyle, OP, The Setting of the Summa theologiae of Saint Thomas (Toronto, 1982).] They sought to make systematic sense the matter of instruction, preaching, and sacraments, and therefore to excavate the presuppositions installed therein. I therefore use Aquinas here not as a prescriptive source of medieval practice, nor as a representative medieval mind, but as a trenchant theorist of the language, institutions, and practices of what we might call medieval Christianity's "normal science," whose analyses lay out their implicit logic, and show why belief was so routinely taken to be a thing mobile and multiple: shifting, partial, and unregularizable in its cognitive components; reliant on hypothesis and metaphor; sustained by imaginative habits and improvisations, bracing itself against the mind's revanche but also provoking it. These deep presuppositions about belief, shared by traditional practice, demotic expectation, and scholastic theory, explain why recitation of the creed was an act of prayer.55[55. The liturgical function of the creed was present from the beginning, in the rite of baptism; though recitation of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed began to be introduced into the Mass from the sixth century, and became normative at dominical and festal masses from the eleventh (Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy [San Francisco, 1945], 485-88), it was regarded as a prayer long before that; Caesarius of Arles, in the sixth century, classed it with the Paternoster, antiphons, and psalms 50(51) and 90(91) for lay memorization; Sermones, ed. Germain Morin, CCSL (Corpus christianorum series Latina) 103 (Turnhout, 1953), 32. The Quicunque vult ("Athanasian" creed) appeared in the psalter for the office of Prime on Sunday; Andrew Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to Their Organization and Terminology (Toronto, 1982), 38.] They explain why so much of monastic discipline and ascetic theology concentrated on what Pascal later would call "the machine," the body's feedback-loop to the mind.56[56. "Après la lettre qu'on doit chercher Dieu," says a memorandum in the Pensées organizing the hortatory part of his apologetics, "faire la lettre d'ôter les obstacles qui est le discours de la Machine . . ."; "Il faut donc faire croire nos deux pièces, l'esprit par les raisons qu'il suffit d'avoir vues une fois en sa vie et l'automate par la coutume"; Blaise Pascal, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Louis Lafuma (Paris, 1963), 502, 604.] They explain why heretics under investigation had their thoughts searched out, while heretics recanting performed a series of gestures and utterances, the actual contents of their- [p. 14] ¶1-minds untested.57[57. Bernard Gui advises that the inquistor "sic freno discretionis hereticalium astucias circumducat ut . . . de sentina et abysso errorum obstetricante manu educatur coluber tortuosus"; Bernard Gui, Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, ed. C. Douais (Paris, 1886). See the fine discussion of developments in thirteenthcentury investigation of Cathars, in John H. Arnold, Inquisition and Power: Catharism and the Confessing Subject in Medieval Languedoc (Philadelphia, 2001), 103-7.] And they explain why both academic and practical theology could speak of professing beliefs the content of which one did not know. ..." (Justice 2008, 13-14)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the problem of 'a modern history of the Middle Ages'?

[p. 13] ¶2 ... when I read in a modern history of the Middle- [p. 14] ¶1-Ages that the people of the Middle Ages were deeply concerned with religion, I wonder how we know this, and whether it is true. What we know as the facts of medieval history have almost all been selected for us by generations of chroniclers who were professionally occupied in the theory and practice of religion, and who therefore thought it supremely important, and recorded everything relating to it, and not much else. The picture of the Russian peasant as devoutly religious was destroyed by the revolution of 1917. The picture of medieval man as devoutly religious, whether true or not, is indestructible, because nearly all the known facts about him were preselected for us by people who believed it, and wanted others to believe it, and a mass of other facts, in which we might possibly have found evidence to the contrary, has been lost beyond recall. The dead hand of vanished generations of historians, scribes, and chroniclers has determined beyond the possibility of appeal the pattern of the past. ... (Carr 1964, 13-14)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the problem with 'Our picture of Greece in the fifth century B.C.?

[p. 13] ¶2 ... We know a lot about what fifth-century Greece looked like to an Athenian citizen; but hardly anything about what it looked like to a Spartan, a Corinthian, or a Theban - not to mention a Persian, or a slave or other non-citizen resident in Athens. Our picture has been preselected and predetermined for us, not so much by accident as by people who were consciously or unconsciously imbued with a particular view and thought the farts which supported that view worth preserving. ... (Carr 1964, 13)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how does Charlemagne with regard to spiritual life?

[p. 14] ¶2 ... His, unlike that of Louis, was no life of spiritual austerity. Both the life of absorbing ambition for himself and his people, and the life of a Court, in season gay and worldly, seemed to him entirely natural and good. With equal zest he sat at the head of his Council table, watched over synods of the Church, led out his armies; then turned to relax among his friends. Did not the joyous spirit of his Court spring from the mind, and was not the body the handmaid of both mind and soul? The same vitality which drove him to war and council ran in his veins at home, ... (Duckett 1969, 14).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what had gone wrong in the unending accumulation of hard facts that was 19th century historiography?

[p. 15] ¶1 ... What had gone wrong was the belief in this untiring and unending accumulation of hard facts as the foundation of- [p. 16] ¶1-history, the belief that facts speak for themselves and that we cannot have too many facts, a belief at that time-so unquestioning that few historians then thought it necessary - and some still think it Unnecessary\oday - to ask themselves the question 'What is history?' (Carr 1964, 15-16)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the nineteenth-century heresy of history?

[p. 15] ¶1 ... the very converse of the nineteenth-century heresy that history consists of the compilation of a maximum number of irrefutable and objective facts. Anyone who succumbs to this heresy will either have to give up history as a bad job, and take to stamp-collecting or some other form of antiquarianism, or end in a madhouse. It is this heresy which during the past hundred years has had such devastating effects on the modern historian, producing in Germany, in Great Britain, and in the United States, a vast and growing mass of dry-as-dust factual histories, of minutely specialized monographs of would-be historians knowing more and more about less and less, sunk without trace in an ocean of facts. It was, I suspect, this heresy - rather than the alleged conflict between liberal and Catholic loyalties - which frustrated Acton as a historian. ... (Carr 1964, 15)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the problem with the nineteenth-century "fetishism of documents"?

[p. 16] ¶2 The nineteenth-century fetishism of facts was completed and justified by a fetishism of documents. The documents were the Ark of the Covenant in the temple of facts. The reverent historian approached them with bowed head and spoke of them in awed tones. If you find it in the documents, it is so. But what, when we get down to it, do these documents - the decrees, the treaties, the rent-rolls, the blue books, the official correspondence, the private letters and diaries - tell us ? No document can tell us more than what the author of the document thought - what he thought had happened, what he thought ought to happen or would happen, or perhaps only what he wanted others to think he thought, or even only what he himself thought he thought. None of this means anything until the historian has got to work on it and deciphered it. The facts, whether found in documents or not, have still to be processed by the historian before he can make any use of them: the use he makes of them is, if I may put it that way, the processing process. (Carr 1964, 16)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how does Thegan describe Louis' arrival in Aachen in 812 and subsequent coronation?

[p. 16] ¶4 ... From Thegan, who wrote a Life of this one surviving son, we have a detailed descrip- [p. 17] ¶1-tion of the events following his arrival: "With all his army, his bishops and abbots, his dukes and counts, Charles, the Emperor, held Council in his Palace. There he bade them all to give assurance of loyalty towards this son of his; there he asked them all, from the greatest to the most humble: Was it their pleasure that he, Charles, should give share in the name and dignity of Emperor to Louis?" ¶2 All willingly assented. On the next Sunday, September 11, arrayed in his imperial robes, the crown upon his head, Charles walked in procession of state to the Palace Chapel which he himself had built, and to its high altar of the Lord Christ. On this had been laid by his command a second crown of gold. For a long time father and son knelt in prayer. Then, in the hearing of a great congregation, the Emperor commanded his son to love and fear God, to guide and defend the churches of his realm, to show all kindness to his sisters and brothers, to honor his bishops and priests as fathers, to care for his subjects as sons, to turn the proud and evil into the way of salvation, to comfort the religious, and to protect the poor. When Louis had declared his readiness to obey, his father required him to take that imperial crown of gold from the altar and to place it upon his head. Mass was now chanted as the two crowned Emperors knelt in thanksgiving for this new accession; then all returned to feast with joy. (Duckett 1969, 16-17).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the philosophy of history?

[p. 19] ¶2 ... the philosophy of history. The term was invented by Voltaire, and has since been used in different senses; but 1 shall take it to mean, if I use it at all, our answer to the question, 'What is history?' ... (Carr 1964, 19)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, when did Charlemagne die?

[p. 1] ¶1 On January 28, 814, at nine o'clock in the morning, Charles the Great, "Most Serene Majesty, crowned by God, Emperor great and pacific, governing the Roman Empire and by God's mercy king of the Franks and of the Lombards," died of pleurisy in his Palace at Aachen in West Germany, between the Meuse and the Rhine. He was seventy-one years old. ... (Duckett 1969, 1).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how is Louis described as responding to his father's death?

[p. 20] ¶1 ... Offices and masses for the dead were chanted for four days; and then the king, known to tradition as Louis "the Pious," set out for Aachen and his high destiny. (Duckett 1969, 20).

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what are the origins of so many pop culture ideas of the Middle Ages as "superstitious"?

[p. 17] ¶3 the sorts of ideas that we have been encountering, not least Mark Twain's bitter hostility towards religious superstition, show how much attitudes since the nineteenth century have owed to eighteenth-century Enlightenment thinkers such as Voltaire (1694-1778) and Edward Gibbon (1737-94). The Enlightenment worshipped reason and the idea of human progress, and this relegated the Middle Ages to an inferior position in its historical vision. The Middle Ages were seen as a period in which mankind was prevented by barbarism and superstition from realizing its full potential. Religion had been the tool of an over-mighty Church that protected its power by keeping people in ignorance. The poverty of the many had put a brake on change. Violence had been rife, a symptom of a flawed civilization that was unable to keep itself under proper control. Of course, Western thought and- [p. 18] ¶1-culture have moved on in many different directions since the Enlightenment (which wa snot in fact the homogenous movement that the term implies). But it still exerts a strong influence on modern-day sensibilities. Consider, for example, the frequently made, if not particularly helpful, observtion that Islamic fundamentalism exists because the Muslim world has not been through its own version of the Enlightenment, which, the argument goes, would have created the sort of separation between religion and secular affairs that Westenr societies take for granted. Despite coming under attack in recent decades, belief in the value of reason and hope in the possibility of progress remain important parts of many people's view of the world. The catch is that respect for the values of the Enlightenment tends to mean buying into its vision of an earlier, darker age, a time when our primitive side was to the fore. This then becomes the benchmark against which we measure how much we have improved our lot in recent centuries. (Bull 2005, 17-18)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what sort of difficulties did Louis the Pious face when he became Emperor?

[p. 21] ¶2 ... Men of genius had risen under Charles to high office and wealth in state and Church, a rising which had made them in their turn lords of those, clergy as well as layfolk, who labored on the estates given to their masters by gift of the Emperor. Now many, both lords and laborers, had begun as years had passed to nurse in their hearts a spirit of unrest, even of rebellion, against those to whom they owed a necessary and ordered obedience and servitude: the nobles against their Em- peror, now old and slowly relaxing his tight hold of the reins of government; the laborers against their feudal masters, the nobles, who exacted from them their daily due of toil. ¶3 These discontents were partly fathered, partly aggravated, by economic factors. Once the brilliant conquests of Charles had been assured and the glow of victory had faded, reaction had set in. On the heels of war and its weariness had followed depletion of funds, poverty, famine, plague, ever and again sweeping the country. Now in 814 draftees were evading the call to arms; soldiers were deserting; officials were growing slack; administrators were escaping from their duties; conscription of labor was in full force; injustice and corruption pervaded the courts of law; robbers, often slaves running from bondage, infested the roads; taxes bore down heavily, pressed by hands secular and ecclesiastic; already, from without, the Northmen by their menace had been driving Charles the Great to prepare means of defense. (Duckett 1969, 21).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how united was the Roman Empire in actuality?

[p. 232] ¶1 ... In the year 500, Emperor Anastasius I (491-518) could delude himself that he ruled the whole empire of Augustus, Diocletian, and Constantine, both east and west. Never mind that in the east war against the Persians dragged on. Never mind that along the northern border of the empire the Bulgarians, a new multiethnic barbarian confederation, had begun to conduct raids ino the Balkans. Neither of these conflicts, Anastasius contended, threatened the stability of the empire. In the west, the governor who ruled Italy had sworn that he "rejoiced to live under Roman law, which we are prepared to defend by arms." The king of the once troublesome Vandals had concluded a marriage alliance with the Italian governor and seemed ready to accept Roman statecraft. Beyond the Alps a Roman officer, called a PATRICIAN, ruled the regions of the upper Rhone River, and a consul controlled Gaul. In Aquitaine and Spain, legitimate, recognized officers of the empire ruled both Romans and barbarians. What need was there to speak of the end of the empire in the west? ¶2 This imperial unity was more apparent than area. The Italian governor was the Ostrogothic king Theodoric the Great (493-526), whose Roman title meant less than is ostrogothic army. The patrician was the Burgundian king Gondebaud (480-516). The Roman officer in Aquitain and Spain was the Visigothic king Alaric II (485-511). Each of these rulers courted imperial titles and recognition, but not one of them regarded Anastasius as his sovereign. In Britain, the chieftains of the ANglo-Saxons did not even bother with the charade of imperial recognition. Within each barbarian kingdom in the west, the process of merging barbarians and Romans into new political and social entities had begun. No longer were east and west a united empire. The west had gone its own way. (Geary 1998, 232).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what made Theodoric the ostrogoth the "most cultivated, capable, and sophisticated barbarian ruler"?

[p. 232] ¶5 Theodoric's success was the result of his deep understanding of Roman and barbarian traditions. He had spent his teenage years as a pampered hostage in Constantinople. There he had learned to understand and admire Roman ways. Later, after he had conquered Italy at the head of his Gothic army, he put his knowledge of Roman law and governance ot good use. He established a dual government that respected both the remains of Roman civil administration and Gothic military organization. Using the authority granted him as patrician, Theodoric governed the Roman population through the traditional Roman bureaucracy. As hereditary kiing he led his Ostrogoths, a small but powerful military minority. [p. 233] ¶1 Religion as well as government divided Italy's population. The Ostrogoths were Arrians, while the majority of th eRomans were orthodox Christians. Initially, Theodoric made no effort to interfere with the religion of his subjects, stating, "We cannot command the religion of our subjects, since no one can be forced to believe against his will." This religious toleration attracted to his government outstanding Roman intellectuals and statesmen. Boethius (480-524), while serving in Theodoric's government, was also trying to synthesize the philosophical traditions of Plato and Aristotle. Cassiodorus (ca. 490-ca. 585), a cultivated Roman senator, serves as Theodoric's secretary and held important positions in his government before retiring to found monasteries, where he and his monks worked to preserve the literary and philosophical traditions of Rome. (Geary 1998, 232-233).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, when did the Lombards invade and conquer Italy?

[p. 234] ¶2 ... In 568 the Lombard people left the Carpathian basin to their neighbors, the Avars, and invaded the exhausted and war-torn Italian peninsula. By the end of the sixth century, the Ostrogoths had disappeared and the Byzantines retained only the boot of Italy and a narrow strip stretching from Ravenna to Rome. The Byzantine presence in Rome was weak. By default, the popes--especially Gregory the Great (590-604)--became the defenders and governors of the city. Gregory organized the resistance to the Lombards, fed the population during famines, and comforted his people throughout the dark years of plague and warfare. As a vigorous political and spiritual leader, he laid the foundations of the medieval papacy. (Geary 1998, 234).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how did the Lombards try to rule?

[p. 234] ¶3 The Lombards were more brutal and less sophisticated than their Ostrogothic predecessors. They had little use for Roman administrative tradition. Instead they divided Italy into military districts under the control of dukes whose authority replaced that of Roman bureaucrats. But it is an ill wind indeed that blows no one good. The Lombards largely eliminated the Roman tax system under which Italians had long suffered. Moreover, they were less concerned with preserving their own cultural traditions than were the Ostrogoths, even in the sphere of religion. Initially the Lombards were Arians, but in the early seventh century the Lombard kings and their followers accepted Orthodox Christianity. This conversion paved the way for the unification of the society. Italy may have been less civilized under the Lombards than under the goths or Romans, but life for the vast majority of the population was probably better than it had been for centuries. (Geary 1998, 234).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how did the Visigoths of Gaul and Spain try to cement their rule?

[p. 234] ¶4 Rather than accepting a divided society (as did the Ostrogoths) or merging into an orthdoox Roman culture (as did the Lombards), the Visigoths of Gaul and Spain sought to unify the indigenous population of their kingdom through law and religion. Roman law deeply influenced Visigothic law codes and formed an enduring legal heritage to the West. Religious unity was a more difficult goal. The kings' repeated attempts to force conversion to Arianism failed and created tension and mistrust. This mistrust proved fatal. In 507 Gallo-Roman aristocrats supported the Frankish king Clovis in his successful conquest of the Visigothic kingdom of Toulouse. Defeat drove the Visigoths deeper into Spain, where they gradually forged a unified kingdom based on Roman administrative tradition and Visigothic kingship. (Geary 1998, 234).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what king King Recard (586-601) do to try to bring about religious unity?

[p. 235] ¶2 The long-saught religious unity was finally achieved when King Recared (586-601) and the Gothic aristocracy embraced Orthodox Christianity. This conversion further blurred the differences between Visigoths and Roman provincials in the kingdom. It also initiated an unprecedented use of the Church and its ideology to strengthen the monarchy. Visigothic kings modeled themselves after the Byzantine emperors, proclaimed themselves new Constantines, and used Church councils--held regularly at Toledo--as governing assemblies. Still, Visigothic distrust, which was directed toward anyone who was different, continued. It focused especially on the considerable Jewish population, which had lived in Spain since the diaspora, or dispersion, in the first century of the Roman Empire. Almost immediately after Recared's conversion, he and his successors began to enact a series of anti-Jewish measures, culminating in 613 with the command that all Jews accept baptism or leave the kingdom. Although this mandate was never fully carried out, the virulence of the persecution of the Jews grew through the seventh century. ... (Geary 1998, 235).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what did the Saxons, Angles, Jutes, Frisians, Suebians, and others who came to Britain contend with the differences between Roman and Germanic culture and traditions?

[p. 235] ¶4 ... none of these people had previously been integrated into the Roman world. Thus, rather than fusing Roman and Germanic traditions, they eradicated the former. Although the ruined walls of ROman cities such as London, Gloucester, and Carlisle continued to offer some protection to a handful of people, urban life disappeared, and with it the ROman traditions of administration, taxation, and culture. ¶5 In their place developed a world whose central values were honor and glory, whose primary occupation was fighting, and whose economic system was based on plunder and the open-handed distribution of riches. In many ways this Anglo-Saxon world resembled the heroic age of ancient Greece. This was a society dominated by petty kings and their aristocratic war leaders. These invaders were not, like the Goths, just a military elite. They also included free farmers who replaced the romanized British peasantry, introducing their language, agricultural techniques, social organization, and folkloric traditions to the southeastern part of the island. These ordinary settlers, much more than the kings and aristocrats, were responsible for the gradual transformation of Britain into England--the land of the Angles. (Geary 1998, 235).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, when did the second effort at Christianizing Britain begin?

[p. 238] ¶2 The second effort to Christianizing Britain began with Pope Gregory the Great. In 596 he sent the missionary Augustine (known as Augustine of Canterbury to distinguish him from the bishop of HIpper) to attempt to convert the English. Augustine arrived in the southeast kingdom of Kent, where the pagan King Ethelbert--encouraged by his wife Bertha, a Christian Frankish princess--gave him permission to preach. Augustine laid the foundations for a hierarchical, bishop-centered church based on the Roman model. In time, Ethelbert and much of his kingdom accepted Christianity, and Augustine was named archbishop of Canterbury by the pope. Augustine had similar success in nearby Essex and established a second bishopric at London shortly before his death in 604. (Geary 1998, 238).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the early history fo the Franks?

[p. 239] ¶2 ... In the fourth century A.D., various small Germanic tribes along the Rhine River coalesced into a loose confederation known as the Franks. A significant group of them, the Salians, made the mistake of attacking Roman garrisons and were totally defeated. The Romans resettled the Salians in a largely abandoned region of what is now Belgium and Holland. There they formed a buffer to protect Roman colonists from other Germanic tribes and provided a ready supply of recruits for the Roman army. During the fourth and fifth centuries, these Salian Franks and their neighbors assumed an increasingly important role in the military defense of Gaul and began to spread out of their "reservation" into more settled parts of the province. Although many high-ranking Roman officers of the fourth century were Franks, most were neither conquerors nor members of the military elite but rather soldier-farmers who settled beside the local Roman peoples they protected. (Geary 1998, 239).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, who was Clovis?

[p. 240] ¶3 In 486, Clovis, leader of the Salian Franks and commander of the barbarized Roman army, staged a successful coup (possibly with the approval fo the Byzantine emperor), defeating and killing Syagrius, the last Roman commander in the west. Although Clovis ruled the Franks as king, he worked closely with the existing Gallo-Roman aristocracy as he consolidated his control over various Frankish factions and over portions of Gaul and Germany held by other barbarian kingdoms. Clovis's early conversion to Orthodox Christianity helped ensure the effectiveness of this Gallo_Roman cooperation. Like other barbarian kings allied with Theodoric the Ostrogoth, Clovis may have been at least nominally an Arian. However, urged on his wife Clotilda, he embraced orthodox Christianity. His religious conversion was very much in the tradition of Constantine. Clovis converted to Orthodox Christianity in the hope that God would give him victory over his enemies and that his new faith would win the support of the Roman aristocracy in Gaul. The king's baptism convinced many of his subjects to convert as well, paving the way for the assimilation of Franks and Romans into a new society. This Frankish society became the model for European social and political organization for over a thousand years. (Geary 1998, 240).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what kind of changes occurred as Germanic kings for imperial officials?

[p. 241] ¶2 ... changes took place at every level of society. The slaves and semifree peasants of Rome gradually began to form new kinds of social groups and to practice new forms of agriculture as they merged with the Germanic warrior-peasants. Elite Gallo-Roman landowners came to terms with their Frankish conquerors, and these two groups began to coalesce into a single unified aristocracy. In the same way that Germanic and Roman societies began to merge. Germanic and Roman traditions of governance united between the sixth and eighth centuries to create a powerful new kind of medieval kingdom. (Geary 1998, 241).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what are 3 fundamental changes to rural society during the early Middle Ages?

[p. 241] ¶3 Three fundamental changes transformed rural society during the early Middle Ages. First, Roman slavery virtually disappeared. Next, the household as the primary unit of social and economic organization. Finally, Christianity spread throughout the rural world. (Geary 1998, 241).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how did slavery transition into serfdom?

[p. 242] ¶1 ... However, as the empire ceased to expand, the supply of fresh slaves dwindled. As cities shrank, many markets for agricultural produce disappeared, making market-oriented, large-scale agriculture less profitable. Enterprising landlords in the West sold off some of their slaves to the East, particularly to the Muslims. Furthermore, the Germanic societies that settled in the West had no tradition of gang slavery. ¶2 As a result, from the sixth through the ninth centuries, owners abandoned the practice of keeping gang slaves in favor of the less complicated practice of establishing slave families on individual plots of land. The slaves and their descendants cultivated these plots, made annual payments to their owners, and cultivated the undivided portions of the estate, the fruits of which went directly to the owner. Thus slaves became something akin to sharecroppers. Gradually they began to intermarry with colons and others who, though nominally free, found themselves in an economic situation much like that of slaves. By the ninth century, the distinction between slaves who had acquired traditional rights to their farms, or manses, and free peasants who held and worked manses belonging to others was blurred. By the tenth and eleventh centuries, peasant farmers throughout much of Europe were subject to the private justice of their landlords, whether their ancestors had been slave or free. Although they were not slaves in the classical sense, the peasantry had fused into a homogeneous unfree population. (Geary 1998, 242).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was Roman slavery like?

[p. 242] ¶1 Economics, not ethics, destroyed Roman slavery. In the kind of slavery typical of the Roman world, large gangs of slaves were housed in dormitories and directed in large-scale operations by overseers. This form of slavery demnaded a highly organized form of estate mangement and could be quite costly since slaves had to be fed and housed year round. Since slaves did not always reproduce at a rate sufficient to replace themselves, the supply had to be replenished from without. ... (Geary 1998, 242).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what happened durign the Christianization of peasant culture?

[p. 243] ¶5 Peasant culture, like peasant society, experienced a fundamental transformation during the early Middle Ages. During this period the peasantry became Christian. In antiquity Christianity had been an urban phenomenon. The term for the rural population--PAGANS, that is, the inhabitants of the countryside (PAGUS)--had long been synonymous with "unbelievers." The spread of Christianity throughout the rural world began in earnest in the sixth century, when bishops and monks began to replace the peasants' traditional agrarian cults with Christian feats, rituals, and beliefs. In sixth- [p. 244] ¶1-century Gaul, for example, peasants regularly held a three-day celebration beside a mountain lake into which they threw food and valuable objects as an offering to the local god. The local bishop was unable to convince them to abandon the practice. Instead, he built a church on the spot in honor of Saint HIlary of Poitiers. The church contained relics of the saint. Peasants continued to travel to the lake to celebrate the fest, but the purpose of the feast was to honor Saint Hillary. ¶2 Christianity penetrated more deeply into rural society with the systematic establishment of parishes, or rural churches. By the ninth century this parish system began to cover Europe. Bishops founded parish churches in the villages of large estates, and owners were obligated to set aside one-tenth of the produce of their estates for the maintenance of the parish church. The priests who staffed these churches came from the local peasantry and received a basic education in Latin and in Christian ritual from their predecessors and from their bishops. The continuing presence of priests in each village had a profound effect on the daily lives of Europe's peasants. Christian ritual came to be a regular part of peasant life. (Geary 1998, 243-244).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the focus of the lifestyle of the nobility?

[p. 244] ¶3 The aristocratic lifestyle focused on feasting, on hospitality, and on the male activities of hunting and warfare. In southern Europe, great nobles lived in spacious villas (an inheritance of ROman tradition), often surrounded by solid stone fortifications. In the north, Frankish and Anglo-Saxon nobles lived in great wooden halls, richly decorated but lacking fortifications. ... (Geary 1998, 245).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what did aristocratic men do?

[p. 245] ¶4 During the fall and winter months, aristocratic men spent much of their time hunting deer and wild boar in their forests. Hunting was not merely sport. Essentially it was preparation for war, the activity of the summer months. As soon as the snows of winter began to melt and roads became passable, aristocrats gathered their retainers and marched to war. The enemy varied. It might be rival families with whom feuds were nursed for generations. It might be raiding parties from a neighboring region. Or the warriors might join a royal expedition led by the king and directed against a rival kingdom. Whoever the enemy, warfare brought the promise of booty and, as important, glory. (Geary 1998, 245).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what did Pippin do in relation to the papacy?

[p. 248] ¶1 ... Pippin inherited his father's power. However, since he was not of the royal Merovingian family, he had no more right to supreme authority than any other powerful aristocrat. Pippin needed more than the power of a king: he needed the title. No Frankish tradition provided a precedent by which a rival family might displace the Merovingians. Pippin turned instead to the pope. Building on his increasingly close relationship with the papacy and the Frankich church dominated by his supporters, Pippin sought legitimacy in religious authority. In a carefully orchestrated exchange between Pippin and Pope Zacharias (741-752), the latter declared that the individual who exercised the power of king ought also to have the title. Following this declaration, the last Merovingian was deposed, and in 751 a representative of the pope anointed Pippin king of the Franks. (Geary 1998, 248).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what the consequence of the union between Pippin and the papacy?

[p. 248] ¶2 The alliance between the new dynasty and the papacy marked the first union of royal legitimacy and ecclesiastical sanction in European history. Frankish, Gothic, and Anglo-Saxon kings had been selected on the basis of secular criteria. Kings combined royal descent with military power. Now the office of king required the active participation of the Church. The new Frankish kingship led Europe into the first political, social, and cultural restructuring of the West since the end of the Roman Empire. (Geary 1998, 248).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, when and how did Charlemagne engage in military campaigns?

[p. 248] ¶4 Almost every spring, Charlemagne assembled his Frankish armies and let them against internal or external enemies. He subdued the Aquitainians and Bavarians. He conquered the kingdom of the Lombards and assumed the title of the Lombards. He crushed the Saxons, annexed the Spanish region of Catalonia, and destroyed the vast Pannonian kingdom of the Avars. In wars of aggression, his armies were invincible. The heavy cavalry first employed by Charles Martel simply mowed down the more lightly armored and equipped enemy. Moreover, Charlemagne's logistical support was unmatched in the early Middle Ages. His ability to ship men and supplies down the Danube river enabled him to capture the enormous hoard of gold the Avars had amassed from raids and annual payments by the Byzantines. As Einhard, Charlemagne's counselor and adviser, boasted, "These Franks, who until then had seemed almost paupers, now discovered so mu9ch gold and silver in the palace and captured so much previous- [p. 249] ¶1-booty in their battles, that it could rightly be maintained that they had in all justice taken from the Huns [Avars] what these last had unjustly stolen from other nations." (Geary 1998, 248-249).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what are the 2 different "conceptions of empire" in Louis the Pious' court?

[p. 24] ¶3 Two conceptions of empire-its basis and its function-were at this time working in his Court and in his kingdom of the Franks. On the one hand, there were those-like Adalard, Wala, and Theodulf-who had found their ideal in their King Charles during the high years of his authority: the ideal of a firm, autocratic rule which conquered its aggressors, beat down its enemies, directed its governing, protected its subjects, aided and defended its Church, and presided over all functioning, lay and spiritual alike. To their mind the Frankish Empire must be a unity, as it had been in the days of Charles: knit together in one whole by the force of one person, one source of law, its all-controlling Emperor. Charles, it was true, in 806 had followed Frankish tradition by portioning out the lands of his Empire among his three sons. Providence had intervened; and now there was but one, who had inherited the Empire as one whole. ¶4 In the letters written by him as Emperor, Louis was to reveal a quite different spirit; he was to describe himself simply as "Emperor and Majesty by will of Divine Providence." To his mind his function as Emperor was not primarily to rule and organize an Empire of vast extent in which under himself the law of the Church, as of the state, should be obeyed. It was in- stead for him as Emperor to serve the Church; and all, from himself down to his humblest subjects, were to work toward this- [p. 25] ¶1-end. For this end, then, the Empire, in his own desire at the be- ginning of his reign, was to be a different unity, a unity standing in its secular might behind the Church which directed and blessed its work. Not the person, not the force of the Emperor, but the Church was to Louis the center and the mainspring of the state. ¶2 This conception held within itself its own dangers. It made possible the sacrifice of the independence, the responsibility, and the dignity of the Crown to the will of the bishops administer- ing Frankish dioceses. Through their zeal for the Church and her authority-in the best of them, desire for her holiness and faithful following of discipline, in the less worthy of them, desire for their own power and wealth among Frankish men-these ecclesiastical leaders might demand from a ruler, crowned by God but beset by problems to which he was not equal, the prey of conflicting impulses, in doubt of his own conscience, a surrender by no means in keeping with his high dedication. (Duckett 1969, 24-25).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how did Charlemagne appoint his subordinates?

[p. 251] ¶2 In the tradition of his father and grandfather, Charlemagne appointed counts throughout Europe. The counts were members of the great Frankish families who had been loyal to Charlemagne's family for generations. Thus he created what might be termed an imperial aristocracy--truly international in scope. These counts supervised the royal estates in their counties and each spring led the local military contingent, which included all the free men of the county. Counts also presided over local courts, which exercised jurisdiction over the free persons of the county. The king maintained his control over the counts by sending teams of emissaries, or MISSI DOMINICI, composed of bishops and counts to examine the state of each county. (Geary 1998, 251).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the center of Carolingian government?

[p. 251] ¶4 The mobile palace was the center of Carolingian government. It included the royal household and ecclesiastical and secular aristocrats who directed the various activities of the central administration. Within this palace the king held his own court. There, too, clerics maintained written records, produced official records of royal grants or decisions called DIPLOMAS, and prepared CAPITULARIES, which were written instructions for the implementation of royal directives at the local level. (Geary 1998, 251).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the significance of Charlemagne's imperial coronation on Christmas Day in the year 800 in Rome?

[p. 252] ¶3 ... the imperial coronation of 800 subsequently took on great significance. Louis attempted to make his imperial title the sole basis for his rule, and for the next thousand years Germanic kings traveled to Rome to receive the imperial diadem and title from the pope. In so doing, they inadvertently strengthened papal claims to enthrone--and at times to dethrone--emperors. (Geary 1998, 252).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, who was the ruler of England during the time of Charlemagne?

[p. 254] ¶3 ... In 796 Charlemagne had written to King Offa of Mercia (757-796), offering Englihs merchants protection in his kingdom and agreeing that "our men, if they suffer any injustice in your dominion, are to appeal to the judgment of your equity, lest any disturbance should arise." Offa, the only king Charlemagne referred to as "brother," ruled a prosperous southeast England and was acknowledged as a leader by other Anglo-Saxon rulers. His success was based partly on his military actions against the Welsh. He had led raids deep into Wales and had constructed a great dike 25 feet high and 150 miles long along the entire length of the Welsh frontier. Charlemagne's letter indicates, though, that Mercia's prosperity was also based on extensive trading with the Continent, a trade in which Anglo-Saxon woolens and silver were exchanged for wine, oil, and other products of the Continent. (Geary 1998, 254).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is Carr's major critique of the Collingwood view of history in terms of skepticism toward any history?

[p. 26] ¶2 ... The emphasis on the role of the historian in the making of history tends, if pressed to its logical conclusion, to rule out any objective history at all: history is what the historian makes. Collingwood seems indeed, at one moment, in an unpublished note quoted by his editor, to have reached this conclusion: St Augustine looked at history from the point of view of the early Christian; Tillamont, from that of a seventeenth-century Frenchman; Gibbon, from that of an eighteenth-century Englishman; Mommsen from that of a nineteenth-century German. There is no point in asking which was the right point of view. Each was the only one possible for the man who adopted it.1[1. R. Collingwood, The Idea of History (1946), p. xii.] This amounts to total scepticism, like Froude's remark that history is 'a child's box of letters with which we can spell any word we please '.2[2. A. Froude, Short Studies on Great Subjects, i (1894), p. 21.] Collingwood, in his reaction against' scissors-and-paste history', against the view of history as a mere compilation of farts, comes perilously near to treating history as something spun out of the human brain, and leads back to the conclusion referred to by Sir George Clark in the passage which I quoted earlier, that 'there is no "objective" historical truth'. In place of the theory that history has no meaning, we are offered here the theory of an infinity of meanings, none any more right than any other - which comes to much the same thing. (Carr 1964, 26)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what several events of importants occurred in 817?

[p. 26] ¶3 The year 817 was marked by several events of importance. In July, at a Council assembled in Aachen, rules and regulations for the fostering and upholding of Benedictine discipline in Frankish monasteries were declared and put into action under the leadership of Benedict of Aniane. At Aachen Louis made known also his will for the future ruling of his Empire. "By no means," he now informed his people, "has it seemed good to us, and to our advisers in their discretion, that the unity of the Empire entrusted to us by God should be broken by human dividing, through love or partiality on our part towards our sons. For thus would scandal arise in Holy Church, and we should incur the wrath of Him in Whose power stand the laws and rights of all kingdoms." For three days prior to these events fasting, prayer, and almsgiving had been ordered for general observance through- out the realm. (Duckett 1969, 26).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the contents of the "Ordinance of Empire"?

[p. 26] ¶4 ... the decisions which should govern its rule both be- fore and after the death of Louis, the Emperor, were made known, in a document regarded, not as a "Division," but as an "Ordinance of Empire." Lothar, eldest son of Louis, was to receive at once solemn coronation as Emperor in union with his father, who, however, was to be supreme in rule throughout the Empire as- [p. 27] ¶1-long as he lived. Upon his death succession to the imperial title, and rule over the Empire's territories, were to pass to Lothar, with these exceptions: To the second son, Pippin, was assigned kingship over Aquitaine, Gascony, the region of Toulouse, and part of Burgundy; to the third son, Louis, was given the kingdom of Bavaria, with the outlying lands of Carinthia and Bohemia. These two younger brothers, after their father had departed this life, were to administer their portions under the constant protection, counsel, and aiding of Lothar; in general, they were to be subject to his will, even in the matter of their marriages. Succes- sion to the throne, in the kingdoms of both, was not to fall automatically to their sons, not even to sons born of lawful marriage; it was rather to be decided in each case by the people of the land. The successors thus elected were to reign under the guidance of their uncle, Lothar, as long as he should live. ¶2 By thus assuring the complete precedence of Lothar as Emperor down the years Louis hoped to keep a united Empire, standing as a bulwark of the Church. During his lifetime Lothar was to remain and to work with him; Pippin was to rule Aquitaine and to reside in that country; Louis, known to history as Louis the German, was to rule Bavaria and to reside at the Bavarian Court. (Duckett 1969, 26-27).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts,", what is Carr's major critique of the Collingwood view of history in terms of a purely pragmatic view of history?

[p. 27] ¶2 ... If the historian necessarily looks at his period of history through the eyes of his own time, and studies the problems of the past as a key to those of the present, will he not fall into a purely pragmatic view of the facts, and maintain that the criterion of a right interpretation is its suitability to some present purpose? On this hypothesis, the facts of history are nothing, interpretation is everything. Nietzsche had already enunciated the principle: 'The falseness of an opinion is not for us any objection to it... . The question is how far it is life-furthering, life-preserving, species-preserving, perhaps species-creating.'1[I. Beyond Good and Evil, ch. i.] The American pragmatists moved, less explicitly and less wholeheartedly, along the same line. Knowledge is knowledge for some purpose. The validity of the knowledge depends on the validity of the purpose. But, even where no such theory has been professed, the practice has often been no less disquieting ... (Carr 1964, 27)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what happened to Louis the Pious in October 818?

[p. 28] ¶3 Further trouble, and harder to bear, now fell upon him. In October 818 his queen and Empress, Irmengard, died. The loss drove him into a melancholy which lasted for many weeks; his friends at Court began to fear that unless some stimulus of com- fort were found to arouse him from his passive state, he might even abandon his throne and enter religious life within a cloister. In haste they searched throughout Frankland for young women of rank, beauty, and distinction. Their search was rewarded. In- [p. 29] ¶1-29 February 819 Louis married the daughter of a man of noble descent, Count Welf, owner of wide lands in Alemannia and Bavaria. Her name was Judith. She was not only of a rare loveli- ness, but she delighted all at Court by her charm, her quick mind, her friendly welcome. Her fervor for religion was only second to that of Louis himself. Above all, as wife and Empress she seemed entirely ready to follow the political and religious ideals of her husband. To Louis she seemed perfect; his constant joy from this time onward was to do her pleasure. (Duckett 1969, 28-29).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is, in Carr's view, what view between Positivist "commonsense history" and Collingwood's view of history does Carr take?

[p. 29] ¶2 Our examination of the relation of the historian to the facts of history finds us, therefore, in an apparently precarious situation, navigating delicately between the Scylla of an untenable theory of history as an objective compilation of facts, of the unqualified primacy of fact over interpretation, and the Charybdis of an equally untenable theory of history as the subjective product of the mind of the historian who establishes the facts of history and masters them through the process of interpretation, between a view of history having the centre of gravity in the past and a view having the centre of gravity in the present. But our situation is less precarious than it seems. ... The predicament of the historian is a reflexion of the nature of man. Man, except perhaps in earliest infancy and in extreme old age, is not totally involved in his environment and unconditionally subject to it. On the other hand, he is never totally independent of it and its unconditional master. The relation of man to his environment is the relation of the historian to his theme. The historian is neither the humble slave nor the tyrannical master of ids facts. The relation between the historian and his facts is one rf equality, of give-and-take. As any working historian knows, if he stops to reflect what he is doing as he thinks and writes, the historian is engaged on a continuous process of moulding his facts to his interpretation and his interpretation to his facts. It is impossible to assign primacy to one over the other. (Carr 1964, 29)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," how does, in Carr's view, a historian go through his work?

[p. 29] ¶3 The historian starts with a provisional selection of facts, and a provisional interpretation in the light of which that selection has been made - by others as well as by himself. As he works,- [p. 30] ¶1-both the interpretation and the selection and ordering of facts undergo subtle and perhaps partly unconscious changes, through the reciprocal action of one or the other. And this reciprocal action also involves reciprocity between present and past, since the historian is part of the present and the facts belong to the past. The historian and the facts of history are necessary to one another. The historian without his facts is rootless and futile; the facts without their historian are dead and meaningless . My first answer therefore to the question' What is history?' is that it is a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past. (Carr 1964, 29-30)

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what happened in Reims?

[p. 31] ¶4 ... In the diocese of Reims a "school" was born which-largely, we may think, through his inspiring- became known for the lively vigor and energy of the men, the animals, the landscapes drawn upon the pages of its texts. From this "school" came forth manuscripts that have lived down the ages: those of the Utrecht Psalter, full of dynamic, vital force, and of its relative, a copy of the Gospels known by the name of Archbishop Ebbo himself and wrought in the abbey of Hautvillers, near Reims. Later in this ninth century we shall see both Ebbo and this abbey looking upon scenes of their own individual and private misery. (Duckett 1969, 31).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what "excellent occasion" for statesmanship occurred in 824 between Pope Eugenius II, the abbot and statesman Wala, and Louis the Pious?

[p. 32] ¶3 Paschal died in the following year, 824, and the election of his successor, Eugenius II, gave Wala and his young king in November an excellent occasion for statesmanship. This was embodied in the Constitutio Romana, now drawn up by them to regulate the uneasy and at times difficult relations between the Frankish Empire and the Holy See. The Pope expected obedience from the Emperor, his spiritual son; he also needed secular sup- port. The Emperor gave this support, and looked for recognition in return. The detailed provisions of this new Constitution, ap- proved by both Papal and imperial consent, ruled that the election of a Pope was to rest solely with the people of Rome; that not only all electors of a Pope, but the Pope himself, after his election by the Roman people, must swear loyalty to the Frankish Emperor [p. 33] ¶1-of the Romans; that the Roman people were themselves to decide under what law they wished to live; that the administration of Roman law and justice was to be placed in the hands of judges and missi, appointed in part by the Pope, in part by the Frankish imperial power. (Duckett 1969, 32-33).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, why did Charlemagne do in response to the Saxons violating his formal Edict ordering strict observance of Christian tradition?

[p. 3] ¶1 ... For eight years, from 777 until 785, he had pursued their chieftain Widukind, who fled before him to the wilds north of the Elbe. In the end Widukind, too, had been brought in subjection to the font, received as son in the Lord God and laden with gifts by his conqueror. When Charles had judged the time to be ripe, he had ordered for all Saxons in formal Edict the strict observance of Christian tradition, only to hear that once more they had risen in all the force of their will, ready to die rather than to give of their substance for payment of tithes to the Church of this Frankish king. "As a dog that returns to its vomit," wrote the pious Frankish recorder of these years, so the Saxon returned from his Christian baptizing to fight anew for the faith of his fathers. (Duckett 1969, 3).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what happened in 831 to the rebellion against Louis the Pious?

[p. 41] ¶2 In 831, therefore, the first rebellion of those who desired unity in the state was over. Order was again established, at least for a while; Louis the Pious was once more in command. The Empress had left her convent in Poitiers; the Pope, now Gregory IV, had released her from monastic discipline brought upon her by force. She had returned to Aachen; before a public assembly held at its Palace in February she had declared herself guiltless of the charges levied against her. With her at Aachen were her two brothers, also freed. Count Bernard of Septimania was again at Court. He, too, made an oath a defense of his actions; but he did not return to his office of chamberlain. Lothar was dispatched back to Italy and commanded to stay there; Pippin and Louis, forgiven and kindly received in the Palace, were again in the countries of their ruling. (Duckett 1969, 41).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the outcome of the second rebellion of Lothar and others against their father Louis the Pious?

[p. 45] ¶2 ... the Emperor marched out to meet the rebels and pitched his camp opposite theirs, on the same plain, near Colmar. The plain is known in geography as "the Rothfield"; but in tradition it is "the Lügenfeld," "the Field of Lies." Here Louis remained for some days, making no attempt to force issue by battle. ¶3 On June 24, 833, the Feast of St. John the Baptist, this Field saw the opening of tragedy. Pope Gregory, fearing alike for Louis and for the Empire which he ruled, crossed the space between the two camps to meet him in his tent. "You come strangely," said Louis to his visitor, "and therefore strangely must you be received." Gregory protested that he came but to try to bring peace out of this "inexorable discord." They talked long, but to no purpose, although the Pope remained for some days. At last he went back to his own quarters. That night deserters in multitude began to move from the Emperor's army across the field to the camp of his sons, "flowing like a torrent; partly won away by bribes, partly induced by promises, partly terrified by threats." Only the Empress, the boy Charles, and a few bishops and nobles, among them the faithful half-brothers, Drogo of Metz and Hugh, remained with Louis. Soon, seeing that all was lost, he bade them, also, cross over to his sons; nothing more, he said, could- [p. 46] ¶1-they do for him. It was folly to remain, a useless loyalty; the multitude on the other side already could only by force be held back from rushing across to destroy and to kill. ¶2 As the danger grew more and more real, Louis in his terror for his wife and child called upon Lothar from rescuel. Answer came that he himself must cross the field. He went, taking with him Judith and Charles. ll three were at once arrested. Judith was sent under guard to Tortona, north of Genoa in Italy, Charles to the abbey of Prum, near Trier. The Pope in great distress made his way back to Rome. Lothar brought his father, now a prisoner, through Metz to Soissons, where he held him within the monastery of Saint-Medard. The sending of his youngest son, not yet ten years old, away to that cloister prison in Germany caused Louis far more distress than his own captivity. (Duckett 1969, 45-46).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what kind of denunciation did Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, heap upon empress Judith and Louis the Pious?

[p. 46] →|¶4.1 We say not these things that we may compare our Lord Emperor to impious and faithless kings. But, because he has allowed himself to be deceived by a wicked woman, that has befallen him which is written: "He that troubleth his own house shall inherit the winds." Through this troubling and inheritance of winds countless treacheries and unmeas- ured ruin have been brought to pass: manslaughter, adultery, and in- [p. 47] →|¶0.1-cest. For all these sins it is needful that our Emperor, once so faithful to religion, shall now return to his own heart and do penance, humbled beneath the mighty hand of God. God is able to exalt him in the life eternal which is to come. But majesty in this world of time is not for him who has brought his own house and heart into distraction, who by Divine justice and judgment has lost his place on earth. That place has now been given, not to an enemy or a stranger, but to his beloved son. →|¶0.2 In the Name of God and of Our Lord Jesus Christ, in the year of his Incarnation eight hundred and thirty-three, by my hand, Agobard. (Duckett 1969, 46-47).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the official record of Louis the Pious' meeting with the bishops, specifically the one from the pen of Agobard?

[p. 47] ¶4 A careful description of its proceeding was drawn up in October 833 by all the bishops concerned; each of these bishops, also, wrote out his own detailed testimony, signed it with his name, and gave it into Lothar's keeping. We have the one from the pen of Agobard. In the united record all declared that as vicars of Christ, as keepers of the keys of Heaven, and as those who watched over the souls of men, bishops of the Frankish Empire, they had deemed it their duty to gather at Compiegne and to listen humbly to the words of Lothar, now their Lord and Emperor. They had clearly declared in that assembly, before all who were there present, the power of their sacred ministry, and of the requirement, under pain of damnation, of obedience to its mandates. ¶5 Much, they continued, had happened under Louis for the scandal of the Church. The peace of unity which had prevailed- [p. 48] ¶1-under Charles and his predecessors on the throne had by his negligence turned to shame and sorrow for his people and to derision for their enemies. Therefore, by Divine judgment the imperial power had been taken from him. He was no longer Emperor. All he could do now was to offer penance for the saving of his guilty soul. ¶2 The bishops then came to the heart of their report. In Our Lady's church of the abbey of Saint-Medard at Soissons, so they declared, in the presence of Lothar, his son, sitting to preside as Emperor, and of a congregation of bishops, nobles, monks, clergy, and simpler people, Louis had bowed himself to the earth upon a carpet of haircloth before the high altar, had confessed himself guilty of grievous sins against God, against the Church, against the people of the Franks. Holding in his hand a paper delivered to him by his bishops, he had declared himself truly and rightly accused of the crimes which it told: of cruelty to his brothers and sisters and to his nephew Bernard, in 814 and 818; of breaking the unity of the Empire by the Act of Division of 831; of ordering the Frankish army to march against the Bretons on Holy Thursday, 830; of rising against his sons in 833, contrary to the common peace. For these, and for other acts of ill-considered, of impious and of cruel sort, he had prayed forgiveness. ¶3 The accusing paper he had then placed upon the altar; he had laid aside his sword and all marks of imperial and military honor; he had received from the bishops surrounding him the mournful habit of a penitent. "After penance of so great degree," these bishops added as they brought their record to its end, "no man could dream of returning to hold office in this world." For long they had been trying to wring from him a promise to enter a monastery; yet without success. (Duckett 1969, 47-48).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what might an alternate to the official record of Louis the Pious' meeting with the bishops reveal?

[p. 48] ¶4 ... A friend and defender of Louis the Pious would doubtless have seen it differently. He would have reported that Louis had merely read from that paper thrust upon him by his bishops the accusations and record of guilt which they had commanded him to admit, that it would be difficult to tell how- [p. 49] ¶1-far his own conscience acknowledged their justice. Long after- ward his son Charles was to declare in writing to the Pope himself that Louis the Pious on this occasion "neither made confession nor was convicted of sin," and that there were present in the abbey of Saint-Medard "bishops who looked with keen reluctance upon this scene." (Duckett 1969, 48-49).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the response to Lothar's attempt to usurp his father Louis the Pious?

[p. 49] ¶2 It was too much even for the ambitious sons of Louis, for Pippin and Louis the German. Again they realized that life under Lothar as Emperor would please them no more than under their father, if, indeed, as much. ... (Duckett 1969, 49).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the outcome of the war Charlemagne initiated against the Avars in 791?

[p. 4] ¶2 ... In 791 he [Charlemagne] had marched to the Avar borders; he had encamped there for three days while litanies were chanted and mass was offered for his cause and for the conversion of these barbarians; he had defeated them and stripped bare their homes on the Danube and the Raab. Four years later Eric, now Duke of Friuli in the Frankish kingdom of Italy, had forced his way far within their land to their great fortress, the Ring, sacred center of their fighting power, and had beaten down its outer walls; in 796 Pippin, king of Italy, had completed its destruction. The Avars had submitted; led by their tudun, their chieftain, they had given their homage to the Christian Church and to Charles. Huge wagons of booty traveled from the ruins of their citadel to the Frankish king, who forwarded from it a large portion as offering to the Holy See at Rome. (Duckett 1969, 4).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, when did Louis the Pious back into power?

[p. 50] ¶2 On the first day of March 834, in the abbey of Saint-Denis, Louis the Pious received the satisfaction he desired: solemn reconciliation with the Church, followed by an equally solemn ceremony which again gave to him the outer and inner character of imperial honor. Outside were heard the cheers of a great multitude crowding around the doors. Even Nature-thus we read in the Life of Louis-had risen in wrath at the things done in this land. So fierce a storm of wind and rain had been raging for days that no one could cross the Seine because of its flooding; yet at the very hour of the King-Emperor's restoration to Church and throne the heavens ceased to hurl their anger upon guilty men. (Duckett 1969, 50).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what brought Luthor's second rebellion against Lothar to an end?

[p. 51] ¶2 All these happenings at last induced Louis to leave Aachen in pursuit. From place to place he followed Lothar; and Pippin gave him aid in men from his own army. Finally, once again, as on the "Field of Lies," the forces of father and son faced one another, at Blois. It was now the autumn of 834. Again there was no battle, and this time there was no arrest. The Emperor was in command. As he had done in 830, now again he sent word to Lothar that he come to him in peace. Lothar came, bowed before his father as he sat within his tent, and acknowledged that he had done him great wrong. At once Louis again forgave all; the only conditions exacted were that Lothar should at once return to his kingdom of Italy, that he should remain there, and should promise on oath never again to raise revolt against his father's rule. He obeyed and departed into virtual exile. Those who had consistently supported him against his father-Wala, Agobard, Counts Hugh and Matfrid, and Jesse of Amiens-followed him to Italy. (Duckett 1969, 51).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what triggered the THIRD rebellion of Louis the Pious' sons against their father?

[p. 54] ¶1 ... in October 837, at an assembly in Aachen, he gave to young Charles by imperial assignment the rule over Frisia; over the greater part of Belgium; over the territory extending between the Meuse and the Seine; over Paris, and onward to Troyes, Sens, and Auxerre. These gifts aroused bitter fear in the heart of Louis the German. ¶2 The natural result was that all the feeling of loyalty born anew in this Louis through the shame done to his father in 833 now turned sour in a fresh burst of anger. As soon as the spring made movement possible, in March 838, he sent messengers across the Alps to his brother Lothar with a strong complaint and a call for help against this robbery. The action in its turn aroused the wrath of his father, the Emperor, and aroused it so effectually that he again ordered his army to assemble. However, before matters actually flared anew into the conflict which he dreaded, he summoned Louis the German to meet him at Nijmegen in the Netherlands. The place of conference was made necessary because of the raids of Viking pirates; the Emperor was doing all that was in his power at the moment to defend the Netherlands from their attack. Louis arrived; but the interview led only from bad to worse. It ended in stormy quarrel, and in his indignation the Emperor hastened to drastic measures. He issued an imperial decree that his son Louis be deprived of all his holdings and lands, with the exception of his kingdom of Bavaria. ¶3 In September, at Quierzy-sur-Oise, the Emperor conferred knighthood upon Charles, now fifteen years of age, and marked the event by presenting the young prince with yet another portion of territory of land, between the Seine and the Loire. ... (Duckett 1969, 54).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what was the result of the 3rd rebellion of Louis of Pious' against their father?

[p. 56] ¶3 ... the Emperor did not live to see July [of the year 840]. He knew suddenly that he could do no more; and he ordered his men to bear him to a little island in the Rhine, near Mainz and within sight of his Palace of Ingelheim. There he died on June 20, 840, tended with care by Drogo, who gave him the last rites of the Church and laid his body with a mass of requiem in the basilica of Saint-Arnulf at Metz. In his last hours the Emperor sent forgiveness to Louis the German. He ordered the im- perial crown and insignia to be forwarded to Lothar, and he again commended the seventeen-year-old Charles to Lothar's care. (Duckett 1969, 54).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what is the author's overall opinion of Louis the Pious?

[p. 56] ¶4 The years of Louis the Pious had ended in failure, born of his own frailty. As man, he had been unequal to the struggle demanded of him; as king, he had left drifting, except in times of utter necessity, the helm of government so firmly grasped in his active years by his father, Charles the Great. Yet, weak though- [p. 57] ¶1-he was as king and Emperor, he had never forgotten that he was a Christian monarch, enduring in trial, merciful in victory. As a youth he had seen under his father the rising into name and title of the lands of the Frankish empire to which fate had made him an unwilling heir; his purpose, springing from his passionate devotion to the Church Catholic, had been to hold together this empire in peace and strength as one united realm. Conflicting desire had carried both him and his people into discord and di- vision. And now, perhaps he thought as he looked upon Ingelheim, adorned by scenes from the history of his royal house, how long would this empire of the Carolingians hold its state? (Duckett 1969, 56-57).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, what did Charlemagne do for the educating "of his ignorant Franks"?

[p. 5] ¶3 ... For the educating of his ignorant Franks he had called to his Court scholars from Italy, from Spain, from England. From York in England he had brought to Aachen the most renowned master of the time, Alcuin, to- [p. 6] ¶1-direct the work which by long-established custom made the Frankish Court a "School" of training for the boys and youths of high rank who were in later years here and there to govern and to defend their king's realm. To Alcuin and to his writings many Frankish leaders owed their introduction to the liberal arts. (Duckett 1969, 5-6).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the summary of the literary turn?

[p. 67] ¶2 This large-scale shift, we can summarize, was part of a redirection of academic inquiry that emphasized the question of how meanings come into being and their relation to experience. Meanings, this inquiry reveals, are the result of complex social and psychological operations that occur constantly at various levels in culture and society.3[3.] And the shift of attention to these operations as a matter for philosophical, anthropological and historical investigations thrusts the fact of language, and specifically of writing, into the foreground, for the production and dissemination of meaning takes place entirely within the symbolic sphere of expression and communications. ... (Stein 2005, 67).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the relationship between experience and language?

[p. 68] ¶1 ... Description of life is not passively recorded, but constructed. Experience is thus not something that happens 'outside' of language, something that language can follow after in order to give a more or less truthful account. Rather, experience -- the experience from moment to moment of an individual or the collective experience of a generation or of an age -- is something that always occurs in a world already spoken about, a world already saturated with meanings, already filled with language. Language is thus, in the first instance, always implicated in experience. And yet, individual and social experience is neither a totally linguistic phenomenon nor is it reducible to what is said about it: there is always an excess, something that seems to escape any account of what has happened and what that happening means.4[4.] It is this excess that opens the possibility of continuous interpretation, for no word is the last word, no account, however thorough, is ever the definitive account. (Stein 2005, 68).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the difference between primary sources and secondary sources?

[p. 68] ¶3 ... secondary sources consist of material written ABOUT the entity we want to study, and primary sources are OF the entity in question -- produced by historical contemporaries. Primary sources are our evidence, for they are bits of 'past' material -- usually but not invariably written material -- still extant in the present. They are the products of a fuller past reality that no longer exists (that it does not exist now is, of course, what makes it past and what necessitates its reconstruction if it is to be known at all), even though fragmentary pieces of it stille xist in the present and may indeed- [p. 69] ¶1-have present uses, different from their uses at the time of their creation. Primary sources are thus traces of the past in the present, and historians use them to create an account of the fuller past that no longer exists and to which, as evidence, they provide a point of access. ... (Stein 2005, 68-69).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what makes a source a source?

[p. 69] ¶2 ... nothing is a source as such; a source becomes a source only as it enters into a transaction with a historian to serve the historian's purposes, when it is used, in other words, as 'a document'. ... a historical source is not strictly an isolated entity, static or frozen in time, but exists now as a relation and in an act of reading. It is a relation between a present entity (let us get to the heart of the matter instantly and call it a text), a present reader of that text (in this case, the historian) and a disciplinary structure (in this case, history) that supplies the reader with an interpretive context, a purpose for reading and a protocol for interpretation. ... (Stein 2005, 69).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what did the literary turn do to the practice of history?

[p. 69] ¶2 For the practice of history, the focus of attention on those operations in culture and society that create meanings in the medium of language has significant implications for three primary area of activity: for the meaning of 'evidence', for the meaning of 'context' and for the fact that what the professional historian actually does, in order to do history at all, is to write a text, be it a book, an essay, a review or a class lecture. As we examine each of these spheres, what we shall need to attend to is a continual transaction between the new utterance and the language with its embedded values and descriptions that has been there all along. (Stein 2005, 69).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", when is a document a source?

[p. 70] ¶3 In order to be a document at all, the source is almost always first and foremost a text (for not only written materials, but also social practices, such as religious rituals or social structures like kinship groups are texts in so far as they too are themselves part of the symbolic system by which a culture constructs its own meanings for itself). Historians tend to leave purely physical evidence, such as potsherds and kitchen middens, to the professional eyes of archaeologists. And to be a text at all, it must always be a text among other texts.6[6.] Calling the document a text emphasizes its structure of signification, capable of being read in various ways for a range of purposes and always subject to the properties of the symbolic system of which it is an instance. A text gets itself turned into a document in a very specific situation. By being read in a particular way according to a particular protocol, an interpretive procedure sanctioned by the discipline and its traditions, the historian interprets the text as a piece of past reality that reveals more of the past than it contains. Its particular meaning for the historian (as a document) occurs at the site of reading, not of original writing; it is not how it came into being but how it is read as a text among other texts that transforms the text into a historical document. (Stein 2005, 70).

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", how does Alcuin justify the use of nicknames?

[p. 71] ¶3 ... First, there is Alcuin's penchant for devising nicknames. Although, in his De grammatical, Alcuin had cited what he sad were the classical Roman explanations for aliases (necessity, urbanity, and adulation),13[13.] nonetheless, when he came to justify his own practice of giving nicknames, he disregarded grammatical theory and intead elaborated the example of Christ renaming Simon as Peter ... 'Often familiarity is accustomed to make a name- [p. 72] ¶1-change; just as our Lord himself changed "Simon" to "peter" ... which is [a practice[ that you will be able to approve of in recent and olden days alike'. Thus, to Alcuin, the parallel with Christ's renaming of his disciples IN ILLO TEMPORE, with all its connotations of affection, selection, and common purpose, was a more apposite justification of his own motivation than classical grammar-and this despite Alcuin's role as a grammar teacher and the fact that the bible furnished only a small proportion of the Carolingian bynames.15[15.] ... the parallel with Christ was a way to evoke the love and obedience between the disciples and Christ, indirectly implying something about the relationship between Alcuin and his pupils and friends and their shared goals. ... (Garrison 2002, 71-72)

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the relevance of the use of the language of Latin?

[p. 74] ¶3 ... The chronicle is written in Latin, and with Latinity inescapably comes a particular set of ways of rendering the social world, of framing experience and of asserting value. We have already observed that the chronicler uses the language of the calendar, but we did not say, among the great variety of possibilities that we can find in eleventh- and twelfth-century practice- [p. 75] ¶1-that the chronicler uses the Roman method of counting.15[15.] Similarly, it is the language of ethnicity (Normannos et Anglos), of dominion (regnum Anglorum ... regnum Normannorum) and of imperium and territoriality (factum est bellum in Anglia) that makes this event part of a continuum of public affairs that begins in Rome and stretches without break to the contemporary world of the chronicler. Many other chronicle sources quite self-consciously use the Roman language of state, administration and sovereignty, and speak of what happened at Hastings as a transfer of regimes over a geographically and historically coherent territory. William of Poiters, for example, deliberately and at length compares the Conqueror to Caesar at several points in his narrative, as does William of Malmesbury.16[16.] In the case of the Hyde Chronicle, we see to be in the presence of an inescapable function of Latinity rather than a deliberate authorial choice, a function which is as important as a structure of signification as it is difficult to see: gens, natio, princeps, regnum and respublica are simply applied to the affairs of the eleventh century in the way that a Sallust or a Livy applied them to the public life of the first century. And yet, deliberate or not, the language that stresses the continuity of public affairs puts a deliberately regularizing inflection onto the transfer of regimes in 1066. The Hyde Chronicle's representation of events thus merges three otherwise separate versions of historical experience: one based on royal legitimacy and the efficacy of consecration, one based on aristocratic methods of judicial determination and a third on ancient Roman notions of the public sphere. And modern conditions of universal statehood make this third and very ancient version appear to be all the more naturally and unquestionably appropriate to the story being told and thus to the reality of the world being represented. (Stein 2005, 74-75).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the relation of "text" to "context"?

[p. 77] ¶2 Both literary critics and historians rely frequently on context as a control for interpretation. In speaking of the context, we generally mean to evoke a picture of something like "life as it was lived by ordinary people in, say, the eleventh century'. In fact, we often use the expression 'the big picture' as the metaphor for precisely this kind of evocation of life. ... (Stein 2005, 77).

In M. A. claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how does Dhuoda assert or invoke authority?

[p. 787] ¶1 ... Dhuoda does not simply assert or demand authority. Rather, she approaches the question in a much more typically Carolingian way -through a dialogue with normative texts drawn from the Christian past.15[15.] ... (Claussen 787)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what is Claussen's thesis, and what texts did Dhuoda cite to invoke authority?

[p. 787] ¶1 ... Dhuoda, by her own reading and personal interpretation of two specific texts the Bible and the Rule of St. Benedict16[16.] makes an argument regarding- [p. 788] ¶1-power, authority, and society that turns traditional medieval notions on their head and sheds surprising new light both on her own authorial voice and her personal claims to authority. (Claussen 787-788)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how did Dhuoda understand the events occurring of the collapse of the Frankish empire?

[p. 793] ¶1 ... 3huoda was able to understand these wars in a way that gave them more significance than simply the manifestations of royal and aristocratic ambition. The Franks, the new chosen people, must simply replay the history of the earlier chosen people. Ironically then, the rebellions of Louis's reign and the fraternal wars that followed his death in 840 proved that God had indeed chosen the Franks, because their story mirrored the biblical one so precisely. Perhaps Dhuoda's sense of parallelism is clearest in the seventh chapter of book 3. "Let not your fate be like Achitofel's or like Aman's, bad and arrogant men whose counsels were worthless and who, when they gave bad advice to their lord, fell headlong in both spirit and body to their deaths. For I wish, my son, that you take pleasure in fighting ... as did such men as Doeg the Edomite and the humble Mardochai. Achitofel offered Absalom the bad counsel that he should rebel against his father David-and Achitofel did so in order to win the son's favor.... But Chusai and Doeg, a strong man who firmly held his ground against another determined man, remained unshakable in their counsel.... Mardochai, praying for God's help to liberate himself and his people, gave the same king good counsel, the evi- dence of loyalty, in order to free and vindicate himself.... By God's providence, one man merits salvation with his people. Another, a proud man, goes away empty along with all his house."44 Thus William's possible fates are explicitly compared to several famous personages from the Hebrew Bible ... (Claussen 791)

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is meant by the term "context"?

[p. 79] ¶2 What then do we mean by context? Fundamentally, the context of a text is a threefold set of other texts relevant to a particular act of reading. It consists, first, of those texts already circulating in culture at the moment of production of the text in question, texts that in various ways supply the winter of the text in question with a conceptual apparatus, a way of speaking and a provocation to write. It consists, too, of those texts of which the text in question takes direct account. For, as we have said before, writing takes place in a field already occupied by the texts, and these 'pretexts' are cited, rewritten, avoided, dismissed and revised more or less overtly, more or less deliberately and more or less consciously by the writer in order to make the new text. They supply the writer with arguments to contend with, to agree with, to avoid or otherwise to take into account. In this way they could at any moment become present to the reader of the text. Any text is thus always inclusive of other texts out of which it is made and which in this way from its context. The great Russian literary analyst, M.M. Bakhtin, calls this relation of text to context 'dialogue', and has demonstrated in a brilliant series of readings that all texts are thus in internal dialogue with other texts.21[21.] In this way, the context is neve something outside the text is permeated by other texts. Derrida's remark, 'Il n'y a pas de hors-text' [there is no outside of the text], speaks of this directly. It sounds paradoxical, but it is nonetheless accurate to say that the context is thus already inside the text. Most obviously, the context is in the text because the text does not ever in any comprehensible way exist free of a context. There is no place to stand outside the text -- even one as 'naïve' as our chronicle entry makes its meaning by deploying a finite but in actuality rather large series of other texts. ¶3 So far, I have treated context from the side of production. From the side of reception we can see the third textual relation of a text's context. For any individual reading is always informed by other readings. Our reading of the entry- [p. 80] ¶1-from the Hyde Chronicle, for example, is made possible by reading in biblical hermeneutics and medieval political theory as well as by other eleventh- and twelfth-century accounts of the death in King Harold. In this way, I have situated the Hyde text among a number of other texts that the chronicler may not have taken into account as such, but whose relevance is clear to my reading and to my sense of the past that I am attempting to understand. Some of these texts that inform my reading are contemporary with the Hyde Chronicle. Some are composed in other periods, among which I include immediately relevant secondary sources but also a great variety of primary and secondary materials that go to form my sense of the eleventh century. If seeing the context within the text requires an act that we can call deconstructive, then situating a text thus within a context requires an act of construction. The context is never simply given but comes into being by the very process of a situated reading. (Stein 2005, 79-80).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, how is Charlemagne's ascent to power.

[p. 7] ¶2 ... Supreme in his own headship as king of the Franks, a king who ordered and appointed his bishops as he did his lay ministers, who gave and dispensed the tenure and the revenues of his Frankish abbeys, who presided over the Synods of his Frankish Church as he did over the Assemblies of his Frankish state, he had risen in his realm and in foreign lands to a standing which was his alone. ... (Duckett 1969, 7).

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", who is Dhuoda's favourite biblical example for her son William, and why?

[p. 805] ¶2 ... She then turns to her favorite biblical example, Joseph. ... Joseph, in fact, is an ideal for Dhuoda, not only because of his respect for and obedience to his father but also be- cause of his role as counselor to his lord: he exemplified the aristocratic ideal of Kdnigsndhe, a proximity to the king which brought rewards and honores.104[104.] Joseph, like the successful Carolingian nobleman, bene- fited both materially and spiritually because he had ready access to his royal leader. But what separates Joseph from the other examples that Dhuoda draws on is the peculiar circumstances of his life. After he was sold by his brothers into slavery, he became the greatest of counselors, and thus, in the royal court "he shone as second in command."105[105.] God so blessed him that he achieved preeminence in a foreign country. But there is more Joseph always acted in a way that brought honor to his father, to his lord, and to his God. Alluding to the episode with the wife of Potiphar, Dhuoda especially notes that "avoiding the debauchery of women . . . he preserved pure chastity, in mind for the sake of God, in body for his worldly lord."106[106.] Finally, God so rewarded him that he ended his life in peace. The contrast with William's own father could not have been more plain. Bernard too entered court, and he rose to preeminence as Louis the Pious's virtual vice emperor.107[107.] But as to maintaining his chastity for the honor of either his lord or his God -that- [p. 806] ¶1- was another matter. Regardless of their truth, rumors were certainly rife about the affair between Bernard and Louis's second wife, the Welf Judith, mother of Charles the Bald.108[108.] Moreover, even if the liaison between Bernard and Judith was simply rumor, the result of a smear campaign waged against Bernard by his enemies, there is no denying that Bernard's own behavior, both as chancellor and after Louis's death, was less than honorable. ... ... ¶2 In praising Joseph, the comparison Dhuoda wants William to make between her husband and the biblical hero is clear. Joseph, the model son, the model father, the model counselor, served his various lords in every way, even serving the "pagan" pharaoh without abandoning the ways of his own religion.113[113.] Bernard, whose circumstances were so- [p. 807] ¶1-similar, did otherwise: he dishonored Louis when he seduced his wife, Charles when he consistently betrayed him, Dhuoda herself by his adultery, William by his shameful use of him as a political chit, and through and because of all of this he dishonored his God as well. And if, as Dhuoda argues in book 3, the respect and obedience due a father are due him on account of his honor, William indeed owes Bernard little other than the prayers that could lead to his conversion. Bernard is a loser, in this reckoning, on many counts. (Claussen 805-807)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", who is Theuderic?

[p. 807] ¶2 ... Theuderic, Bernard's brother and William's uncle. ... (Claussen 807)

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what is the similarity between fiction and historical writing?

[p. 80] ¶1 ... Historians are readers and writers; what historians do takes place fully in writing.24[24.] they produce new texts by reading other texts in particular, professionally sanctioned ways and by writing in very particular, recognizable genres whose characteristics -- including such things as footnotes, indices and pages of acknowledgements -- serve to differentiate them from other similar texts in contemporary circulation, such as novels and historical romances. As a writer, the historian works constantly under the constraints of language on representation as such. The work of representing a reality that does not exist because it no longer exists is an act both of imagination and of literary composition, even for a- [p. 81] ¶1-historian working in the austere manner of a quantitative social scientist. The historian must secure the reader's assent to the likelihood that the historian's text is an adequate representation of the past. This compositional necessity allies the contemporary historian's work with that of the novelist, who almost must secure the reader's assent to a reality constructed by the work of fiction. The novelist and the historian are both composers: they both must find convincing ways to sequence an event in language, to describe it with a thick enough texture of circumstance, to present the relation between individuals, social circumstance and changes over time in such a way as to gain the consent of their readership and their assent to the likeliness of the story being told. (Stein 2005, 80-81).

[p. 89] ¶2 In the meantime Eardwulf, the king of the Northumbrians from the island of Britain, had been driven from his throne and country. He came to the emperor while the latter was still at Nijmegen and, after saying why he had come, continued to Rome. On his return from Rome he was taken back to his kingdom by the envoys of the Roman pontiff and the Lord Emperor. At that time Leo III ruled the Roman Church. As his envoy the deacon Aldulf, a Saxon from Britain, was sent to Britain. Two abbots were dispatched with him by the emperor, the notary Hruotfrid and Nanthar of St.- Omer.7[7. Braunfels, Karl der Grosse, I, 683-8. Eardwulf, after the murder of his predecessor Athelred in 796, placed himself under the protection of Charlemagne; cf. MGH, EE, IV, 155, 178-80, 376-78; BML, p. 194. Hruotfrid was abbot of St. Amand (d. 827).] (Scholz and Rogers 1972, 89).

In Eleanor S. Duckett's 1969 book Carolingian Portraits: A Study in the Ninth Century, which Byzantine Emperor recognized Charlemagne as equal?

[p. 8] ¶4 ... In 811 Nicephorus had been killed in battle. Strong and ready partisanship then had given the crown to Michael Rangabe, a ready son-in-law. Michael was no strong character, and promptly had yielded to coercion from Frankish source, adroitly applied. The following year Michael's envoys from the East had at last acclaimed Charles in the Palace of Aachen with the words of salutation customary for those of imperial dignity, crying to him in the Greek tongue as "Emperor and Basileus." (Duckett 1969, 8).

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," what is the case involving the businessman named Hamilton, and how did the lawyer win the case?

[p. 99] →|¶1 The case involved a businessman named Hamilton who had taken out a life insurance policy on his partner ten days before the partner was gunned down by a professional hit man. The DA was finding it easy to persuade the jury that the timing could not possibly be coincidental, and Abe had been racking his mind for an answer. Emma [Abe's seventeen-year-old daughter], finding that she simply couldn't get his attention, had decided to try to help him figure out a common-sense rebuttal to the DA's circumstantial case. →|¶2 And she had. →|¶3 "Daddy," she said, popping into his home office late one night, "the answer is Checkhov." →|¶4 "Why Chekhov?" Abe asked, his head still buried in the books. →|¶5 "Because Chekhov once told an aspiring dramatist that if you hang a gun on the wall in the first act, you had better use it by the third act. We read it in lit class." →|¶6 "So what does that have to do with the Hamilton case ...?" →|¶7 "Your juror sees Chekhov's theory on TV and in the movies every day. Don't you get it, Daddy? On TV, when they show a businessman or a wife buying life insurance on someone, every viewer knows there's going to be a murder, and they know who the murderer will be. It's a setup." →|¶8 "You've got a point. Sure, on TV, when a character coughs or has a chest pain, you know he's dying. There's no such thing as a cold or indigestion. Everything has to be relevant to the drama. [p. 100] →|¶1 "Bad in real life, Daddy, the world is full of irrelevant actions and coincidences. People take out insurance policies all the time, and then the person lives till Willard Scott can put him on the Today show. →|¶2 "You've really got something there, Emma. I think I may use it. →|¶3 And Abe had used it. He'd convinced the jury not to look at the Hamilton case as if it were a made-for-TV movie, but rather as a slice of real life, full of irrelevant actions and coincidences. He'd asked the jurors how many of them had taken out life insurance on a loved one and what their neighbors would have thought if that loved one had died shortly thereafter. →|¶4 After he'd won, several jurors had told him that his TV argument had turned them around.1[1.] (qtd. In Dershowitz 1995, 99-100).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the common sense view of history?

[p. 9]¶1 ... The Positivists, anxious to stake out their claim for history as a science, contributed the weight of their influence to this cult of facts. First ascertain the facts, said the Positivists, then draw your conclusions from them. In Great Britain, this view of history fitted in perfectly with the empiricist tradition which was the dominant strain in British philosophy from Locke to Bertrand Russell. The empirical theory of knowledge presupposes a complete separation between subject and object. Facts, like sense-impressions, impinge on the observer from outside and are independent of his consciousness. The process of reception is passive: having received the data, he then acts on them. The Oxford Shorter English Dictionary, a useful but tendentious work of the empirical school, clearly marks the separateness of the two processes by defining a fact as 'a datum of experience as distinct from conclusions'. This is what may be called the commonsense view of history. History consists of a corpus of ascertained facts. The facts are available to the historian in documents, inscriptions and so on, like fish on the fishmonger's slab. The historian collects them, takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him. ..." (Carr 1964, 9)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what was the cost of producing books in this period?

¶1 ... A humble manuscript of approximately 90 folios (i.e., 180 pages, c. 182 × 130mm each) may require at least six animal skins (sheep or goat were the most popular). More ambitious or deluxe books required much more slaughter: the famous Codex Amiatinus, written in Northumbria in the early eighth century and the earliest surviving manuscript to include the entire contents of the Old and New Testaments, required the skins of 515 calves to make up its 1,030 folios.43[43.] ... (Everett 2009, 370)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what was Augustine's view on sin and human history?

¶1 ... Augustine, of course, was almost obsessed about the effects of sin on the world, and particularly on the human will. He dealt with this question a number of times, and though his thought changed as he matured, a crucial point remained the same that historical truths could only be believed and never known.32[32.] Be- cause of this, the veracity and reliability of the individual historian becomes crucial. Given Augustine's generally pessimistic understanding of human nature, the only authors who in his view deserve our credibility are those who wrote the Bible, because they alone were able to overcome the dulling effect sin has on the will and were able to write a true and credible narrative.33[33.] But for Augustine we face a second problem, beyond mere authorial credibility, in trying to discover the past. According to him, we can only understand a historical narrative- any historical narrative -if we have had analogous experiences, and we must recall these experiences before we can comprehend the narrative we are being told.34[34.] ... (Claussen 791)

¶1 ... By the fourth century, the ancient Greek ideal of paideia (education, in the rounded sense of including lifestyle, diet and behaviour) had been reduced to an exclusively rhetorical education concentrating on the first three "liberal arts," the trivium of grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, and effectively abandoning the quadrivium of geometry, arithmetic, music and astronomy. Education involved the line-by-line exposition of a set canon of texts (variable but mainly Virgil, Cicero, Sallust and Terrence in the Latin West; Homer, Euripides, Menander and Demosthenes in the Greek East), under the cane of the grammarian (for ages 11/12-15/16), then rhetor (ages 15/16-20) - a process which created a common identity for a ruling class of individuals from varied geographic backgrounds among the landowning classes of the empire.7 The emphasis on rhetoric certainly encouraged verbose and intellectually vapid writing (late antique authors can be painful to read), but it also garnered contemporary justification from a continued association with legal studies, considered to be the crowning achievement of rhetorical training, and with Greco-Roman philosophical traditions, which prized competitive disputation, and which increasingly focussed on texts as it faced new competition from a religion of the book.8[8.] ... (Everett 2009, 363)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what does Dhuoda accomplish by her use of scripture?

¶1 ... Dhuoda's use of Scripture, then, informs and structures both her language and her understanding of the political events of the day. But it also enables her to transcend, at least in a fashion, history and to contemplate instead the unchanging realities of eternity. Thus Dhuoda approaches the Bible in a particular way: the very words of the text, which themselves can be manipulated to serve various ethical ends, also serve as a prophecy to help foretell, and then to correctly interpret, the happenings of her own day. Scripture presents the only true and believable narrative, but its veracity can only be experienced by under- standing analogous contemporary situations. Clearly, by our standards, Dhuoda is a very liberal reader, who uses the Bible to come to her own conclusions. This hermeneutic, which certainly was not limited to Dhuoda but rather characterizes most Carolingian biblical interpretation, allows Dhuoda to use other texts to build her own arguments regarding her role in William's life. (Cl aussen 794)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is, in Carr's view, how does the historian goes to work when he writes history?

¶1 ... For myself, as soon as I have got going on a few of what I take to be the capital sources, the itch becomes too strong and I begin to write - not necessarily at the beginning, but somewhere, anywhere. Thereafter, reading and writing go on simultaneously. The writing is added to, subtracted from, re-shaped, cancelled, as I go on reading. The reading is guided and directed and made fruitful by the writing: the more I write, the more I know what I am looking for, the better I understand the significance and relevance of what I find. Some historians probably do all this preliminary writing in their head without using pen, paper, or typewriter, just as some people play chess in thenheads without recourse to board and chessmen: this is a talent which I envy, but cannot emulate. But I am convinced that, for any historian worth the name, the two processes of what economists call' input' and' output' go on simultaneously and are, in practice, parts of a single process. If you try to separate them,- [p. 29] ¶1-jf to give one priority over the other, you fall into one of two heresies. Either you write scissors-and-paste history without meaning or significance; or you write propaganda or historical fiction, and merely use facts of the past to embroider a kind of , wiring which has nothing to do with history. (Carr 1964, 28-29)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, what strikes modern readers about medieval chronicles with regard specifically to personality and the coherence in human character and behavior?

¶1 ... Medieval chronicles even more than classical histories strike the modern reader by the thinness of their concern for individual personality. In the chronicles of Saint-Denis, it is obvious that the description of characters is largely conventionalized. ... (Spiegel 1997, 90).

In M. A. claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what was one of the legacies of the Carolingian dynasty?

¶1 ... Much has been written about the ultimate political consequences of the Carolingian empire, but one of the great legacies it left the West was the general renewal of learning that the Carolingian kings and em- perors sponsored.2[2.] Beginning with Pippin's reign, and through those of his descendants, Charlemagne (+814), Louis the Pious (+840), and his great-grandson Charles the Bald (+877), Carolingian kings favored scholars with enormous patronage in their efforts to renew their kingdoms spiritually and intellectually. Although their larger goals might have outstripped their resources, their efforts to produce a moral re- form of the peoples under their governance bore some fruit, and it was in fact to this end that the kings themselves, as well as many of the intellectuals of the period, worked.3[3.] ... (Claussen 785)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the difference between Acton and Sir George Clark?

¶1 ... The clash between Acton and Sir George Clark is a reflection of the change in our total outlook on society over the interval between these two pronouncements. Acton speaks out of the positive belief, the dear-eyed self-confidence, of the later Victorian age; Sir George Clark echoes the bewilderment and distracted scepticism of the beat generation. When we attempt to answer the question 'What is history?' our answer, consciously or unconsciously, reflects our own position in time, and forms part of our answer to the broader question what view we take of the society in which we live. ... (Carr 1964, 8)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what is the THIRD aspect of the Christian church's impact on law?

¶1 ... Thirdly, when Justinian legislated (in the 530s) that all Roman courtrooms were to display a copy of the Gospels, and that litigants and legal officials alike were to swear an oath of their Christian faith while touching the Gospels before proceedings began, he radically Christianised the operation of Roman law.24 However, this was also a recognition of common practice which we see continuing into the early Middle Ages, and one which had a double-entendre for legal literacy - on the one hand, oaths upon Gospels enriched the association of authority and truth with writing, yet on the other hand, oaths could be used to bypass or supersede the probative value of writing as evidence. ... (Everett 2009, 367)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," how did the early Church Fathers interpret scripture?

¶1 ... Though modern and contemporary biblical scholarship both have adopted "new means and new aids to exegesis"1[1. Pope Pius XII, Divino Affl ante Spiritu (1943), no. 33, trans. National Catholic Welfare Conference, in The Bible Documents: A Parish Resource (Chicago: Liturgy Training Publications, 2001), 22.] as encouraged by Pope Pius XII, the foundation laid by the early Church Fathers and the medieval Church continues to support subsequent inquiries into the meaning of the biblical text. The early Church Fathers were not bound to one meaning of the text but rather allowed the biblical text to speak its message in various ways. These various ways correspond to the levels of meaning in a text; these levels of meaning we call "the senses of Scripture." (Viviano 2008, 1)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", what does the author Mary Garrison focus on to identify Alcuin's use of biblical structures of meaning?

¶1 ... To identify one such a turning point, I shall focus especially on the way biblical words and models enabled him to grapple with the problem of theodicy after an event which was, to him, as catastrophic as the sack of Rome: namely, the sack by Vikings of the monastery of Lindisfarne in 1793—a monastery located on a tidal island off the coast of Northumbria, then widely regarded as one of the holiest places in the British Isles. ...." (Garrison 2002, 69)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, what did W.J. Brandt maintain about the lack of interest in human character and motive?

¶1 ... W.J. Brandt has maintained that the lack of interest in human character and motive which appears in chronicles can be traced to the medieval scientific "mode of perception." Medieval science, he argues, denied coherence in human character and behavior, envisioning man simply as a collection of attributes with mor or less independent status. This perceptual mode, in Brandt's view, made it impossible for chroniclers to consider character in its totality and thus to establish any workable approach to the problem of individual personality.24[24. Brandt, The Shape of Medieval History, 160. For an analysis of medieval scientific perception, see his chap. 1.] Without a theory of personality, the descriptive powers of chroniclers necessarily foundered, and any attempt to explore the relation between character and conduct was doomed to failure. (Spiegel 1997, 90).

In Anthony Lane's 2001 newspaper article "This Is Not a Movie: Same Scenes, Different Story," what the author talking about specifically between popular entertainment depictions and conceptions of terrorist attacks, and actual terrorist attacks, specifically the September 11th Terrorist Attacks?

¶1 ... We are not in the thin, unconvincing debate over cause and effect that is aired whenever a couple of worldless teen-agers, who happen, like very other kid in the land, to enjoy the kick of cinema, take their outlandish weaponry to school. We are talking, instead, of the indulgence that will always be extended to an epoch blessed with prosperity--one that has the lesire, and the cash, to indulge its fancies, not least the cheap thrill of pretending that the blessing could be wiped out. What happened on the morning of September 11th was that imaginations that had been schooled in the comedy of apocalypse were forced to reconsider the same evidence as tragic. IT was hard to make the switch; the fireball of impact was so precisely as it should be, and the breaking waves of dust that barrelled down the avenues were so absurdly- [p. 2] ¶1-recognizable--we have tasted them so frequently in other forms, such as water, flame, and Godzilla's foot--that only those close enough to breathe the foulness into their lungs could truly measure the darkening day of what it was. Charles Sanders Peirce wrote of "thisness," of the brute fact of experience that would encounter in everyday sensation; but not even the most realistic of American philosophers could have dreamed of thisness s bestial as this, so close to home. (Lane 2001, 1-2).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what evidence of the time makes the idea of the "Dark Ages" is the time period commonly known as the "Dark Ages"?

¶1 ... by the end of the eighth century Arabs called the inhabitants of Europe a "people of the book." No one had ever said this of the Romans, who snuffed out literary languages of conquered peoples, but as their empire waned and fell we witness the emergence of Gothic, Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Old Irish, Old English, Old High German and Arabic, onto the page. Women became not only respectable subjects of literature but also authors who wrote biography, poetry and prose works. The technological shift from scroll to book, and from papyrus to parchment, profoundly changed how people read, wrote, preserved and decorated the written word. The cultivation of text in churches and monasteries, which combined in one institution the previous separated entities of school, scriptorium and library, fostered an inventiveness in fashioning scripts, layout of text and systems of reference that were the foundation for how we use books today - including our standard minuscule script which you are reading now. The "Dark Ages" lighten up even more when we consider that we have more surviving evidence from the early Middle Ages than we do for the Roman empire, and that this is a fraction of what once existed. (Everett 2009, 362)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts,", what is, in Carr's view, the "life-blood of history." (Carr 1964, 28)

¶1 ... interpretation, which is the life-blood of history ... (Carr 1964, 28)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what spurred the shift away from grammarian literacy and the breakdown of the Roman education system?

¶1 ... the territorial losses of the fifth century caused its breakdown, although the Visigoths in Spain, the Merovingians in Gaul, and the Ostrogoths in Italy all inherited the land tax and with it some of the Roman infrastructure of offices and personnel that required literate skills for administration. In these new localised, territorial units, barbarian armies were sustained by landowning, and their more rudimentary organisation no longer required a bureaucratic chain of civilian administration to secure its supplies and subsistence. Military leaders still required literate personnel for diplomatic correspondence (even Attila the Hun had secretaries), and barbarian governments continued to rely on literate means for the administration of justice. However, the militarisation of the aristocracy that took place in this period, among Romans and barbarians, meant that literary education was no longer a marker of elite identity, and no longer offered any secure rewards: military capability and service became the key to wealth and status, both East and West.13[13.] ... (Everett 2009, 365)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," how does Dershowitz apply his metaphysics and philosophy to interpret the O.J. Simpson case?

¶1 A contemporaneous misuse of narrative, at least to this advocate, may have been at work in the O.J. Simpson case. The prosecution sought to persuade the jury that the canons of drama required it to conclude that O.J. Simpson's alleged history of spousal abuse inevitably led to murder his wife. Why, after all, would the editor of the narrative--who is called a judge in our legal system--allow the jury to hear evidence of alleged abuse in the first chapter unless it resulted in murder by the third chapter? Surely these past incidents must be highly relevant to the question before the jurors: Did O.J. Simpson kill his wife? The prosecutor tried to strengthen this connection by working backward from the murder--employing Sartre's rule of narrative or the legal equivalent of the dramatic flashback--and arguing that in a large proportion of cases in which a man kills his present or former spouse, the killing is preceded by a narrative of abuse of control. The defense tried to get the jurors to work forward from the alleged abuse by explaining that fewer than one-tenth of 1 percent of spousal abusers escalate to homicide and that no one can accurately predict which ones will actually commit murder, even by using such criteria as a pattern of controlling behavior. ¶2 In the words of our previous discussion, the prosecutor tried to show that there is an internal logic, a sequential progression, to its narrative of abuse, control, and murder. The defense tried to show that in real life, as contrasted with fictional drama, the isolated acts of abuse only appear ot be relevant because we now know that Nicole Brown Simpson was, in fact, murdered. But because we do not know by whom she was murdered and because this is real life filled with coincidences, randomness, and illogic, we cannot comfortably conclude that this alleged abuser became the one of more than one thousand whose acts culminated in murder. (Dershowitz 1995, 102).

¶1 A period which encompasses the fall of the Roman empire and an epoch commonly known as the "Dark Ages" might well be thought of as an inauspicious era in the history of literacy. ... (Everett 2009, 362)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," what does Dershowitz argue about narratives of justice?

¶1 Among the most pervasive narratives in the human experience have been the stories of justice. In those stories virtue is rewarded, vice punished, and justice achieved. The Psalmist reports, "I was a child and then grew old, but I never saw a righteous person abandoned or his children begging bread." This is a narrative of justice. But it is a perversely false narrative. It is false because the history of humankind is replete with the abandonment of the righteous and their children. It is perverse because it implies that those who are abandoned must necessarily been unrighteous. ¶2 As a matter of historical reality, there has been precious little justice in the history of the world. Most Nazis, even hands-on perpetrators of genocide, lived good lives after the war; many Holocaust survivors did not.14[14.] There is absolutely no empirical correlation between righteousness and reward or unrighteousness and punishment. Indeed, it is precisely because of that lack of correlation--the factual untruth of the narrative of justice--that human beings have been driven to create another narrative, one that cannot be proved or disproved. That is, of course, the narrative of Heaven and Hell, of punishment and reward in the world to come. By creating this narrative of faith, we can insist that virtue is rewarded and vice punished, if not here on earth, then somewhere else, where we can never apply the tests of empirical truth or falsity. Because the narrative of justice cannot be observed here on earth, we create an unobservable world where we can simply declare that the narrative of justice will come true. ¶3 The biblical story of Job is a wonderful example of the power of the justice narrative. God texts Job by killing his children (and taking his wealth) despite his--and their--righteousness. Job passes the test of faith, and he is given new children (and wealth). Onl in such a primitive narrative of justice would replacement children make up for the death of other children, but even this primitive ending was apparently not in the original narrative. It was added later on to satisfy the demands of the justice narrative.15[15.] (Dershowitz 1995, 102).

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, when did Christiaity become the official religion of the Roman Empire?

¶1 Chrisitanity had become the official religion of the ROman Empire in 394. Christianity spread fairly rapidly throughout most of the empire. Asceticism was one of the attractions, but in an era of social decline the morality of Christianity was also attractive... (Butt 2002, 105)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, why did Charlemagne aim for Uniformity in the Church?

¶1 In any kingdom, there is the need for some form of unity to hold the people together. In a vast empire such as Charlemagne's, there was an especially strong need for unity. Charlemagne understood these issues and believed that a universal church that was literate, with schools for training clerics as well as laypersons, and with ties to the universality of the past Roman Empire, was a very useful instrument. It could provide a commonality for all the various peoples of the empire. It could provide a clear structure of morality and order in which the people were mollified and subdued. It could provide literate administrators. It could provide a hierarchical superstructure throughout the empire for administering the king's wishes and commands. It could provide order to the empire. (Butt 2002, 109)

¶1 Secondly, the impact of Christianity, as it became the religion of the Roman state and the dominant religion of the Mediterranean and early medieval Europe, dramatically affected attitudes toward literacy and its uses, which can be seen in approaches to language, the format of texts, and the subject matter of literate discourse. We address these twin themes in that order, though they obviously overlap, and shall conclude by considering the emergence of new literate languages in this period, all of which reflect the increased importance of religion in the development of literacy.1[1.] (Everett 2009, 363)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the ALLEGORICAL SENSE of Scripture?

¶1 The allegorical sense refers to the meaning that is hidden beneath the surface of the text. The search for the allegorical meaning of texts finds its origin in the Greek world, especially in Platonic philosophy as it was understood in the Hellenistic period. Allegorical interpretation was employed to make sense of the Greek myths in which the gods often appeared crude and their behavior immoral. Underlying the allegorical method is the notion that the writers of an earlier age composed their works in a veiled language. They wrote one thing but intended another. In order to hold on to the stories of old, and yet to allow these stories to speak to a new age, it is necessary to find a meaning beyond what the written word said. In order to uncover the true meaning of those ancient myths, it is necessary to treat the written word as a symbol for a deeper reality; it is necessary to find a deeper meaning below the surface or literal meaning of the text. By means of allegorical interpretation, truth is unveiled; where there was mystery now stands revelation. (Viviano 2008, 2)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", what was Alcuin constantly getting engaged in?

¶1 Throughout his years on the continent, Alcuin was almost constantly engaged in expounding the scriptures. ..." (Garrison 2002, 68)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how does Dhuoda claim authority over William at the beginning of Liber Manualis?

¶1 Throughout the text, she endows herself with more and more authority as she concurrently reduces William to a position of increasing dependence. This process again begins in the very prologue of the book. She writes that although she is "weak in understanding, unworthy though living among worthy women, nevertheless, I am your mother," and hence she has a certain claim on William's time.74[74.] She then embarks upon a provocative analogy: just as children become absorbed in their games of dice and women in examining their faces in a mirror, so should William be absorbed in the reading of her book. At the very outset of the text, she reduces William to what a Frankish warrior would consider an inferior status: he is a small child gaming or a vain woman preening. She makes clear to him that although he may now be at court, among the powerful and famous of the world, William is still a child and dependent on her. ... (Claussen 799)

In M. A. claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", when did Pippin III, the last Carolingian mayor of the palace, depose the last king, Childeric III, and then have himself crowned, inaugurating the Carolingian dynasty?

¶1 When the Carolingian mayor of the palace, Pippin III the Short, de- posed the last Merovingian king in 751 and had himself elected and anointed to succeed him, he completed the long ascent of his family to preeminence in Francia and eventually in Europe, a preeminence that would last, in one way or another, for more than two centuries.1[1. See Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751-987 (Lon- don, 1983), 33-45; and Pierre Riché, The Carolingians: A Family Who Forged Europe, trans. Michael Idomir Allen (Philadelphia, 1993), 51-69.] (Claussen 785)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", how does Alcuin justify the use of Old Testament law to the Franks in the Adominitio generalis of 789?

¶1-... there is the wholesale application of the biblical law of the Old Testament to the Franks in the ADMONITIO GENERALIS of 789—Alduin's work—and an innovation utterly unprecedented in earlier Frankish legislation as Wilfried Hartmann has convincingly demonstrated.16[16.] ... the application of biblical law would bring Frankish society into line with God's will for his chosen people; indeed the ADMONITIO can be seen as inaugurating the phase of Carolingian court ideology which emphasised the homologies between Francia and Israel, Charlemagne and Josiah, David or Solomon.17[17.] (Garrison 2002, 72)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the distribution of labour among peasants?

¶2 ... Although women and men worked together on the harvest, normally peasants divided labor into male and female tasks. Husbands and sons tended to the work in the fields. Wives and daughters cared for chickens, prepared the dark bread that was the staple of the peasant diet, and spun and wove wool and flax to make clothing. (Geary 1998, 243).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did does the case of Arabic that best highlights the connection among late antique religious culture, literacy and shifts in the political landscape as the empires of Rome and Persia crumbled?

¶2 ... Arabic, an already literate Semitic language based on the Aramaic alphabet (via Nabataean script) and used for poetry and inscriptions, was transformed by Mohammad's teaching as the very word of God in the surahs that were gathered into the Qur'an, a word whose root, qr', means to "read out" or "cry aloud" (as with Syriac qeryana, "scriptural/liturgical reading"), underlining the oral nature of its reading.64 Yet the Qur'an was permeated with references to writing that point to the successive promotion of literacy as a fundamental aspect of Islamic culture and society. Mohammad's first revelation was an order to "Recite/read (iqra')," from a God who "taught by the pen" what humans do not know (Q. 96:1-5). His second revelation (entitled "The Pen"), began with an oath to "swear by the pen" (Q. 68). God writes down in a register everything that humans do (Q. 36:12, 54:52-53) or even think (Q. 4:81, as do angels, Q. 10:21, 43:80). However, writing was not only advocated for religious concerns. One surah invites comparison with the practical, common-sense injunctions of late Roman law concerning documents mentioned above: . . . When you contract a debt for a fixed period, write it down. Let a scribe (writer) write it down in justice between you. Let not the scribe refuse to write as Allahˆ has taught him, so let him write. And get two witnesses. . . . You should not become weary to write it (your contract), whether it be small or big, for its fixed term, that is more just with Allah, more solid as ˆ evidence, and more convenient to prevent doubts among yourselves.65[65.] (Everett 2009, 374)

In the sample of the English translation of St. Augustine's "On True Religion", what St. Augustine say about being "in praise of the worm."?

¶2 ... As the apostle says: 'All order is of God' (Rom. 13:2). We must admit that a weeping man is better than happy worm. And yet I could speak at great length without any falsehood in praise of the worm. I could point out the brightness of its colouring, the slender rounded shape of its body, the fitness of its parts from front to rear, and their effort to preserve unity as far as is possible in so lowly a creature. There is nothing anywhere about it that does not correspond to something else that matches it. What am I to say about its soul animating its tiny body? Even a worm's soul causes it to move with precision, to seek things suitable for it, to avoid or overcome difficulties as far as possible. Having regard always to the sense of safety, its soul hints much more clearly than it sboyd at the unity which creates all nature. I am speaking of any kind of living worm. Many have spoken fully and truly in praise of ashes and dung. What wonder is it then if I say that a man's soul, which, wherever it is and whatever its quality, is better than any body, is beautifully ordered, and that other beauties arise even from the penalties it undergoes? For when it is unhappy it is not where it is fitting that only the happy should be, but where it is fitting that the unhappy should be.

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during April?

¶2 ... Cattle were put out to pasture in April. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during December?

¶2 ... December was slaughter month, and then the family faced another winter. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Robert M. Stein's 2005 article "Literary Criticism and the Evidence for History,", what does Stein say about the part in the Hyde Chronicle which describes the death of King Harold as "a manifest judgment of God"?

¶2 ... Employing as it does the language of miracle, portent and prodigy on the one hand (manifesto Dei judicio) and the most schematic and stereotyped indication of battle on the other (quamvis varius in primis ... eventus et nulla morientium requies), a good half of his chronicle entry falls outside the professional belief structure of a working historian and cannot be taken for a transparent window onto 'what happened'. That the chronicler calls the event 'a manifest judgement of God' explains nothing for us; rather it is the sort of thing that generations of historians have dismissed as medieval credulousness and superstitious belief; the sort of thing that has made medieval chronicles so notoriously unreliable as sources. ... (Stein 2005, 71).

¶2 ... Firstly, the collapse of the late Roman empire was disastrous for secular traditions of literacy such as the aristocratic cultivation of classical literature, the uses of literacy in large-scale government, and the system of grammatical education that underpinned these traditions - all of which seem to increase in scale and importance in the fourth and early fifth centuries, thus compounding their loss thereafter. Nonetheless, late antique achievements in law left an enduring legacy of legal literacy that fundamentally shaped the post-Roman world. (Everett 2009, 362)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during March?

¶2 ... In March, they trimmed the vines for the growing season. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during May?

¶2 ... In May peasants cut the fodder needed by the lord's horses. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during November?

¶2 ... In November the new wine was stored in barrels, the grain was milled, and the pigs (the primary source of meat for peasants) were allowed into the forest to gorge themselves on nuts and grubs. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was peasant life during September and October?

¶2 ... In September and October grapes were harvested and winter grain (an innovation of perhaps the eighth century) was planted. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," how does Dershowitz interpret the part in the SImpson's case where the judge ruled that the jurors hsould hear about the defendant allegedly dreaming that he would kill Nicole?

¶2 ... In literature, dreams come true. Indeed, in support of the argument, the prosecutor Marcia Clark cited a song entitled "A Dream Is a Wish Your Heart Makes," from the Walt Disney cartoon movie Sleeping Beauty. In real life, however, dreams do not come true. They are not even wishes. They are "primary-process" primitive images, which are ambiguous. As one court put it, this ambiguity "leaves the meaning of the dream in the realm of mere conjecture, surmise, and speculation, and one surmise may be as good as another. Nobody knows."19[19.] Yet despite the lack of any empirical relation between dreaming about killing and actual killing, there was the danger that some jurors might have applied Chekhov's canon--or Walt Disney's fantasy--and assumed that unless the dream was relevant, it would not have been presented. This would be especially dangerous in a case where the facts follow the narrative form: in the first act the defendant dreams about killing his wife; in the second act, she is killed; and in the third act the defendant is placed on trial for the killing. Regardless of the empirical reality that only an infinitesimal percentage of people who dream about killing do kill, some jurors might have ended the drama by convicting the dreamer of being a killer.20[20.] ¶3 Jurors, like most people, are not good at thinking statistically or probabilistically.21[21.] They are much more comfortable thinking literally, teleologically, religiously, narratively. But such thinking is often misleading and inapt, at least when it comes to answering empirical questions in a world governed more by randomness than by canons of narrative drama. (Dershowitz 1995, 104).

¶2 ... January and February were the dormant months, when the family huddled together from the cold and tried to survive on the previous harvest. They live don coarse bread made from the previous year's grain, onions and leeks, adn nuts gathered from the forest. They drank wine or, in the north, a thick beer, which was a major source of protein. On special occasions they might enjoy a bit of pork. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

¶2 ... June meant plowing, July haying, and August harvesting. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what was the "decline" in the political stability of Francia?

¶2 ... The Carolingian mayors and kings had always faced rivals and opposition, organized or not, but generally they had enough support from the rest of the aristocracy to remain secure in their position.41 This changed radically during the last decade or so of Louis the Pious's reign. For all sorts of reasons, the aristocratic alliances that had propelled the Carolingians to power in the eighth century began to disintegrate in the late 820s, and the empire began to fragment.42 This was at least in- [p. 793] ¶1-part due to the unfortunate event that four of Louis's sons survived to adulthood-a problem earlier Carolingians did not have to face- and three of them eventually inherited various kingdoms of their own within the larger empire. While he was alive, Louis was able to provide some degree of centralizing force to the empire, but confusion broke out upon his death in 840. While each of the sons, along with their friends and supporters, vied for territory and ascendancy, others, such as Dhuoda's husband, Bernard of Septimania, took the opportunity to try to increase their own power and prestige.43 ... (Claussen 791)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the LITERAL sense of Scripture?

¶2 ... The literal sense refers to the sense of the words themselves; it is "that which has been expressed directly by the inspired human authors."2[2. Pontifi cal Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church (1993), no. 131, in The Bible Documents, 162.] It has been variously described as the verbal or grammatical sense, the plain sense, the sense the human author intended, the sense the divine author intended, the historical sense, and even the obvious sense. Underlying these various descriptions is the notion that "the literal sense is the meaning conveyed by the words of Scripture."3[3. Catechism of the Catholic Church (2nd ed.) (Washington, DC: Libreria Editrice Vaticana-United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2000), no. 116.] The literal sense is discovered by careful and attentive study of the biblical text using all interpretive tools available, such as grammatical aids, archaeological evidence, historical and literary analyses, sociological and anthropological studies, and whatever else can be called upon to expand one's knowledge of the historical and literary context of the text and thereby gain a better understanding of the literal sense of the biblical text. ¶3 The importance of the literal sense was long ago underscored by St. Thomas Aquinas in his recognition that "all the senses are founded on one—the literal—from which alone can any argument be drawn, and not from those intended in allegory."4[4. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, trans. English Dominicans (New York: Christian Classics, 1981), I, 1, 10, ad. 1.] This importance was reiterated in Pope Pius XII's exhortation to Catholic biblical scholars: "let the Catholic exegete undertake the task, of all those imposed on him the greatest, that namely of discovering and expounding the genuine meaning of the Sacred Books. In the performance of this task let the interpreters bear in mind that their foremost and greatest endeavor should be to discern and define clearly that sense of the biblical words which is called literal."5[5. Pope Pius XII, Divino Affl ante Spiritu, no. 23.] (Viviano 2008, 1)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," why did 19th-century historians ignore the philosophy of history?

¶2 ... The nineteenth century was, for the intellectuals of western Europe, a comfortable period exuding confidence and optimism. The farts were on the whole satisfactory; and the inclination to ask and answer awkward questions about them was correspondingly weak. ... [p. 20] ¶1 ... The liberal nineteenth-century view of history had a close affinity with the economic doctrine of laissez-faire - also the product of a serene and self-confident outlook on the world. Let everyone get on with his particular job, and the hidden hand would take care of the universal harmony. The facts of history were themselves a demonstration of the supreme fact of a beneficent and apparently infinite progress towards higher things. ... (Carr 1964, 19-20)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did Cassiodorus's Institutions impact the form of the book?

¶2 ... The switch to parchment for books (from the third century onwards) encouraged the use of more rounded letter forms, rather than angular, multiple stroke letters better suited for the rough surface of papyrus. Dubbed "uncial" script by modern palaeographers, this script became the book-hand of the early Middle Ages, which by the seventh and eighth centuries began to morph (often via "half-uncial" and more cursive scripts) into the more economic minuscule script that was the forerunner of Caroline minuscule, the basis of our script today. ... (Everett 2009, 369)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what is Dhuoda's view of fathers?

¶2 ... What then of her vaunted respect for her husband Bernard, and her king, Charles the Bald? 85 In a monastic model of family, the role of the abbot should go to Bernard, just as in the monastic model of empire, it would go to Charles. It is true that Dhuoda speaks often, and reverently, of father and fathers and of their important role in society, but there is ambiguity here, ambiguity that is hidden in the modern editions of the text. Pater and patres- these words can refer to Bernard,- [p. 802] ¶1-certainly, and to other fathers, but they can also refer to God, on the one hand, and the patriarchs, on the other.86[86.] In fact, Dhuoda's under- standing of fatherhood is only partially biological. She instead looks at the exemplary Father, that is God, as the model of how other, more earthly, fathers should be, just as she looks at the exemplary King, again God, to see how kings should act. And though in the end Charles comes out acceptably, Bernard is definitely found wanting. (Claussen 801-802)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what is the source that Claussen cites the most?

¶2 ... given their role in daily prayer during the early Middle Ages, the psalms take pride of place in sheer number of citations and allusions.21[21.] Almost a third of her references-roughly two hundred out of six hundred forty-are to the psalter; but she is often simply using its language to make other, more personal points. ... (Claussen 788)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", what was the real shock Alcuin had following the attack on Lindisfarne?

¶2 ... in Alcuin's eyes the real shock was teh silence of St Cuthbert. How had he permitted htis? Echoing Jerome, Alcuin asked 'what safety do the churches of Britain have if St Cuthbert ... did not defend his own church?'19[19.] Alcuin registered his horror and uncertainty about the significance of the event openly. He was not sure whose sins were being punished by the event, or whether in fact ''the lord scourgeth every son whom he receives' (Heb. 12.6) and so harsher castigation might betoken more love.20[20.] Alcuin's initial response to the attack invites comparison with Augustine's reaction to the sack of Rome; in the words of Augustine's biographer, it shows 'all the confused emotions of [a person] who feels obscurely that the world he lives in can no longer be taken for granted'.21[21.] Years later however, unlike Augustine,22[22.] ALcuin would come to believe for a time that he could discern God's plan in secular contemporary history, and would dare, in retrospect, to offer an interpretation. (Garrison 2002, 73)

¶2 ... underwriting it was a genuine need for literate personnel to staff the state bureaucracy. ... The greatest need for governmental literacy, however, was the need to facilitate the Roman fiscal system, the disintegration of which, in the course of the territorial losses to barbarian rulers during the fifth century, was arguably the biggest blow of all to the survival of secular uses of writing into the early Middle Ages. For paperwork (or papyrus-work) facilitated the chain of command: praetorian prefects calculated the required levels of taxation needed and communicated these to the provincial governors, who then announced them with formal proclamation (often by posting public notices) to cities, whose councillors were responsible for their collection. If these councillors were not armed with official documents naming the amounts required, local landowners, who also kept records, could, and did, refuse to pay.11[11.] ... (Everett 2009, 364)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what did a sobering assessment of literacy in the Roman world by Maxi Harris conclude about the percentage of the adult male population that was "literate"?

¶2 A sobering assessment of literacy in the Roman world by Max Harris concluded that even in the imperial heydays of the JulioClaudian or Antonine rulers, no more than 10 to 15 percent of the adult male population was "literate" in any meaningful sense of being able to read and write basic things (what has been termed "craftman's literacy"). When we include women, who were mostly illiterate, the percentage of population is halved. ... (Everett 2009, 363)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how unique is about Dhuoda's use of the term "quasi", and what is an example of Dhuoda's use of a psalm?

¶2 A typical example occurs in the first chapter of book 5, when Dhuoda is explaining to William that her outlook on the world is based on the word quasi-"as though." She argues that we must always remember that spiritual things are greater and more noble than material. Those- [p. 789] ¶1-who forget this important point live "as though" in a dream. According to Dhuoda, the great error people make is to confuse the quasi reality of our mundane world with the full being of the spiritual realm. As she elegiacally puts it, for those who make this mistake, "there remains nothing during their funeral chants but quasi."22[22.] She links this quasi to the famous admonition in Ecclesiastes that all is vanity, and ends the paragraph with verses from Psalm 75.23[23.] "Behold you have quasi entangled and joined with chains to the sleep of vanity. Why? Because, as the psalmist says, the foolish of heart were confused, those who have mounted their horses have become sluggish, and awakening from their sleep, they have found nothing in their hands, they have followed a path that cannot be retraced."24[24.] Dhuoda concludes that those who have lived evilly will indeed have a heavy and unbroken sleep, as they languish in hell for all eternity. (Claussen 788-789)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", what does Alcuin's writings do for a historian?

¶2 Alcuin's writings allow a glimpse, rare for the eighth century, of how a knowable individual was affected by an era of upheaval; through his letters, one can trace his use of the bible as he reacted to precipitous change. Alcuin observed and was affected by events both in his native England and in Charlemagne's Francia, where he had lived since the early 78-s. he witnessed Charlemagne's unprecedented conquests and contributed to the Frankish king's ambitious projects of cultural and religious renewal at a time when civil and ecclesiastical order and orderly dynastic succession were crumbling in England, most disastrously of all, in his native Northumbria. In 793 Alcuin was deeply shaken by the Viking attack on the Northumbrian monastery of Lindisfarne, one the earliest documented instances of such devastation. Then, from the mid-790s, while Charlemagne was establishing a capital in Aachen and being hailed as David or as the founder of a new Golden Age, the regicides and expulsions that had punctuated Northumbrian history in the preceding decades began to occur with a frequency that would make even the history of the Visigoths seem stable in comparison.3[3. Barbara Yorke, Kings and kingdoms of early Anglo-Saxon England (London 1990) 86-89, 94-95.] At this time, disorder and political violence also broke out in Mercia and Kent. News of Offa's death and the collapse of his Mercian hegemony in 796 and the consequent flight of the archbishop of Canterbury, Aethelheard,4[4. Nicholas P. Brooks, The early history of the church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066, Studies in the Early History of Britain (Leicester 1984) 111-27; F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (3rd ed. Oxford 1989) 223-25; Simon Keynes, 'Changing faces; Offa king of Mercia', History Today 40 (November 1990) 14-19.] coincided with the dramatic Carolingian victory over the Avars and the mission from Salzburg. These events surely contributed to Alcuin's decision to remain abroad in Francia, declining what we can infer to have been an invitation to return tohis native York as archbishop.5[5. C.J.B. Gaskoin, Alcuin: his life and work (Cambridge 1908) 89; Catherine Cubitt, 'Wilfrid's "usurping bishops": episcopal elections in Anglo-Saxon England c.600-c.800', Northern History 25 (1989) 18-38. Alcuins decision is analysed n my Alcuin's world through his letters and verse (PhD diss. Cambridge 1996), and in the book derived from the dissertation, forthcoming with Cambridge Unversity Press.] Alcuin reacted to all of these various upheavals in numerous letters which are frequently densely packed with biblical quotations and allusions." (Garrison 2002, 68)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, why was the Rule of Benedict adopted?

¶2 Benedict wrote his Rule following a prototype that already existed, but Benedict's Rule was not only better organized, it was kinder and gentler. Instead of the autocratic tone of other rules, Benedict's called for even the abbot to rule with love and to take the views of all of the monks into account. It was careful to ensure that those who joined were appropriate by insisting that the individual wanting to join knock at the door for several days before being admitted and that when admitted, the individual spend one full year as a novitiate before being asked ot take vows for life. (Butt 2002, 122)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", how does Dhuoda's use of the text illustrate its effect on her life?

¶2 Dhuoda's use of this text exemplifies just how deeply the Bible, and especially the psalms, has structured her thought and the way she expressed herself. Gregory the Great said the text that is read must be transformed into the reader's very self.26 This is the ethical part of the reading process, where simple lectio is altered by meditatio into a useful store of information, upon which the reader can draw to direct her own life. What Dhuoda does with these verses from Psalm 75 (and with most of her other borrowings from the psalms and indeed from scripture in general) is clearly the fruit of meditatio on the psalms, the part of the Bible she no doubt knew best, not only from reading them, but from praying them daily.27 Because she shares in this particular ethic of reading-quite different from our own interest in citing texts and authors correctly and accurately-Dhuoda has little concern with maintaining the integrity of her original source: thus she not only re- arranges it better to suit her needs, but she even adds to it.28 Were it not for our modern editor's careful italicizing of words in passages taken from Scripture, it would be difficult to detect which were Dhuoda's own invention and which were from the Bible. The way and rhythm of the psalms, as much as their content, have so left their mark, that even her two bold additions, "expurgefacti a somno" and "transierunt inrevocabili gressu," strike us as psalmic.29 (Claussen 790)

In Mary Garrison's 2002 article "The Bible and Alcuin's Interpretation of Current Events", what sort of allusions did Alcuin use when addressing the "wicked king of Northumbria, AEthelred?

¶2 First an example of an unsubtle and threatening use of biblical quotations addressed to a wicked king in order to warn of the possibility of divine retribution. Scripture and history could provide appropriate warnings for the wicked king of Northumbria, Aethelred, who had expelled and murdered his predecessor, had been expelled once himself, and would later be murdered by his own court.24[24.] The possibility that the Viking attack was a punishment for such wickedness was obvious to Alcuin, but he expressed it guardedly, for he was not yet sure of the meaning of the event, whether punishment (and whose) might be intended. ... -->|¶2.1 'he who reads the scriptures and broods on the ancient histories and considers the fortune of the world will find that, because of sins of this kind, kings have destroyed their kingdoms and peoples, their fatherland. And when the mighty have unustly seized the property of others, they have deservedly lost their own'.25[25.] patriam perdidisse: not just to lose, but to squander, do away with, destroy -- a clear reference to the history of Israel. ... (Garrison 2002, 74)

¶2 If Charlemagne was to build a unified empire, he needed a reformed CHurch. The papacy was willing to allow Charlemagne to take the lead on reforms because the papacy needed Charlemagne's protection, and the Church knew that it needed reform. Pope Gregory I had called for reforms because the papacy needed Charlemagne's protection, and the Church knew that it needed reform. Pope Gregory I had called for reforms long before, but only with Charlemagne was there the coercion to bring about the reforms. ¶2 Charlemagne began to reform the Church in numerous ways. In his General Admonition of 789, Charlemagne demanded that priests have good manners and lead a just and fitting life, as commanded in the gospel, so that by their example people would be led to the service of God. In a capitularity from 803, it was ordered that priests not be ordained without examination. At the councils of Tours in 813 and Mainz in 847, it was recommended that priests be able to preach in the local language of their parishioners--the vernacular. This was sometimes a problem when priests from the western part of the empire were moved into churches in the eastern regions of the empire, but the more common problem was that the priests knew little more than the vernacular. Only through the knowledge of Latin could the priest be a part of a universal Church, while use of the vernacular connected the priest to the people. [p. 111] ¶1 There were Greek-Latin glossaries, so some were even able to learn Greek to read church fathers and commentaries from the eastern Mediterranean, but this was rare indeed. ¶2 Charlemagne was willing to exhort the people by stating his own beliefs, probably laid out, in actuality, by his leading clerics. His doctrine included the basics of Christianity: belief in one god, the Trinity of Father, Son, and HOly Spirit, knowledge that God's son Jesus was begotten of the HOly Spirit out of the Virgin Mary, and that for humans' salvation Christ suffered death and rose from the dead on the third day, ascended into heaven, sits at the right hand of GOd, and will come to judge the living and the dead. His statement goes on to assure that baptism saves people from their sins, that there is eternal life, and that confession, repentance, and forgiveness relieve one of daily sins. People should be loving, humble, and kind and care about the poor and downtrodden. (Butt 2002, 110-111)

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", to what end is Dhuoda comparing the biblical patriarch Joseph to her husband Bernard of Sylvestris?

¶2 In praising Joseph, the comparison Dhuoda wants William to make between her husband and the biblical hero is clear. Joseph, the model son, the model father, the model counselor, served his various lords in every way, even serving the "pagan" pharaoh without abandoning the ways of his own religion.113[113.] Bernard, whose circumstances were so- [p. 807] ¶1-similar, did otherwise: he dishonored Louis when he seduced his wife, Charles when he consistently betrayed him, Dhuoda herself by his adultery, William by his shameful use of him as a political chit, and through and because of all of this he dishonored his God as well. And if, as Dhuoda argues in book 3, the respect and obedience due a father are due him on account of his honor, William indeed owes Bernard little other than the prayers that could lead to his conversion. Bernard is a loser, in this reckoning, on many counts. (Claussen 806-807)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, how did monastic chroniclers, trained on the daily reading of the Bible, transfer that way of reading to history?

¶2 It seems obvious that monastic chroniclers, trained on the daily reading of the Bible, could easily have transferred this way of reading Scripture to the interpretation of history.29[29.] What is involved is the secularization of typology, its application to the material supplied by history rather than sacred events. As early as the second century, Christian writers began to view occurrences in their own lives as the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecies.30[30.] It is not hard to imagine, once this step was (Spiegel 1997, 92).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the origin the ALLEGORICAL SENSE of Scripture?

¶2 Like the ancient Greek myths, many passages in the Jewish Scriptures are obscure or seemingly inconsistent, or the content of the passage is seen as unacceptable when judged by the standards of a later age. Use of the allegorical method to interpret the Bible in the early Church could explain away its inconsistencies, the questionable behavior of its characters, and its crudeness. The greatest proponent of allegorical method of interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures was Philo of Alexandria. In his search for the deeper significance of the text, Philo identified biblical characters with abstract virtues or with the soul in its journey through life. Names, numbers, measurements, and seemingly mundane details were explored for their hidden meaning and given cosmic or mystical significance.9[9. James L. Kugel, Early Biblical Interpretation (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986), 82.] The allegorical method of Philo of Alexandria was influential in the development of Christian allegorical interpretation. (Viviano 2008, 2)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, what is the history of monasticism?

¶2 Monasticism, from the word "monos" (alone), originated with individuals living alone. The movement began in the Middle East, in Egypt and Palestine, toward the end of the third century C.E. It was a way for individuals to remove themselves from society to pursue ascetic, spiritual, godly lives in solitude as hermits. But as these individuals and their feats of holiness began to attract followers, monasticism soon developed into communities. By the fourth century C.E. the desert to the west of the Nile and the wilderness in Judea were scattered with small communities of monks. Most monks at that time were not priests but lay-people who wanted to live the most spiritual life possible and found these remote colonies to be the most effective way. ¶3 In the fourth century, the ideas of Eastern monasticism were transmitted to the West. Stories, both oral and written, fo the desert hermits of the East attracted individuals from the West to go and experience that life, and also some of the ascetics left their enclaves in the East to move to the West. Several "centers" of monasticism were established; one at Tours, founded by St. Martin, was among the earliest in the West, twin centers, one for men and one for women, were established by Cassian at Marseilles, and others soon began to crop up. Although the tradition had been one of individuals isolated, but living near one another, in the West it was found that the community worked better. In the early stage of monasticism, the training for the monks worked better to have them living together--what is known as cenobitic life. This became so much the norm that the word monasticism is used to describe what is really cenobiticism. The Western monk wished not so much to flee the world as to give an example to society of a life of simplicity and godly living that one gained through self-denial. (Butt 2002, 121)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," who does Dershowitz present as expert witnesses to support his metaphysical point of view?

¶2 My colleague Stephen Jay Gould, in his ... "Wonderful Life", teaches us that much of life, both on the micro and macro levels, is so random and without purpose that if we were to rewind the tape of life and replay it, it would come out differently every time.7[7.] Homo sapiens is not the preordained, logical, purposeful end of evolution. It si the accidental, random result of a series of historical contingencies that would never be replicated even if we could return to the time of the Burgess Shale and, like Michael Finnegan, begin again. Most of what happens--from the dinosaur extinction to the Holocaust, to teh AIDS epidemic, to random killings, to brain tumors, ot the lottery--are not part of any plan. To believe otherwise is to accept a particularly nasty variant of the "naturalistic fallacy."8[8.] ¶3 To be sure, after the fact, we may be able to offer a plausible retrospective account, a story or a narrative of what happened. As Sartre put it: "When you tell about life ... you seem to start at the beginning. ... But in reality you have started at the end.'9[9.] Narrative often starts at the end. But rarely can we employ such retrospective accounts to predict their reoccurrence. Nor is this lack of prophetic ability merely a function of our relative ignorance. Often it is simply in the nature of things.10[10.] Quantum physics corroborates on the micro level what paleontology teaches on the macro level. The most important rule in the game of life is that generally there are no knowable rules. Perhaps it is the often-unspoken recognition of this nihilistic reality that drives us so powerfully toward prescriptive human laws by which we can exercise some control over our mostly random destiny and toward purpose narratives by which we seek to impose an order on the largely disordered events of life. (Dershowitz 1995, 101).

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what are some of the ways an idealized "Middle Ages" feature in popular culture?

¶2 One way in which the Middle Ages can be appropriated to satisfy modern concerns, and something which is likely to become even more evident in the future, is the fashioning of an image of medieval civilization as a pre-industrial idyll, a time when people supposedly lived in harmony with their environment. ... (Bull 2005, 19)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, what did W.J. Brandt maintain about the 400-1500 chroniclers concept of causation?

¶2 Similarly, Brandt and other shave argued that medieval chroniclers lacked any concept of causation. The exemplarist and stereotypical use of historical events and persons meant the abandonment of a concern for causal process. It elevated these data into the realm of universal moral precepts, denying what a modern historian would consider their historicity, their relationship to a historical context. The result was an enormously weak sense of anachronism, an inability to distinguish the particularity of historical phenomena and separate them from universally valid moral principles.25[25.] (Spiegel 1997, 90).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how did the king's delegate authority?

¶2 Since kings could not be everywhere at once, they were represented locally by aristocrats who enjoyed royal favor. In the Frankish world these favorites were called COUNTS and their districts COUNTIES. In England royal representatives were termed EALDORMEN and their regions were known as SHIRES. Whether counts or ealdormen, these representatives were military commanders and judicial officers drawn from aristocratic families close to the king. Under competent and effective kings, partnership with these aristocratic families worked well. Under less competent rulers and during the reigns of minors, these families often managed to turn their districts into hereditary, almost autonomous regions. The same thing happened when rival members of the royal house sought supporters against their cousin and brothers. The sphere of royal authority shrank or expanded, in large measure in response to the individual qualities of the king. (Geary 1998, 247).

In M. A. Claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", what does Dhuoda accomplish by her use of scripture?

¶2 The Rule of Benedict is another of the Carolingian reform texts par excellence.46[46.] Dhuoda cites or alludes to the rule a dozen times, and among the lay writers of the early Middle Ages, this is extraordinary.47[47.] After all, the Rule was a professional text of a sort, of great interest to monks and nuns, and even bishops and priests, but probably little read outside these circles.48[48.] But Dhuoda's family, at least the family- [p. 795] ¶1-into which she married, had a long association with both monasticism and the Rule.49[49.] Her father-in-law was count William, who entered and probably founded the monastery of Gellone in the early years of the ninth century.50[50.] William's vita very early on migrated into the middle of the biography of Benedict of Aniane, the great Carolingian monas- tic reformer, and there came to rest between chapters 30 and 31;51[51.] and by 822 Gellone came under the direct control of Aniane.52[52.] Finally, as the genealogy now stands, it seems that Dhuoda's grandson was that William who endowed the monastery of Cluny in 909, an act which would later earn him the appellation of Pious.53[53.] (Claussen 794-795)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what historical-critical method has largely been adopted by the contemporary Catholic church?

¶2 The discussion of the fuller sense continues, but it has been largely eclipsed by the adoption of the historical-critical method within Catholic circles in the middle of the twentieth century. Pope Pius XII published Divino Afflante Spiritu in 1943, authorizing the use of contemporary biblical methods of interpretation: →|¶2.1 As in our age, indeed new questions and new difficulties are multiplied, so by God's favor, new means and aids to exegesis are also provided. . . . Let the interpreter then, with all care and without neglecting any light derived from recent research, endeavor to determine the peculiar character and circumstances of the sacred writer, the age in which he lived, the sources written or oral to which he had recourse and the forms of expression he employed. (no. 33) The position taken by Pope Pius XII was reaffirmed at Vatican II in the document Dei Verbum17[17. Second Vatican Council, Dei Verbum (Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation), in The Basic Sixteen Documents: Vatican Council II: Constitutions, Decrees, Declarations, ed. Austin Flannery (New York: Costello Publishing Company, 1996). See especially 3:11-12.] and again in The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church. (Viviano 2008, 4)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," how did the fourfold sense of Scripture affect exegesis during the medieval period?

¶2 The exegetes of the medieval period seem to have taken these statements as programmatic for interpretation. Though some spoke of as many as seven senses of Scripture, it became commonplace to refer to the fourfold senses of Scripture. A simple poem attributed to Augustine of Dacia captures the medieval commitment to the four senses of Scripture: "The letter teaches events; allegory what you should believe; morality teaches what you should do, anagogy what mark you should be aiming for."13[13. Henri de Lubac, Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses of Scripture, trans. Mark Sebanc (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1998), 1. The Latin text reads: Littera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, Moralis quid agas, quo tendas anagogia (footnote 1, p. 271). It is found in the Rotulus pugillaris published in 1206 by Augustine of Dacia.] In the medieval period there were some, such as Hugh of St. Victor and his followers, who leaned toward a more literal interpretation; others, such as Bernard of Clairvaux, leaned toward a more spiritual interpretation. More often, though, these various senses of Scripture were set side by side; and all of them were seen as viable, even if very different, ways in which to understand the biblical text. (Viviano 2008, 3)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," who first proposed the fourfold sense of Scripture?

¶2 The fourfold senses of Scripture—the literal, allegorical, moral (tropological), and anagogic senses—were first proposed by John Cassian (ca. 360-435). By way of example, Cassian wrote, "The one Jerusalem can be understood in four different ways, in the historical sense as the city of the Jews, in allegory as the Church of Christ, in anagoge as the heavenly city of God 'which is the mother of us all' (Gal 4:26), in the tropological sense as the human soul."11[11. John Cassian, Conferences, trans. Colm Luibheid (New York: Paulist Press, 1985), 160.] St. Augustine set forth a similar fourfold division in De Genesi ad litteram: "In all the sacred books, we should consider eternal truths that are taught, the facts that are narrated, the future events that are predicted, and the precepts or counsels that are given" (1.1).12[12. St. Augustine, The Literal Meaning of Genesis, trans. John Hammond Taylor (New York: Newman Press, 1982), 19.] (Viviano 2008, 3)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, what was the purpose of the prayers of the monks of Centula

¶2 The purpose of the prayers of the monks of Centula was asking for pardon from punishment for sin of the souls of those living and dead. When Charlemagne granted the rebuilding of Centula, he expected to merit pardon for his sins through the prayers of the monks and thereby help work toward salvation. The medieval belief was that the merit that accrued to an individual through prayer and good works could be transferred to others, both living and dead, through prayer for that individual. Since salvation was determined by merit through good works that oe accumulated, this transfer of merit was a useful aid in gaining salvation. Charlemagne also believed that the prayers might help to provide stability to the kingdom and that the establishment of Centula would give assistance when necessary to the kingdom. This assistance might come in the form of military assistance, monetary assistance, or any number- [p. 118] ¶1-of other forms. ... (Butt 2002, 117-118)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the rhythm of peasant life?

¶2 The rhythm of peasant life was tied to the agricultural cycle, which had changed little since antiquity. ... (Geary 1998, 243).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the SECOND insight that Collingwood brought to history?

¶2 The second point is the more familiar one of the historian's need of imaginative understanding for the minds of the people with whom he is dealing, for the thought behind their acts: I say 'imaginative understanding', not 'sympathy', lest sympathy should be supposed to imply agreement. The nineteenth century was weak in medieval history, because it was too much repelled by the superstitious beliefs of the Middle Ages, and by the barbarities which they inspired, to have any imaginative understanding of medieval people. Or take Burckhardt's censorious remark about the Thirty Years War: 'It is scandalous for a creed, no matter whether it is Catholic or Protestant, to place its salvation above the integrity of the nation.'1[1. J. Burckhardt, Judgements on History and Historians (1959) p. 179.] It was extremely difficult for a nineteenth-century liberal historian, brought up to believe that it is right and praiseworthy to kill in defence of one's country, but wicked and wrong-headed to kill in defence of one's religion, to enter into the state of mind of those who fought the Thirty Years War. ... History cannot be written unless the historian can achieve some kind of contact with the mind of those about whom he is writing. (Carr 1964, 24)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what were the views of Oxford philosopher and historian Collingwood?

¶2 The views of Collingwood can be summarized as follows. The philosophy of history is concerned neither with 'the past fey itself nor with 'the historian's thought about it by itself', but with' the two things in their mutual relations'. (This dictum reflects the two current meanings of the word 'history' - the inquiry conducted by the historian and the series of past events- [p. 22] ¶1-into which he inquires.) 'The past which a historian studies is not a dead past, but a past which in some sense is still living in the present.' But a past act is dead, i.e. meaningless to the historian, unless he can understand the thought that lay behind it. Hence 'all history is the history of thought', and 'history is the re-enactment in the historian's mind of the thought whose history he is studying'. The reconstitution of the past in the historian's mind is dependent on empirical evidence. But it is not in itself an empirical process, and cannot consist in a mere recital of facts. On the contrary, the process of reconstitution governs the selection and interpretation of the facts: this, indeed, is what makes them historical facts.' History', says Professor Oakeshott, who on this point stands near to Collingwood,' is the historian's experience. It is "made" by nobody save the historian: to write history is the only way of making it.'1[1 M. Oakeshott, Experience and Its Modes (1933), p. 99.] (Carr 1964, 21-22)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what are 2 basic sense of Scripture?

¶2 There are two basic senses of Scripture: the literal sense and the spiritual sense. ... (Viviano 2008, 1)

In M. A. claussen's 1996 article "Fathers of Power and Mothers of Authority: Dhuoda and the Liber manualis", who was the author, and the intended audience, of the Liber Manualis?

¶2 Unique among these texts is the work of Dhuoda, wife of Bernard, count of Septimania.8[8.] Written in the town of Uzes, where her husband- [p. 787] ¶1- had some sort of center of power, between November 841 and February 843,9[9.] Dhuoda addressed her handbook (she calls it a manualis10[10.]) to her teenage son William, who had been given over to Charles the Bald as a pledge of his father's continuing loyalty to Charles's newly established regime.11[11.]... (Claussen 787)

¶3 ... Barbarian law codes drew heavily from the Theodosian Code, and more often from the same sources of provincial law behind it; and here we find the greatest legacy of Roman law for literacy, namely, the promotion of writing as the highest form of proof in property law. ... (Everett 2009, 365)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what is Gregory of Tours's account of Clovis and the pitcher?

¶3 ... Clovis was dividing up the booty after his victory at Soissons when the bishop of the city approached and asked him to return a large pitcher. Clovis wished to do so and asked his warriors to grant him the pitcher over and above Clovis's normal share of the spoils. All agreed except for one Frank, who struck the pitcher with his battle-ax, declaring, "You shall have none of this booty except your fair share." Clovis did nothing to this warrior until the annual military muster the following March. When he came to the man who had struck the pitcher, he berated him for the poor condition of his weapons and threw his ax to the ground. As the man bent over to pick it up, Clovis used his own ax to split open the man's head. "That," he said, "is for what you did to my pitcher in Soissons." (Geary 1998, 246).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what do historical studies of literacy reveal about where the highest rates of literacy occur?

¶3 ... Historical studies of literacy have shown that rural, religious settings can produce the highest rates of literacy. The idea that literacy was valued any less in the economically less buoyant world of Late Antiquity is difficult to square with what we know about the role of literacy in late Roman government, the type of education it promoted, and the attitudes toward the written word that Christianity brought with it as it became a state-sponsored religion that eventually became dominant across the Mediterranean and European landscape. (Everett 2009, 363)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, from where did the elite emerge in post-Roman Germanic society?

¶3 ... In Germanic society, the elite owed its position to a combination of inherited status and wealth, perpetuated through military command. Families who produced great military commanders were thought to have a special war-luck granted by the gods. The war-luck bestowed on men and women of these families a near-sacred legitimacy. (Geary 1998, 244).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what is the difference between the ancient Romans and the Christians regarded the role of literacy?

¶3 ... Romans never encouraged the extension of literacy to lower orders of society, never imagined large-scale systems of schooling or learning, never required a literate workforce (slaves could meet whatever demand there was), and did not have the technological means for any mass diffusion of texts. These last three points apply equally to the period under discussion here, as they could to pre-modern Europe on the whole.4[4.] Christianity, however, did encourage literacy, in a manner that shifted the sociological anchors of literacy (see below). ... (Everett 2009, 363)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did the ideal of SERMO HUMILIS affect the Christian church's attitude toward literacy?

¶3 ... The ideal of sermo humilis, simple (humble) speech - the language in which Christ spoke the truth to his uneducated disciples, the language of scripture - opened up the possibilities of acquiring literate skills to the considerable range of people automatically excluded from the grammarian's classroom, notably women, but also the poorer classes, as the Psalter replaced Virgil or Homer as the elementary school text.28[28.] The emphasis on simple speech developed into reflexive Christian polemic against rhetoric that effectively cut at the roots of late antique education. We witness this struggle first-hand in the well-documented careers of educated Christians like Jerome, whose love of Latin literature caused nightmares in which God accused him of being "not a Christian, but a Ciceronian"; and Augustine, a former hotshot professor of rhetoric, whose disillusionment with his own trade and grammatical education resulted in the first developed theory of reading in the West.29[29.] By the end of the sixth century, literate discourse was restricted to an exclusively scriptural framework. A seventh-century school text, imitating the dialogue format common in introductory grammars, begins with the teacher asking the student about the individual letters of the alphabet, "from which all branches of scripture spring" (thus playing on the word scriptura as "writing"), proceeds to discussing the individual books of the Bible, then finishes by addressing apparent contradictions in scripture as a means of introducing the principles of allegorical reading.30[30.] Literacy here has become synonymous with knowledge of the Bible. (Everett 2009, 368)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, why did 400-1500 chroniclers draw analogies between various rulers?

¶3 ... When the chroniclers drew analogies between their rulers and David, Alexander, Constantine, or Charlemagne, they were not merely ascribing a particular list of attributes to their subject. They were affirming a positive, virtually causal relationship between what a David or a Constantine had done and the deeds of the "new David." The record of the past was seen as having a relation to the present that was more than prescriptive, if less than what we would consider as scientifically causal. In this way the past not only explains the present, it exercises an indirect influence over contemporary events. The sense of an implicit relationship to what had happened before made it unneces- [p. 93] ¶1-sary for these historians to investigate the immediate causes of occurrences. In the minds of the chroniclers, Philip Augustus acted as he did "because" Charlemagne had, and what Charlemagne did he, too, would do. While explaining the present, the past casts the shape of the future. Typological thinking sets up a complex field of influences which ties past and present, present and future into one essentially prophetic mode of analyzing history. For this reason a characteristic voice of history in the chronicles of Saint-Denis is prophecy; not in the Old Testament sense fo decrying contemporary practice and foretelling better or worse days to come, but in its ability to establish genuine historical relationships between temporally distinct phenomena. (Spiegel 1997, 92-93).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what happened to Clovis's realm after his death?

¶3 After Clovis's death in 511, his kingdom was divided among his four sons. This decision to fragment his lands probably resulted from a compromise agreement among his sons, his Germanic warriors, and his Roman advisers. For the next 200 years, the heart of the Frankish kingdom--the region between the Rhine and Loire rivers--was often divided into the kingdoms of Neustria, Burgundy, and Austrasia, each ruled by a Merovingian king. The outlying regions of Aquitane and Provence to the south and Alemania, Thuringia, and Bavaria to the east were governed by Frankish dukes appointed by the kings. Still, the Frankish world was never as divided as Anglo-Saxon England. In the early eighth century, a unified Frankish kingdom reemerged as the dominant force in Europe. (Geary 1998, 240).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," where is the ALLEGORICAL SENSE of Scripture applied in the early church?

¶3 Allegorical interpretation is already found in the New Testament. For example, Paul in the Epistle to the Galatians says, →|¶3.1 For it is written that Abraham had two sons, one by the slave woman and the other by a freeborn woman. The son of the slave woman was born naturally, the son of the freeborn through a promise. Now this is an allegory. These women are two covenants. One was from Mount Sinai, bearing children for slavery; this is Hagar. . . . But 9 James L. Kugel, Early Biblical Interpretation (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986), 82. the Jerusalem above is freeborn, and she is our mother. (Gal 4:22-26) The allegorical method of interpretation dominated in the early Church from the time of Clement of Alexandria (150 to 211/215 CE) through the fourth century. Origen, living in the 3rd century CE, is perhaps the greatest representative of this kind of interpretation. (Viviano 2008, 2)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was done about the two different forms of Christianity that emerged in Britain in the 7th century?

¶3 As Irish missionaries spread south from Iona and Roman missionaries moved north from Canterbury, their efforts created in England two opposing forms of Orthodox Christianity. One was Roman, episcopal, and hierarchical. The other was Celtic, monastic, and decentralized. The Rooman and Celtic churches agreed on basic doctrines. However, each had its own calendar of religious feasts and its own rituals. These differences posed serious problems since they existed not only in the same society but sometimes even within the same family. For example, a wife who followed Roman custom might be fasting and abstaining from meat during the season of penance that preceded Easter, while her husband, who followed the Celtic calendar--according to which Easter came earlier--was already feasting and celebrating. It was precisely this situation that led King Oswy of Northumbria (d. 670) to call an episcpal meeting, or synod, in 663 at Whitby to settle the issue. After hearing arguments from both sides, Oswy accepted the customs of the Roman Church--allying himself and ultimately all of Anglo-Saxon England with the centralized, hierarchical form of Christianity, which could be used to strengthen his monarchy. (Geary 1998, 238).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, who was Cassiodorus and how did he impact reading?

¶3 Cassiodorus (c. 485-585), whose career and corpus of works traces the demise of the secular, civilian traditions of literature in Italy across the sixth century, applied Eugippius' techniques to the works produced at his own monastery in Vivarium. He went even further in exploiting the visual component of reading that was fostered by the cloistered, meditative environment of the monastery, where silent reading was encouraged.39[39.] In the preface to his Institutions,40[40.] a bibliographic guide to his library at Vivarium, Cassiodorus lamented his and Pope Agapetus' failure to establish a school of Christian studies in Rome because of the Gothic wars, and showed his monks another way: . . . I have prepared for you, with God's aid, these introductory books in place of a teacher (ad vicem magistri). . . . [For] you make a serious teacher angry if you question him often, but however often you want to return to these books you will not be rebuked with any severity . . . So . . . [now] you have teachers of a former age always available and prepared to teach you not so much as by their speech as through your eyes. (Everett 2009, 369)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what was Christian church's impact on literacy?

¶3 Christianity dramatically affected literacy because of its intensely personal message that one's very salvation depended upon a knowledge of scriptures. All Christians, not simply an aristocratic elite, were encouraged to learn the Bible.26[26.] ... (Everett 2009, 367)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, what was education like in the time of Charlemagne?

¶3 Education as it existed (when it existed) at the time of Charlemagne's accession to the throne was reduced to a limited study of grammar and, for clerics, a small sampling of theology. Even grammar was beyond most clerics and monks. The reading and writing ability of those who were not entirely illiterate was extremely weak to the point where their poor knowledge of Latin made it imposisble to formulate a proper sentence, let alone a proper document or the performance of a proper church service. The seven liberal arts were at this time an educational scheme rarely followed, for there were few qualified instructors and few school- [p. 128] ¶1-books for training. The most accessible form of the liberal arts was through Isidore's Etymologies, which during the reform movement was copied extensively. Only at the end of the eighth century did manuscripts of Cassiodorus's Institutions begin to circulate. When the advent of Irish missionaries, the work of Martianus Capella entered into circulation and reestablished a curriculum of the seven liberal arts. Only with the reintroduction of grammar could the Church hope to establish a uniformity of service and a literate and functioning clergy. This is why libraries of the Carolingian era have their largest holdings in grammarians, liturgical texts, and writings by Augustine and Jerome. It was this demand for material in the seven liberal arts in the libraries and the demand for qualified instructors that resulted in the educational reform under Charlemagne often known as the prominent feature in the Carolingian Rennaissance. ¶2 According to Einhard, Charlemagne zealously cultivated the liberal arts and held those who taught them in great esteem and conferred great honors upon them. He revered learning so much that at dinnertime someone present was expected to read to the others. Charlemagne studied grammar under Paulinus and Peter of Pisa, both of Italy, and under the tutelage of Alcuin of England. Although he had a good mind, he was never successful in learning how to write. He apparently kept wax tablets under his pillow in bed to practice when no one was watching. We have, in what some believe to be Charlemagne's own handwriting, the word bene (good) ob some documents, but he might not have been able to write much more than that. (Butt 2002, 127-128)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did conversation to Chrisitanity impact the redaction of vernacular language?

¶3 Everywhere we look in this period, conversion to Christianity encouraged the redaction of vernacular languages into writing, with the extraordinary exception of Continental Europe. ... (Everett 2009, 371)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, what was the USE of the the "exemplum" of medieval chronicles?

¶3 I would like to suggest that EXEMPLA as used by the Saint-Denis chroniclers were often intended to function like biblical types. Although the chroniclers' prologues suggest that their methods of explanation and expression differed insignificantly from classical rhetoric, the use of EXEMPLA in their narrative is informed by an exegetical tradition that owes more to the Bible than to Cicero.31[31.] ... (Spiegel 1997, 92).

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the 1st insight that Collingwood brought to history?

¶3 In the first place, the facts of history never come to us' pure', since they do not and cannot exist in a pure form: they are always refracted through the mind of the recorder. It follows that when we take up a work of history, our first concern should be not with the facts which it contains but with the historian who wrote it. ... [p. 23] ¶1 ... ' For if, as Collingwood says, the historian must re-enact in thought what has gone on in the mind of his dramatis personae, so the reader in his turn must re-enact what goes on in the mind of the historian. Study the historian before you begin to study the facts. ... When you read a work of history, always listen out for the buzzing. If you can detect none, either you are tone deaf or your historian is a dull dog. The facts are really not at all like fish on the fishmonger's slab. They are like fish swimming about in a vast and sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend, partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in and what tackle he chooses to use - these two factors being, of course, determined by the kind offish he wants to catch. By and large, the historian will get the kind of facts he wants. History 4neans interpretation. ... (Carr 1964, 22-23)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," what does Dershowtiz argue is the difference between what he calls "a rule of teleology", and "Life"?

¶3 Many literary, biblical, and even constitutional scholars live by a rule of teleology that has little resonance in real life--namely, that every event, character, and word has a purpose. "To everything there is season, and a time to every purpose under heaven," says Ecclesiastes (3:1). God does not engage in redundancy, say the Talmudists.4[4.] Freud, whose forebears came from that tradition, similarly believed that all words, even those dreamed or spoken in error, have meaning.5[5.] Some lawyers who view our Constitution in near biblical terms--and who seek to discern the true meaning of those near deities who wrote it--fall into the same teleo-theological trap: every word of that secularly sacred text must have a purpose, a meaning, and if we only had the wisdom of the framers, we could discern it.6[6.] ¶4 But life does not imitate art. Life is not a purposive narrative that follows Chekhov's canon. Events are often simply meaningless, irrelevant to what comes next; events can be out of sequence, random, purely accidental, without purpose. If our universe and its inhabitants are governed by rules of chaos, randomness, and purposelessness, then many of the stories--if they can even be called stories--will often lack meaning. Human beings always try to impose order and meaning on random chaos, both to understand and to control the forces that determine their destiny. This desperate attempt to derive purpose from purposelessness will often distort reality, as, indeed, Chekhov's canon does. ¶5 In Chekhovian drama, chest pains are followed by hearts, coughs by consumption, life insurance policies by murders, telephone rings byd dramatic messages. In real life, most chest pains are indigestion, coughs are colds, insurance- [p. 101] ¶1-policies are followed by years of premium payments, and telephone calls are from marketing services. (Dershowitz 1995, 100-101).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did the profound shift in the social location of literacy encouraged by Christianity affect women?

¶3 One profound shift in the social location of literacy encouraged by Christianity was the inclusion of women as authors or subjects of literature as they rejected their traditional and highly restrictive social roles of reproduction and domestic life in both Roman and barbarian society. One of our earliest martyr texts was written by a young mother, Perpetua (d. 203), who has left us a moving, disturbing account of her own suffering and the visions which sustained her before being torn apart by wild animals in the amphitheatre at Carthage.46[46.] Pious women could now rival men as models of behaviour and belief to be emulated, and hence became subjects of biography. One example is Macrina (d. 389), whose own Life was composed by her brother, Gregory of Nyssa (c. 335-394), who also composed a treatise in dialogue form (On the Soul and Resurrection), directly modelled on Plato's Phaedro, and purporting to be a conversation with Macrina while she was dying. The Life of Melania the Younger (written c. 450) recalls how, after her daily readings of scripture (she tried to read the entire Old and New Testaments three or four times a year), Melania then turned to read sermons and hagiography, before copying out the texts she assiduously collected. Melania's grandmother of the same name was included by the monastic historian Palladius (d. 430) among his chapters on "the virile women to whom God granted struggles equal to those of men." The feisty independence of these literate, ascetic women is also witnessed in the pilgrim Egeria, who wrote a long letter in simple yet colourful Latin to her "sisters" describing her visit to the Holy Land (c. 381-384), giving details about church services in Jerusalem.47[47.] Among the first Christian poems in Latin is the Cento of Proba (c. 320-370), which consisted entirely of phrases taken from the poetry of Virgil to narrate Biblical stories and scenes and which served in the West as a school text for centuries to come. A classy copy of the Cento was commissioned by Theodosius II, whose wife, the empress Eudocia, also wrote poetical paraphrases in Greek hexameters of the Octoteuch, the martyrdoms of Cyprian and Justina, a panegyric on her husband's defeat of the Persians and, in imitation of Proba, a Homeric cento on the life of Christ.48[48.] (Everett 2009, 370-371)

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, how is the Benedictine Rule described?

¶3 The Benedictine Rule set out the daily and annual schedule for a group of monks living as a family, sharing work, food, prayers, and living. The emphasis was on prayer and manual labor. Each monk was required to perform several hours of daily labor because sloth and idleness were considered disobedience to God and "the enemy of the soul." Prayer, however, was the most important element, and each monk had times allotted for personal prayer or meditation and seven periods of communal prayer. Included in these periods of prayer was the chanting of psalms, which developed into sung chant later known as Gregorian chant. (Butt 2002, 122)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the length of the Carolingian empire in the 9th century?

¶3 The Carolingian empire stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Adriatic and linked, through a network of commerce and exchange, the Geranic and Slavic worlds of the- [p. 254] ¶1-north, the Islamic world of Spain and the Near East, and the Mediterranean world of Byzantium. Carolingian kings rebuilt roads, bridges, and ports to facilitate trade. Charlemagne also reformed Western currency, abandoning gold coinage in favor of the more easily obtainable and liquid silver. (Geary 1998, 253-254).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," how did the Reformation shift the interpretive focus?

¶3 The Reformation brought with it a different interpretive focus, as Luther took Paul's statement that "we have been justified by faith" (Rom 5:1) as the key to understanding all of Scripture. Luther and subsequent reformers moved away from allegorical interpretation, and the literal interpretation of Scripture began to receive more emphasis. Within Catholicism there was little change from the interpretive stance taken in the medieval period with its fourfold senses of Scripture. Moving into the Age of Enlightenment, reason was enthroned as the ultimate criterion of knowledge, and interpretive methods began to change. Authority and tradition were called into question, and scientific method began to dominate all fields of inquiry. The explosion of knowledge that accompanied the emergence of science, coupled with archaeological discoveries, raised critical questions about the factual and scientific accuracy of the Bible. (Viviano 2008, 3)

¶3 The cultivation of reading and writing suggested by the Qur'an was quickly followed in practice. Elementary schools (the kuttab or maktab) were established in the Umayyad period (661-750), where children of six to seven years old learned the rudiments of literacy by studying verses from the Qur'an, a small number of haddiths and some basic principles of Islamic law (fiqh). Higher instruction in legal and religious doctrine at the local mosque "college" are attested from the eighth century.66[66.] Like written Latin in the West, the Qur'an provided the model for elevated, "classical Arabic" that also served, by the beginning of the eighth century, as a lingua franca for administration and trade, whereas spoken varieties differed considerably from region to region. The emphasis upon the language of the Qur'an as directly revealed by God to Mohammad, combined with Islam's prohibition of figurative art, resulted in the elevation of calligraphy as the highest of art forms, and a good command of calligraphy was deemed necessary for a position in the bureaucracy of the Abassid court in Baghdad (from 750 onwards).67[67.] Although this forms an interesting contrast to the emphasis on grammatical education in the late Roman empire, another, more contemporary comparison can be drawn between the language policies of the two monotheistic empires that emerged at the end of our period. While Charlemagne (768-814) promoted the reform of Latin as a means to facilitate religious uniformity and social regeneration across his vast domains, scholars in the early Abassid caliphate, such as Khalíl ibn Ahmad Al Fara-hídi (c. 718-791) and his student Sibawayh (760-793) likewise focussed upon standardising Arabic script, grammar and lexicography to facilitate its accessibility to a far broader audience of non-Arabic native speakers across far wider horizons.68[68.] (Everett 2009, 374-375)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what gave rise to peasant households, and how relevant are households?

¶3 The division of estates into separate peasant holdings contributed to the second fundamental transformation of European peasant society: the formation of the household. Neither the Roman tradition of slave agriculture nor the Germanic tradition of clan organization had encouraged the hosuehold as the basic unit of society. When individual slaves and their spouses were placed on manses, which they and their children were expected to cultivate, the household became the basic unit of Western economy. ¶4 However, the household was more than an economic unit. It was also the first level of government. The head of the household, whether slave or free, male or female--women, particularly widows, were often heads of households--exercised authority over its other members. This authority made the householder a link in the chain of the social order, which stretched from the peasant hovel to the royal court. (Geary 1998, 242).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what did late Roman law encourage in terms of literacy?

¶3 The point emphasised here is that late Roman law increasingly tended to, and encouraged, private documentation, in terms of both production and preservation, and this legacy continued to be developed in the early Middle Ages. ... (Everett 2009, 366)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what is the THIRD insight that Collingwood brought to history?

¶3 The third point is that we can view the past, and achieve our understanding of the past, only through the eyes of the present. The historian is of his own age, and is bound to it by the conditions of human existence. The very words which he uses- [p. 25] ¶1-words like democracy, empire, war, revolution - have current connotations from which he cannot divorce them. Ancient historians have taken to using words like polis and plebs in the original, just in order to show that they have not fallen into this 'I, trap. This does not help them. They, too, live in the present, and cannot cheat themselves into the past by using unfamiliar or 'i, obsolete words, any more than they would become better Greek or Roman historians if they delivered their lectures in a chlamys or a toga. ... [p. 26] ¶1-... The function of the historian is neither to love the past nor to emancipate himself from the past, but to master and understand it as the key to the understanding of the present. (Carr 1964, 24-26)

In Gabrielle Spiegel's 1997 book on The Past as Text, what was the "exemplum" of medieval literature?

¶3 To begin with, we might point out, as Nancy Struever has reminded us, that the exemplum in medieval literature "had not the humble status of fact, but ... a quasi-religious prescriptive status as traditional material."27[27.] It is not only illuminated universal moral realities, it commanded men to pursue them; like custom, it determined modes of behavior. It therefore asserted a relationship between behavior in the past and contemporary practice which, if not fully causal, nevertheless suggests something more than moral exhortation. If one tries to determine the source for this peculiar use of EXEMPLA in medieval thought, its similarity to biblical exegesis is immediately apparent. The typological interpretation of the Bible by medieval exegetes establishes precisely the same analogous relationship between genuine histoircal acts in the past and their fulfillment in later, also genuinely historical events. In typological exegesis the earlier event, analogous to the later, becomes a foreshadowing, a "type" of it. As Richardson has explained: →|¶3.1 the typological interpretation of the Bible differs from the allegorical in that it detects a real and necessary correspondence in the structure and meaning of the original or "typical" event or complex of events to the new application or fulfillment of it. Accordingly, the idea of the fulfillment of the Scriptures will mean ... the fulfillment of history, the making explicit of what was implicit in the pattern of earlier historical events by the movements of the- [p. 92] →|0.1 later events, the deepening of the meaning of history itself as this meaning is revealed to the prophetic insight.28[28.] ¶1 By means of typological interpretation, the significance of the past is reaffirmed for the present; the old becomes a prophecy of the new and its predeterminant in the sense that its very existence determines the shape and the interpretation of what comes later. In this way, the past becomes an explanatory principle, a way of ordering and making intelligible a relationship between events separated by vast distances of time. (Spiegel 1997, 91-92).

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, why was Charlemagne so keen on spreading Christianity?

¶4 ... Christianity did become of utmost importance to the Franks and especially to Charlemagne. He wanted very much to strengthen it and renew it to its old Roman luster. For Charlemagne, the Roman Church was the Roman Empire. It still echoed the administrative structure of ROme, being urban based, with its bishops residing in all the major cities, or at least what remained of former major cities. The Church spoke the language of the Roman Empire and could read the literature of the Roman Empire. (Butt 2002, 107)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what is the first aspect of the Christian church's impact on law?

¶4 ... Firstly, the late antique church borrowed, refined and developed late Roman techniques of legal disputation and documentation for its own purposes, most notably for church councils, where texts, creeds and written statements were painstakingly examined to refute heresy, establish orthodoxy, discipline clergy and promulgate canon law.22[22.] ... (Everett 2009, 366)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what was the political situation in the real of Francia in the seventh century?

¶4 ... In the seventh century, members of the new aristocracy were able to take advantage of royal minorities and dynastic rivalries to turn themselves into virtual rulers of their small territories. By the end of the century, the kings had become little more than symbolic figures in the Frankish kingdoms. The real power was held by regional strongmen called DUKES. The most successful of these aristocratic factions was that led by Charles Martel (ca. 688-741) and his heirs, known as the Carolingians. (Geary 1998, 247).

Butt, John J. Butt's article "Chapter 6: The Church: Religion, Monasticism, and Education," in pages 105-36 of the 2002 book Daily Life in the Age of Charlemagne, what were most monasteries like?

¶4 ... Most monasteries in the Merovingian and Carolingian eras would have had a few dozen monks or fewer. Most monasteries were modest, humble, austere operations. Instead of having an obligatory workforce, the average monastery required the monks themselves to perform some of the work. That was an integral part of the Rule of St. Benedict. Prayer, study, and work were supposed to hold equal value in the monastery, and monks were to experience humility, not extravagance. As previously mentioned, Charlemagne's son, Louis the Pious, encouraged the standardization of the Benedictine Rule in monasteries, and through his agent, St. Benedict of Aniane, a synod or council of the Church in 817 approved the promotion of the Rule for all monasteries. This encouraged the more balanced approach of prayer, study, and work and a simpler life. The monastery of Aniane, where Benedict went to live in 779, was indeed a humble affair with plain walls and the roofs covered with straw. The ciborium (a vessel for the eucharistic wafers) and chalice (a vessel for the eucharistic wine) were made of wood. This humble background shows through Benedict of Aniane's movement away from excess and decadence. (Butt 2002, 124)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how successful were the harvests that the peasants got from farming?

¶4 ... returns from much lower than they had been in antiquity. Careful Roman landlords, using better tools and coordinating the work of their slaves more efficiently, were accustomed to harvesting eight times as much grain as they had sown. Frankish estates were doing well if they recorded harvests of three or four to one. In some years, no more grain was harvested than the seed necessary to plant the following June. Peasants had to choose between starving through the winter or eating the seed and starving the following year. Actually, the choice was not theirs, but rather that of their aristocratic lords, whose noble lifestyles they were forced to support. (Geary 1998, 243).

In Einhard's "The Life of Charlemagne," in Paul Dutton's 1998 collection Charlemagne's Courtier: The Complete Einhard, what does Einhard write in the third paragraph of the Preface of his work, regarding how he views Charlemagne, and what does that say about the context in which he is writing?

¶4 ... the splendid life of this most excellent king, the greatest of all the men in his time, and his remarkable deeds, which people now alive can scarcely equal ... (Einhard 1998, 15). By emphasizing the greatness of Charlemagne, Einhard seems to be responding to a context in which Charlemagne's reputation is on the wane. This seems to correspond with the publication of the Vision of Wettin, published in 824,. In the vision, Wettin saw Charlemagne suffering torture in Purgatory because of his sexual incontinence. The name of the ruler alluded to is not directly stated in the text, but "Carolus Imperator" form the initial letters of the relevant passage. Also, Louis the Pious did seem to be responding against Charlemagne's sexual dalliances, and the dalliances of his family.

¶4 ... widely known details ... (Einhard 1998, 15). As such, Einhard is saying that the details he is writing about can be backed up by everyone, because such details are widely known.

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, who was Bede?

¶4 During the century and a half following the Synod of Whitby [circa 664], Anglo-Saxon Christian civilization blossomed. Contact with the Continent, and especially with Rome, increased. The monasteries of MOnkwearmouth and Jarrow became centers of learning, culminating in the writings of Bede (673-735), the greatest scholar of his century. Bede rarely ever set foot outside the monasteries of Monkwearmouth, to which he had been given as a child of seven, and Jarrow, which he entered in 681. Bede's knowledge of natural science, rhetoric, chronology, Scripture, and especially history spread his fame throughout the West. His history of the English church and people is the finest historical work of the early Middle Ages. His influence lives on today, for he was the scholar responsible for the popularization of dating history from before or after the birth of Jesus. (Geary 1998, 238).

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, how did brought about the rise of Germanic languages?

¶4 East of the Rhine, Latin retained its prestige as the language of power, be it secular or religious, and it is only toward the end of our period that the first attempts to write Old High German were made, initially as glosses to religious and legal texts, then as translations of prayers, blessings, the Lord's Prayer, baptismal services, and so on. By the ninth century such ambitions were extended to paraphrase parts of the Gospels.53 Germanic-speakers had used runes for religious and commemorative purposes as early as the fourth century, but it took the presence of Anglo-Saxon missionaries on the Continent to convert Germanic phonemes to the Roman alphabet, for they had generations of experience. Following fast upon the arrival of missionaries sent by Pope Gregory I, converted Anglo-Saxon kings began to draw up law codes on the late Roman model but in their own Germanic dialect, and soon after Old English was being used to translate Latin religious texts. Bede translated the Creed and the Lord's Prayer into Old English, and at the time of his death he was working on translations of the Gospel of St. John and Isidore of Seville's De natura rerum. Yet Bede also comments that in his day there were five languages in Britain - Latin, British, [Old] English, Irish and Pictish - and that there were still students around from Bishop Theodore of Tarsus' school at Canterbury who were "as proficient in Latin and Greek as their native tongue." The linguistic diversity of Britain, and the interplay of several different literate languages, facilitated a tremendous degree of experimentation, whether in use of runic inscriptions alongside Latin and scenes of the Bible on the Ruthwell Cross, the use of Old English for boundary clauses in Latin charters, or the redaction of pre-Christian tales like Beowulf by clerics sneaking in Old Testament motifs.54[54.] (Everett 2009, 371-372)

¶4 Education in ancient Rome was of extreme importance. By the time of Marcus Terentius Varro (d. 27 B.C.E.) education was defined as the liberal arts and included nine subjects. These would later be refined as the trivium and the quadrivium, or the three subjects and the four subjects. The trivium was composed of grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, while the quadrivium was composed of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. Grammar included not only grammar in the modern sense (as: "English grammar"); but literature and interpretation of language and literature and was considered the primary subject of study that had to be mastered first. ¶5 By the fourth century, the seven liberal arts were the essential form of education, and the state-supported schools of Rome used it universally. First, students studied the trivium and later, after gaining some grasp of these subjects moved on to the quadrivium to develop a more disciplined mind through the study of mathematics. Astronomy enabled on to understand the cosmic relationships of heavenly bodies to the earth- [p. 126] ¶1-as laid out in the Aristotelian universe. Music was seen as both refinement and mathematics in the relationship of notes and in the meter of the rhythms. (Butt 2002, 125-126)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what method emerged in the eighteenth century that is now dominant in the field of biblical interpretation?

¶4 The HISTORICAL-CRITICAL METHOD that emerged in the eighteenth century has dominated the field of biblical interpretation since then, and it continues to influence contemporary biblical interpretation. The historical-critical method is not one method; it employs several methods in an attempt to interpret the Bible from within its historical and literary context and in a search for the meaning intended by the authors. The method attends to the history of the text and its formation from earlier oral and written sources; it discusses its forms and its redaction. It enlists the aid of many disciplines, such as linguistics, archaeology, sociology, anthropology, literary theory, and comparative religions, to try to determine the meaning of a passage in its historical and literary context. Those using this method have challenged many presuppositions about the historical reliability of the biblical text and the formulation of doctrines that are biblically based. As historical-critical method moved into the academy and began to dominate in Protestant seminaries, fundamentalism arose to insist upon the inerrancy of Scripture in every area of knowledge and to hold on to the fundamentals of Christian faith as they had been previously defined. (Viviano 2008, 3)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," what is Dershowitz's idea of "natural law"?

¶4 The concept of natural law, and its many variations, presupposes a narrative of justice and a teleological approach to drawing normative conclusions from natural phenomena. If there is a God whose laws ought to govern behavior, then the job of the natural lawyer is merely to discern these laws in divinely inspired texts, accounts, or the "nature" of human beings or God. Once these natural laws are discerned, the purposive narrative of justice may be implemented. But if there is no God, if there is no purpose to "nature," if there are only "laws" of science--such as the laws of energy and gravity--then human beings must invent, not discover, laws of morality and governance to regulate human conduct so that a narrative of justice can be enforced.16[16.] ¶5 All too often fact finders employ the canons of literature and interpretation in the search for truth, generally without any conscious awareness that they are doing so.17[17.] (Dershowitz 1995, 102).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what were the long-term results of Charlemagne's educational reforms?

¶4 The first decades of educational reform produced little that was new, but the reformers of this era laid the necessary foundation for what has been called the Carolingian Renaissance. Their successors in the ninth century built on this foundation to make creative contributions in theology, philosophy, historiography, and, to some extent, literature. For the first time since Augustine, the West produced a really first-class theologian and philosopher, John Scotus Erigena (ca. 81--ca. 877)- [p. 250] ¶1-who mastered Greek and created a unique and influential synthesis of Neoplatonic philosophy. (Geary 1998, 249-250).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the spiritual sense of Scripture?

¶4 The spiritual sense refers to when what is signified by the words of a text, the literal sense, also has a further signification.6[6. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, I, 1, 10.] As it developed within Christianity, the spiritual sense pertained to "the meaning expressed by the biblical texts when read under the influence of the Holy Spirit, in the context of the paschal mystery of Christ and of the new life which flows from it."7[7. Pontifi cal Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, no. 135.] Spiritual interpretation of the Old Testament was especially prominent for the Church Fathers, for the Old Testament was believed to contain God's preparation for his Son. The early Church Fathers used many terms to refer to the spiritual meaning of the text, such as allegorical sense, mystery or mystical sense, and theoria.8[8.] The lines between these various terms are blurred, and their meanings often overlap. Indeed, at times these terms were used interchangeably by the early Church Fathers. (Viviano 2008, 1)

In Alan M. Dershowitz's 1996 article says "Life Is Not a Dramatic Narrative," what does Dershowitz argue are the implications of his metaphysics for law?

¶4 This critical dichotomy between teleological rules of drama and interpretation, on the one hand, and the most rando rules of real life, ont he other, has profoundly important implications for our legal system. When we import the narrative for of storytelling into our legal system, we confuse fiction with fact and endanger the truth-finding function of the adjudicative process. Fact finders are familiar with the dramatic form -- not only from Chekhov but also from pulp novels, mysteries, movies, and television shows.11[11.] They expect a beginning, a middle, and an end to each story. Life, in drama, unfolds in acts or chapters or between commercials. There is an internal logic to the structure. Every narrative, like Churchill's pudding, must have a theme. Even surprise endings must be foreshadowed, at least in retrospect.12[12.] False clues, deliberately planted by the author to throw the reader off, are frowned upon by critics. Even the deus ex machina of Greek literature has a purpose, though we may not be blessed with the insight to comprehend it fully.13[13.] (Dershowitz 1995, 101).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, how does Gregory of Tours's account of Clovis and the pitcher illustrate the nature of the relationship between king and aristocrat?

¶4 This story illustrates both the strength and the weakness of early medieval monarchs. Clovis was the most powerful Frankish king before the eighth century, yet even he was unable to redress a blatant affront to his authority except under very specific circumstances. As the successors of Germanic war leaders and late Roman generals, kings were primarily military commanders. During campaigns and at the annual "Marchfield," when the free warriors assembled, the king was all-powerful. At those times he could cut down his enemies with impunity. At other times the king's role was strictly limited. His direct authority extended only over the members of his household and his personal warrior band. (Geary 1998, 246).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," how did the early Church Fathers distinguish ALLEGORICAL interpretation vs. TYPOLOGICAL Interpretation?

¶4 Though today scholars make a distinction between allegorical and typological interpretation, such a distinction was not made in the early Church. The early Church Fathers spoke of "types," but they did not distinguish between allegory and typology as scholars have recently begun to do. What is distinctive to typology is the notion that what preceded Christ was but a shadow of what was to come. Persons and events of the Old Testament are understood to be "types" of persons or events in the New Testament, which are then "antitypes." The Old Testament, interpreted typologically, is said to anticipate or to foreshadow events to come. The crossing of the Red Sea is seen as a type of Baptism; Isaac carrying the wood for his sacrifice in Genesis 22 is seen as a type of Jesus' carrying his cross to Calvary. Some representatives of typological interpretation are Diodorus of Tarsus, St. John Chrysostom, and Theodore of Mopsuestia. Typology is found in the exegetical work of St. Augustine and St. Jerome alongside allegorical interpretation. (Viviano 2008, 2)

Nicholas Everett's 2009 article "Literacy from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, c. 300-800 AD", chapter 20 of The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy, pg. 362-385, what is the SECOND aspect of the Christian church's impact on law?

¶5 ... Secondly, Constantine's grant of authority to bishops to judge private lawsuits, particularly criminal cases, established the need for churches to acquire a knowledge of current secular law, a tradition which we see continuing into the barbarian kingdoms, while a parallel tradition often associated canon law with "Roman" law.23[23.] ... (Everett 2009, 366-367)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the distinction between ALLEGORICAL interpretation vs. TYPOLOGICAL Interpretation?

¶5 Allegorical interpretation gave the early exegetes a way to find meaning in the Bible, including its obscure and unseemly passages; but because of this method's focus on the deeper spiritual meaning of a text, the literal sense became viewed as insignificant. Typological interpretation, by contrast, maintained a greater respect for the literal sense because this method of interpretation is more firmly grounded in the literal sense of the text. Both typology and allegory, however, went beyond the literal sense of the text in the early Church. For typologists the written word pointed beyond itself; for allegorists the written word stood for something else. (Viviano 2008, 2)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what 2 distinct spiritual senses emerged in 400-1500?

¶5 By the medieval period, three distinct spiritual senses emerged: the allegorical sense (which included typology), the tropological or moral sense, and the anagogic or future sense. (Viviano 2008, 1)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what sense of scripture emerged in the early part of the twentieth century?

¶5 In Catholic circles in the early part of the twentieth century, biblical scholars began to discuss the fuller sense (sensus plenior) of Scripture. "The fuller sense is defined as a deeper meaning of the text, intended by God but not clearly expressed by the human author."14[14. Pontifical Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, no. 141.] This fuller sense is to be found when a later biblical author confers on an earlier text a new meaning, such as Matthew's use of Isaiah 7:14 (Mt 1:23) to refer to the virginal conception of Jesus; or when a meaning is given to a biblical text by later doctrine or conciliar definition, such as the definition of original sin based in Romans 5:12-21.15[15. Pontifical Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, no. 141.] The distinction between the fuller sense and the spiritual sense is difficult to maintain, but it is said to stand between the literal sense and the spiritual sense.16[16. Brown, The Sensus Plenior of Sacred Scripture, 122.] The fuller sense allows the literal meaning to stand but maintains that the text acquired- [p. 4] ¶1-a new meaning after Christ. The fuller sense of a text, though intended by God, was not seen until the fullness of Revelation had been realized in Christ. (Viviano 2008, 3-4)

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, from where did Roman aristocracy emerge?

¶5 The Roman aristocracy was based on inheritance of land rather than leadership. During the third and fourth centuries, Roman aristocrats' control of land extended over the persons who worked that land. At the same time, great landowners were able to free themselves from provincial government. ¶6 Like their Germanic counterparts, Roman aristocrats acquired a sacred legitimacy, but within the Christian tradition. They monopolized the office of bishop and became identified with the sacred and political traditions associated with the Church. The family of the Gallo-Roman bishop and historian Gregory of Tours (539-594) exemplifies this aristocratic tradition. By the time he took office in 573, 13 of the previous 18 bishops of Tours had come from his family. In addition, he was related to generations of bishops from Langres, Lyon, Clermont-Ferrand, and elsewhere. (Geary 1998, 244).

In Patrick J. Geary's article "The West in the Early Middle Ages, 500-900," in the 1998 anthology Civilization in the West, 3rd edition, vol. 1: To 1714, what did aristocratic women do?

¶5 Within this aristocratic society, women played a wider and more active role than had been the case in either Roman or barbarian antiquity. In part women's new role was due to the influence of Christianity, which recognized the district--though always inferior--rights of women. Christianity fought against the barbarian tradition of allowing chieftains numerous wives and recognized women's right to lead a cloistered religious life. In addition, the combination of Germanic and Roman familial traditions permitted women to participate in court proceedings, to inherit and dispose of property, and, if widowed, to serve as tutors and guardians for their minor children. Finally, the long absence of men at the hunt, at the royal court, or on military expeditions left wives in charge of the domestic scene for months or years at a time. ¶6 The religious life in particular opened to aristocratic women possibilities of autonomy and authority previously unknown in the West. Woman administered large and wealthy institutions and even exercised this authority over mixed monasteries, in which men and women lived in separate quarters but recognized the rule of the abbess. For example, Saint Hilda of Whitby (614-680), an Anglo-Saxon princess, established and ruled a religious community that included both women and men. This community was one of the most important in England. Five monks of Whitby later became bishops, and kings and aristocrats regularly traveled to the monastery to ask Hilda's advice. It was in Hilda's community that the Synod of Whitby took place, and Hilda played an active role advising the king and assembled bishops. (Geary 1998, 245).

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the ANAGOGIC SENSE of scripture?

¶6 ... The ANAGOGIC SENSE represents a shift in focus to the future, specifically to the end times or last - [p. 3] ¶1-things. It looks to the goal of our journey through life as we are "led up"10[10. The Greek word anagoge means "leading up."] to our heavenly home. (Viviano 2008, 2-3)

In Pauline A. Viviano's 2008 article "The Sense of Scripture," what is the TROPOLOGICAL SENSE of scripture?

¶6 ... The TROPOLOGICAL sense is concerned with the moral lessons that can be drawn from the biblical text. If events in Israel's past "were written down to instruct us" (1 Cor 10:11), then we can learn how we ought to live by paying careful attention to the history of Israel, the words of the prophets, and the exhortations found in Israel's wisdom traditions—indeed, to the entire Bible. ... (Viviano 2008, 2)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what does the Historian Acton wrote in his report of October 1896 to the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press regarding historiography?

→|¶1.1 "It is a unique opportunity of recording, in the way most useful to the greatest number, the fullness of the knowledge which the nineteenth century is about to bequeath. .. . By the judicious division of labour we should be able to do it, and to bring home to every man the last document, and the ripest conclusions of international research. →|¶1.2 Ultimate history we cannot have in this generation; but we can dispose of conventional history, and show the point we have reached on the road from one to the other, now that all information is within reach, and every problem has become capable of solution.1[I. The Cambridge Modern History: Its Origin, Authorship and Production (1907), pp. 10-12.]" (Carr 1964, 7)

In Edward H. Carr's 1964 article "The Historian and His Facts," what did Professor Sir George Clark, in his general introduction to the second Cambridge Modern History, comment on this belief of Acton and his collaborators that it would one day be possible to produce' ultimate history ',?

→|¶2.1 Historians of a later generation do not look forward to any such prospect. They expect their work to be superseded again and again. They consider that knowledge of the past has come down through one or more human minds, has been 'processed' by them, and therefore cannot consist of elemental and- [p. 8] →|¶0.1 impersonal atoms which nothing can alter The exploration seems to be endless, and some impatient scholars take refuge in scepticism, or at least in the doctrine that, since all historical judgements involve persons and points of view, one is as good as another and there is no 'objective' historical truth.1[1. The New Cambridge Modern History, i (1957). PP- xxiv-xxv.] (Carr 1964, 7-8)

Saint Augustine of Hippo (/ɔːˈɡʌstɪn/; 13 November 354 - 28 August 430 AD)

A Roman African, early Christian theologian and Neoplatonic philosopher from Numidia whose writings influenced the development of the Western Church and Western philosophy, and indirectly all of Western Christianity. He was the bishop of Hippo Regius in North Africa and is viewed as one of the most important Church Fathers of the Latin Church for his writings in the Patristic Period. Among his most important works are The City of God, De doctrina Christiana, and Confessions. According to his contemporary, Jerome, __________ "established anew the ancient Faith". In his youth he was drawn to Manichaeism and later to neoplatonism. After his baptism and conversion to Christianity in 386, __________ developed his own approach to philosophy and theology, accommodating a variety of methods and perspectives. Believing that the grace of Christ was indispensable to human freedom, he helped formulate the doctrine of original sin and made seminal contributions to the development of just war theory. When the Western Roman Empire began to disintegrate, __________ imagined the Church as a spiritual City of God, distinct from the material Earthly City. His thoughts profoundly influenced the medieval worldview. The segment of the Church that adhered to the concept of the Trinity as defined by the Council of Nicaea and the Council of Constantinople closely identified with __________'s On the Trinity. __________ is recognized as a saint in the Catholic Church, the Eastern Christian Church, and the Anglican Communion and as a preeminent Doctor of the Church. He is also the patron of the Augustinians. His memorial is celebrated on 28 August, the day of his death. __________ is the patron saint of brewers, printers, theologians, and a number of cities and dioceses. Many Protestants, especially Calvinists and Lutherans, consider him to be one of the theological fathers of the Protestant Reformation due to his teachings on salvation and divine grace. Protestant Reformers generally, and Martin Luther in particular, held __________ in preeminence among early Church Fathers. Luther himself was, from 1505 to 1521, a member of the Order of the Augustinian Eremites. In the East, his teachings are more disputed, and were notably attacked by John Romanides. But other theologians and figures of the Eastern Orthodox Church have shown significant approbation of his writings, chiefly Georges Florovsky. The most controversial doctrine associated with him, the filioque, was rejected by the Orthodox Church as Heretic Teaching. Other disputed teachings include his views on original sin, the doctrine of grace, and predestination. Nevertheless, though considered to be mistaken on some points, he is still considered a saint, and has even had influence on some Eastern Church Fathers, most notably Saint Gregory Palamas. In the Orthodox Church his feast day is celebrated on 15 June. Historian Diarmaid MacCulloch has written: "[ _______'s] impact on Western Christian thought can hardly be overstated; only his beloved example Paul of Tarsus, has been more influential, and Westerners have generally seen Paul through __________'s eyes."

Diocletian (/ˌdaɪ.əˈkliːʃən/; Latin: Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus Augustus), born Diocles (22 December 244 - 3 December 311),

A Roman emperor from 284 to 305. Born to a family of low status in Dalmatia, Diocletian rose through the ranks of the military to become Roman cavalry commander to the Emperor Carus. After the deaths of Carus and his son Numerian on campaign in Persia, Diocletian was proclaimed emperor. The title was also claimed by Carus' surviving son, Carinus, but Diocletian defeated him in the Battle of the Margus. Diocletian's reign stabilized the empire and marks the end of the Crisis of the Third Century. He appointed fellow officer Maximian as Augustus, co-emperor, in 286. Diocletian reigned in the Eastern Empire, and Maximian reigned in the Western Empire. Diocletian delegated further on 1 March 293, appointing Galerius and Constantius as Caesars, junior co-emperors, under himself and Maximian respectively. Under this 'tetrarchy', or "rule of four", each emperor would rule over a quarter-division of the empire. Diocletian secured the empire's borders and purged it of all threats to his power. He defeated the Sarmatians and Carpi during several campaigns between 285 and 299, the Alamanni in 288, and usurpers in Egypt between 297 and 298. Galerius, aided by Diocletian, campaigned successfully against Sassanid Persia, the empire's traditional enemy. In 299 he sacked their capital, Ctesiphon. Diocletian led the subsequent negotiations and achieved a lasting and favourable peace. Diocletian separated and enlarged the empire's civil and military services and reorganized the empire's provincial divisions, establishing the largest and most bureaucratic government in the history of the empire. He established new administrative centres in Nicomedia, Mediolanum, Sirmium, and Trevorum, closer to the empire's frontiers than the traditional capital at Rome. Building on third-century trends towards absolutism, he styled himself an autocrat, elevating himself above the empire's masses with imposing forms of court ceremonies and architecture. Bureaucratic and military growth, constant campaigning, and construction projects increased the state's expenditures and necessitated a comprehensive tax reform. From at least 297 on, imperial taxation was standardized, made more equitable, and levied at generally higher rates. Not all of Diocletian's plans were successful: the Edict on Maximum Prices (301), his attempt to curb inflation via price controls, was counterproductive and quickly ignored. Although effective while he ruled, Diocletian's tetrarchic system collapsed after his abdication under the competing dynastic claims of Maxentius and Constantine, sons of Maximian and Constantius respectively. The Diocletianic Persecution (303-312), the empire's last, largest, and bloodiest official persecution of Christianity, failed to eliminate Christianity in the empire; indeed, after 324, Christianity became the empire's preferred religion under Constantine. Despite these failures and challenges, Diocletian's reforms fundamentally changed the structure of Roman imperial government and helped stabilize the empire economically and militarily, enabling the empire to remain essentially intact for another 150 years despite being near the brink of collapse in Diocletian's youth. Weakened by illness, Diocletian left the imperial office on 1 May 305, and became the first Roman emperor to abdicate the position voluntarily. He lived out his retirement in his palace on the Dalmatian coast, tending to his vegetable gardens. His palace eventually became the core of the modern-day city of Split in Croatia.

What are the major differences in ruling styles between Roman emperors and Frankish kings?

According to Professor Booker, Roman caesars were, for the most part, stationary, based in Rome, ruling from a palace and sending emissaries to carry out his will. Frankish kings were itinerant, travelling around his realm with his court.However, this meant that those that received the king as guests had to spend a lot of money to put up the king.

What are some questions that Professor Courtney always wants to ask?

"Where did the primary evidence come from?" "What is the historiography used?" "What kind of reason and reasoning process did the Historians?" "What are the assumptions undergirding a particular historical account?" "What is being left unsaid in a particular historical account?" "How do we have this item?"

Magonia

The name of the cloud realm whence felonious aerial sailors were said to have come according to the polemical treatise by Carolingian bishop Agobard of Lyon in 815, where he argues against weather magic. The treatise is titled De Grandine et Tonitruis ("On Hail and Thunder"). The inhabitants of this realm were said to travel the clouds in ships and worked with Frankish tempestarii ("tempest-raisers" or weather-magi) to steal grain from the fields during (magically raised) storms.

Relic

In religion, a _______ usually consists of the physical remains of a saint or the personal effects of the saint or venerated person preserved for purposes of veneration as a tangible memorial. Relics are an important aspect of some forms of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Shamanism, and many other religions. ______ derives from the Latin reliquiae, meaning "remains", and a form of the Latin verb relinquere, to "leave behind, or abandon". A reliquary is a shrine that houses one or more religious relics.

According to Professor Booker, what is necessary to study 500-1500 History?

One must be fluent in Latin.

Parchment

Parchment is a writing material made from specially prepared untanned skins of animals—primarily sheep, calves, and goats. It has been used as a writing medium for over two millennia. Vellum is a finer quality parchment made from the skins of young animals such as lambs and young calves. It may be called animal membrane by libraries and museums that wish to avoid distinguishing between "parchment" and the more-restricted term "vellum".

Autograph Text

The original text, the very first manuscript of the text, written by the original author.

Stemmatics

Stemmatics or stemmatology is a rigorous approach to textual criticism. Karl Lachmann (1793-1851) greatly contributed to making this method famous, even though he did not invent it. The method takes its name from the word stemma. The Ancient Greek word στέμματα[24] and its loanword in classical Latin stemmata may refer to "family trees". This specific meaning shows the relationships of the surviving witnesses (the first known example of such a stemma, albeit with the name, dates from 1827). The family tree is also referred to as a cladogram. The method works from the principle that "community of error implies community of origin." That is, if two witnesses have a number of errors in common, it may be presumed that they were derived from a common intermediate source, called a hyparchetype. Relations between the lost intermediates are determined by the same process, placing all extant manuscripts in a family tree or stemma codicum descended from a single archetype. The process of constructing the stemma is called recension, or the Latin recensio. Having completed the stemma, the critic proceeds to the next step, called selection or selectio, where the text of the archetype is determined by examining variants from the closest hyparchetypes to the archetype and selecting the best ones. If one reading occurs more often than another at the same level of the tree, then the dominant reading is selected. If two competing readings occur equally often, then the editor uses judgment to select the correct reading. After selectio, the text may still contain errors, since there may be passages where no source preserves the correct reading. The step of examination, or examinatio is applied to find corruptions. Where the editor concludes that the text is corrupt, it is corrected by a process called "emendation", or emendatio (also sometimes called divinatio). Emendations not supported by any known source are sometimes called conjectural emendations. The process of selectio resembles eclectic textual criticism, but applied to a restricted set of hypothetical hyparchetypes. The steps of examinatio and emendatio resemble copy-text editing. In fact, the other techniques can be seen as special cases of stemmatics in which a rigorous family history of the text cannot be determined but only approximated. If it seems that one manuscript is by far the best text, then copy text editing is appropriate, and if it seems that a group of manuscripts are good, then eclecticism on that group would be proper.

Louis the Pious (778 - 20 June 840), also called the Fair, and the Debonaire

The King of the Franks and co-emperor with his father, Charlemagne, from 813. He was also King of Aquitaine from 781. As the only surviving adult son of Charlemagne and Hildegard, he became the sole ruler of the Franks after his father's death in 814, a position which he held until his death, save for the period 833-34, during which he was deposed. During his reign in Aquitaine, ______ was charged with the defence of the empire's southwestern frontier. He conquered Barcelona from the Muslims in 801 and asserted Frankish authority over Pamplona and the Basques south of the Pyrenees in 812. As emperor he included his adult sons, Lothair, Pepin, and Louis, in the government and sought to establish a suitable division of the realm among them. The first decade of his reign was characterised by several tragedies and embarrassments, notably the brutal treatment of his nephew Bernard of Italy, for which _______ atoned in a public act of self-debasement. In the 830s his empire was torn by civil war between his sons, only exacerbated by ______'s attempts to include his son Charles by his second wife in the succession plans. Though his reign ended on a high note, with order largely restored to his empire, it was followed by three years of civil war. _____ is generally compared unfavourably to his father, though the problems he faced were of a distinctly different sort.

Neume (sometimes spelled neum)

The basic element of Western and Eastern systems of musical notation prior to the invention of five-line staff notation. The word entered the English language in the Middle English forms "newme", "nevme", "neme" in the 15th century, from the Middle French "neume", in turn from either medieval Latin "pneuma" or "neuma", the former either from ancient Greek πνεῦμα pneuma ("breath") or νεῦμα neuma ("sign"), or else directly from Greek as a corruption or an adaptation of the former.

From where did the concept of a "Dark Age" originate?

The concept of a "Dark Age" originated in the 1330s with the Italian scholar Petrarch, who regarded the post-Roman centuries as "dark" compared to the light of classical antiquity. The phrase "Dark Age" itself derives from the Latin saeculum obscurum, originally applied by Caesar Baronius in 1602 to a tumultuous period in the 10th and 11th centuries. The concept thus came to characterize the entire Middle Ages as a time of intellectual darkness between the fall of Rome and the Renaissance; this became especially popular during the 18th-century Age of Enlightenment.

Intertextuality

The shaping of a text's meaning by another text. It is the interconnection between similar or related works of literature that reflect and influence an audience's interpretation of the text. Intertextual figures include: allusion, quotation, calque, plagiarism, translation, pastiche and parody. These references are made to influence the reader and add layers of depth to a text, based on the readers' prior knowledge and understanding. Intertextuality is a literary discourse strategy utilised by writers in novels, poetry, theatre and even in non-written texts (such as performances and digital media). Examples of intertextuality are an author's borrowing and transformation of a prior text, and a reader's referencing of one text in reading another. Intertextuality is a literary device that creates an 'interrelationship between texts' and generates related understanding in separate works. Intertextuality, however, is a feature of all writing, as all statements rely on previously written words and phrases repurposed for the current goals of the current text; respond to states of knowledge, opinion, or discussion established through prior texts; or explicitly refer to or evoke prior texts, as originally proposed by V. N Volosinov and M. Bakhtin. The evocation of prior texts may be deeply implicit or may be marked by different levels of explicitness, from cultural familiarity with terms such as "theory of relativity" to authorial identification (e.g., "as Bertrand Russell notes") through formal citation, using one of the standard academic referencing formats. Intertextuality does not require citing or referencing punctuation (such as quotation marks) and is often mistaken for plagiarism. Intertextuality can be produced in texts using a variety of functions including allusion, quotation and referencing. However, intertextuality is not always intentional and can be utilised inadvertently. As philosopher William Irwin wrote, the term "has come to have almost as many meanings as users, from those faithful to Julia Kristeva's original vision to those who simply use it as a stylish way of talking about allusion and influence".

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", in The Life of Christina of Markyate, what does the miracle on one Christmas Eve, wherein Christina has a miraculous vision about Geoffrey wearing a red cope?

The sheer randomness of the Christmas matins vision, in "proving" that her clairvoyant virtuosity is no merely natural shrewdness, proves too much. By provoking an urgent curiosity that her many other visions do not, it implies that those others, also narrated as miraculous, lie closer to what Christina's biographer and friends suppose an alertly informed person might just know. By fastening on the spectacular unlikelihood of naturalistic explanation in this one vision, the work quietly confesses its likelihood in her others. Which suggests the deflating conclusion that the community around Markyate believes Christina's visions as a matter of course because ordinarily they require so little of belief, that it accepts them with an indolent credit that amounts almost to doubt. Those other visions are still narrated, still treated as miracles, and therefore, at least in this idler sense, believed. What we find when we pull at the logic of the narrative is neither serene conviction nor secret infidelity in pious disguise, but something more shifting and difficult: believers conscious not only that there exists a possible deflating explanation of her miraculous visions, conscious not only that it is plausible, but conscious also that they themselves tacitly depend on such deflations to avoid the cognitive strain of trying really to believe in a miracle— conscious, in other words, that they regard with secret relief the thought that much of what they choose to call miraculous may not be. (Justice 2008, 17)

Numismatics

The study or collection of currency, including coins, tokens, paper money and related objects. While numismatists are often characterised as students or collectors of coins, the discipline also includes the broader study of money and other payment media used to resolve debts and the exchange of goods. Early money used by people is referred to as "Odd and Curious", but the use of other goods in barter exchange is excluded, even where used as a circulating currency (e.g., cigarettes in prison). The Kyrgyz people used horses as the principal currency unit and gave small change in lambskins; the lambskins may be suitable for numismatic study, but the horses are not. Many objects have been used for centuries, such as cowry shells, precious metals, cocoa beans, large stones and gems.

What does Professor Courtney suggest is a useful heuristic to determine when an age ends?

When people start thinking about an era as distinct from the present. For example, when Cervantes wrote "Don Quixote", he was remarking on a certain era (what we call the medieval era) in the past, which he considered distinct from his own era.

What do they do in the Early 500-1500 and Antiquity that is distinguished from the later 500-1500 era.

Word Separation. Word Separation starts to happen around the 7th, 8th, 9th centuries CE, mainly in cultures that were non-Latinate cultures (like Anglo-Saxon England). During that time, missionaries would bring Latin text, including Latin Scriptures. To make it easier for non-Latin speakers to read, the missionaries would introduce word separation. They would also add punctuation marks to make it easier for people to read. On the continent, there were also attempts to reintroduce reading aids for the point of interpretation.

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what are some pop culture ideas associated with the term "medieval?"

[p. 12] ¶2 ... Bloody, bleak, unrestrained, barbaric, physical, unthinking, brutal, dark, ominous: these sorts of adjectives get us close to the associations that re compressed within Marsellus' brief utterance. ... [p. 13] ... ¶2 ... the word resonates because it encapsulates something more than just a disapproving response to a physical act of violence. The word is also saying something about a whole range of values and ways of behaving which, rightly or wrongly, are projected onto the Middle Ages. This is why Marsellus's use of 'medieval' works so well as code: it creates meaning in the audience's mind by triggering a chain reaction of associations, evoking not just the fact of extreme violence, but also the sort of people who were (supposedly) capable of that violence, and by extension the sort of society that could have produced those people in the first place. It amounts, then, to a form of social comment in which a caricature of the past is held up to the present in order to formal contrast or to make a point about some underlying similarity. (Bull 2005, 12-13)

In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 1 about?

[p. 2] ¶2 ... Chapter 1 looks at some of the images and preconceptions about medieval civilization that have become part of modern popular culture. To 'think medieval', in other words, is to ponder what the words 'Middle Ages' and 'medieval' have come to mean beyond the academic context. ... it is important to be aware of the ways in which the two things overlap and interact, especially because this helps us to avoid many of- [p. 3] ¶1-the pitfalls that await someone thinking about a distant and alien historical subject such as medieval Europe. Chapter 1 therefore explores some of the ideas about medieval life, many but not all of the mnegative, that have become part of the Western world's cultural baggage. ... (Bull 2005, 2-3)

In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 4 about with regard to the "uselessness" of the humanities?

[p. 3] ¶2 ... On a more manageable level, the importance of medieval history resides in its being one element -- still small, but now proportionately more noticeable -- within the full range of arts and humanities subjects that are taught and researched in educational institutions. Chapter 4 begins by offering some thoughts on this level of debate, particularly in relation to the charge of uselessness (whatever that in fact means) sometimes brought by outsiders pursuing a variety of agendas,- [p. 4] ¶1 ... be they politicians playing to public prejudice, or scientists and other specialists in purportedly 'useful' subjects. More specifically, however, the most helpful way to think about the importance of medieval history is in relation to the criticisms sometimes voiced by insiders: that is to say, other scholars such as historians of more recent parts of the past who are implicitly persuaded of the value of studying the arts and humanities in general terms but who like to choose the relative merit of different slices of history by appeal to the criterion of 'relevance'. Most of Chapter 4, therefore, takes up this particular issue, on the assumption that if one can make a good case for medieval history's relevance (again, whatever that means) in relation to other branches of academic history, then satisfactory answers to the bigger issues about humanities subjects in general, and academic endeavour across the board, can be constructed by mobilizing the example of medieval history as part of the wider argument. (Bull 2005, 3-4)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what was the single most important contributor to the idea that the Middle Ages are dated from 500 to 1500?

[p. 47] ¶2 ... The single most important development in this context was the creation in Germany soon after the end of the Napoleonic Wars of the Gesellschaft für Deutschlands ältere Geschichtskunde (the Society for the Study of Early German History), the aim of which was to produce high-quality editions of medieval sources such as chronicles, charters, laws and letters. This project set new standards of technical proficiency, and the series of works that it began, the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, or Germany's Historical Monuments (i.e. sources) is still going strong. Soon after the Society was first formed in 1819, its founding fathers decided to set terminal dates of 500 and 1500 for its work. In practice, these cut-off points were never observed rigidly, but the huge prestige that the Monumenta enjoyed in academic circles helped to cement its version of the chronological limits of the Middle Ages. This was reinforced by the fact that its understanding of what constitued 'German' blurred inot what we would call "Germanic', with the result that the early medeival histories of places such as France, Italy, and Spain also fell within its remit. This broad vision was the one carried over when the modern-style teaching of history began to- [p. 48] ¶1-emerge in schools and universities in the second half of the nineteenth century, becoming enshrined in the creation of new syllabuses and new academic titles. This system is essentially what universities today have inherited." (Bull 2005, 47)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what was the impact of E.A.R. Brown's article 'The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism and Historians of Medieval Europe'?"

[p. 59] ¶1 ... Medievalists today are generally much more wary of the terms 'feudal' and 'feudalism', and many try to avoid them altogether. A landmark event was the appearance in 1974 of an article by E.A.R. Brown, 'The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism and Historians of Medieval Europe'. In this article, Brown forcefully attacked the prevalence of the terms 'feudal' and 'feudalism' in academic debate. There were too many definitions in circulation to make the words useful, she pointed out, and every definition was so hedged around with geographical and chronological qualifications that even more confusion was the inevitable result. Moreover, the notion of the 'feudal system' was in fact a creation of lawyers and political theorists in the- [p. 60] ¶1-seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not a true encapsulation of medieval conditions. Brown's article has been hugely influential, and rightly so. ..." (Bull 2005, 59-60)

In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 4 about with regard to the different internal and mental differences between medieval people and ourselves?

[p. 5] ¶3 In fact, as Chapter 4 goes on to argue, the relevance of medieval people is precisely the fact they were not like us at all, however many superficial similarities might emerge in some of the evidence. In other words, the value of studying medieval history, its relevance if you like, is not about making facile causal connections over long reaches of time, but about getting to grips with the fact of difference, or 'alterity' to give it a technical quality. The Middle Ages are relevant because they present fascinating and, yes, difficult challenges. It really comes down to plain intellectual excitement, and to respect for the extraordinary diversity of human experience. ... A major flaw in pop-cultural images of the Middle Ages is that, while they naturally allow for the existence of external trappings different from our own, often in order to convey messages about the exotic or grubby quality of medieval life, they tend to underestimate the internal, mental differences between medieval people and ourselves. At best medieval people become caricatures of the qualities that we welcome or when we encounter them in the modern world. But it is always wise to assume difference unless and until there is some- [p. 6] ¶1-evidence for similarity, not the reverse. This is essentially what makes medieval history so interesting -- and so relevant to any historical education. (Bull 2005, 5-6)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the importance of latin in terms of transmitting information across space in medieval Europe?

[p. 69] ¶2 ... Latin ... remained a living presence, especially within the Church, which was very conscious of its roots in the Roman past and regarded Latin as a sacred language (the Bible had been translated into Latin in the late Roman period). ... Latin was kept alive by networks of educated monks and clerics. The way that Latin worked in medieval culture was not like, for example, a modern computer language that is fully understood by a small elite and utterly incomprehensible to everyone else. Although only a minority of people, mostly male, received a Latin education, within this privileged elite there were different degrees of familiarity of usage. Some had enough Latin to deal with formulaic documents and the more repetitive phrases said or sung in church services. Some were able to write in Latin, often to a very high standard. Some could even speak it; although those who could converse in the language were only a minority within a minority, this skill was significant because it helps to explain, for example, how the popes' court could deal with litigants from across western Christendom, and how international religious orders, which proliferated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, were able to organize annual general meetings which attracted members drawn from across Latin Christendom. (Bull 2005, 69)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what are some built-in imbalances regarding the written sources for the Middle Ages?

[p. 77] ¶2 The written sources for the Middle Ages also contain several in-built imbalances. They are much more likely to have been written by a man, and to say more about men than women. They say more about adults than children. They are much more likely to feature high-status people: the wealthiest, the most powerful, or the best educated. The sources tell us more about the life of the Church than about secular affairs (though the distinction between the two was much hazier than in a modern Western society). They tell us far more about life played out in the public domain than in the private. And although medieval thinkers had a sense of history playing itself out over the long term, in practical terms most medieval sources bear upon particular events or short periods rather than long-term processes such as demographic change or economic growth. Another noteworthy feature of the source base is that it leans heavily towards representing life as it ought to be rather than how it was in practice. This is most obviously true of the normative, or standard-setting, material that has survived such as the Rules that governed- [p. 78] ¶1-life in monasteries or law codes issued in the name of kings: this sort of material has a significant place in our source repertoire, especially for the earlier parts of the Middle Ages. But the same can also apply the material that on the surface appears to describe specific and unique slices of lived reality. When, for example, a chronicle describes the actions of a king on one particular day, it is highly unlikely that what we are seeing is a piece of neutral, fly-on-the-wall observation, even supposing that the chronicler was cose in space and time to the events he is describing. The chronicler's version of what happened and his reflections on his subject's motivations will be filtered through contemporary expectations about the roles that kings were expected to play and an awareness of the ideological underpinnings of royal status. The description will thus be about generic 'king-ness' in motion as least as much as it individuates one human being doing something specific and unrepeatable on one particular day in history. The same sort of consideration applies to the ways in which sources tend to present women, or the clergy, or the poor, or different occupations and classes, or Jews and Muslims. It also applies to material which on the face of it looks the most overtly descriptive in nature, such as a list of rents owed to a landowner, a list of the knights whose services were available to a ruler, or a brief memorandum of a judgement reached in a trial: even in these sorts of ostensibly bald sources one is in fact encountering a constant tension between the ideal and the real. S much as anything, this is a reminder that medieval people were not, of course, creating records for the benefit of historians in the distant future, but in response to their own needs, which included bringing a sense of order and shape to their world. (Bull 2005, 77-78)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what makes the date 1200 significant?

[p. 78] ¶2 ... it is around this time that the quantity and diversity of the sources at our disposal are transformed. There are several reasons for this. One is a growth of political power at the royal or equivalent- [p. 79] ¶1-centre in most parts of western Europe, which brought with it an increase in bureaucracy and a corresponding demand for bureaucrats educated in the newly emerging schools and universities. Crucially, governments started to learn the value of keeping comprehensive records of their financial, administrative and judicial business, and just as importantly of finding places to keep them so that they were no longer vulnerable to the sort of mishap that happened in 1914 when many of the records of French royal government, which travelled around with the king, were lost in one day when the ing was defeated in battle at Fréteval. ¶2 Another factor to consider is the growth in the power and resources of the Church, which from the middle of the eleventh century had begun to reform its organization in order to enhance its influence over all levels of society. The growth in the number and size of towns from the eleventh and twelfth centuries is yet another significant factor, for the commercial and legal culture fostered in urban environments encouraged the creation and preservation of more and fuller written records. The transformation in the source base around 1200 is so significant that it should in fact be added to the list of arguments in Chapter 2 undermining the unrealistic homogeneity implied by the terms 'Middle Ages' and 'medieval'. A scholar working on European history around, say, 700 is doing something wholly different from another scholar working on 1400: the sources at their disposal do not simply introduce differences of scale, but also fundamental qualitative judgements about who and what can be studied and the sort of questions that can realistically be answered. In this respect, the late medievalist will often have much more in common with someone working 1600, 1700 or even 1800. (Bull 2005, 78-79)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Catharism?

[p. 85] ¶2 ... The Cathars were followers of a form of Christianity that effectively amounted to a completely different religion from that espoused by the Catholic Church. Their message found a sympathetic audience in many parts of southern France in the later twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but they were branded as heretics and combatted by the Catholic authorities, ineffectively at first but then with increasing rigour, so that by 1300 Catharism had been pushed back into remote pockets in the Pyrenean mountains, including the area around Montaillou. ... between 1318 and 1325 ... [p. 86] ¶1 ... the Church had already broken the back of heresy in the region, and all that was left was the tidying up of loose ends. ... (Bull 2005, 85-86)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what occured in Spain around the year 711 AD?

[p. 88] ¶3 In 711 forces made up of Muslim Arabs and north African Berbers crossed the Straits of Gibraltar and invaded Spain. Spain was at that time a Christian kingdom under the rule of the descendants of Germanic tribesmen, the Visigoths, who had themselves taken over from the ROmans in the fifth and sixth centuries. The Arab invaders swiftly broke the back of the Visigothic regime, and over the course of the eighth century they consolidated their hold on most of the peninsula, leaving a few small and, at this stage, insignificant pockets of Christian rule in the far north. The invaders became the new political and military elite, but there was little popular migration from north Africa into spain, especially beyond the south and east of the peninsula where the Muslims had their main urban centres and their most intensively exploited agricultural land. Most of the Christians stayed put. Their situation as the numerically superior but politically inferior part of the population was thus not unlike the circumstances in which the Anglo-Saxons were to find themselves after the Norman Conquest of England in 1066. There was one big difference, however, in that for all that separated the Englihs and the Normans in post-Conquest England, they at least shared the same Christian religion. This fundamental point of cultural contact was absent in Spain. Nonetheless, the Christians were able to accommodate themselves to the new order in various ways. Islamic law extended a degree of toleration to Christians and Jews as dhimmis, 'peoples of the book'. They could get on with their lives semi-autonomously provided they paid certain special taxes, observed their religious rituals unobtrusively, and generally kept their heads down and learned to accept their second-class but far from intolerable status. A few Christians even prospered by working for the Arab- [p. 89] ¶1-government, sometimes rising to positions of power in the court circles of the rulers in Córdoba, the capital of Muslim Spain. (Bull 2005, 88-89)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what occurred due to the murder of the counter of Flanders, Charles, on March 1127?

[p. 92] ¶3 ... Early one morning in March 1127, Charles, the count of Flanders, was murdered as he prayed in the church of St Donatian next to his castle in Bruges (in what is now northern Belgium). This act stunned public opinion, and it triggered a remarkable sequence of events. First of all, those who sided with the murderers were besieged within Bruges by forces loyal to Charles' memory. Bit- [p. 93] ¶1-by bit they were forced back until, ironically, their last refuge was the very part of the church of St Donatian where Charles had been cut down. Eventually the besieged had to surrender, and a few days later they were put to death by being thrown one by one from the top of a tower. The ringleaders of the conspiracy who had earlier managed to escape were hunted down and killed. This blood retribution was only the prelude, however, to a more serious and destructive period of civil war. Charles had died without a close male heir, and various aristocratic factions, supported by the kings of England and France who had competing strategic interests in the region, fought for the vacant countship. The situation was only resolved more than a year later, in July 1128, when the main pretender to the comital title, William Clito, died as a result of his wounds, leaving the field unexpectedly clear for his beleaguered rival Thierry of Alsace, who went on to rule Flanders for the next forty years. (Bull 2005, 92-93)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the issue with using the term "feudal"?

¶1 ... A fief was what in modern legal parlance would be called the consideration of a contract: the material benefit or payment granted to someone when he (or, more rarely, she) entered into someone else's service and formally swore fidelity to him (or, more rarely, her). Often the fief consisted of one or more parcels of land, but it could be any income-generating source such as a share in a rent or a toll. In the class textbook model of feudalism, the service promised to the lord was military in nature, especially what could be offered by a man equipped to fight as a knight or to lead a team of knights, but again there was a wide variety of arrangements according to the needs and status of the contracting parties. In narrow terms, therefore, feudal relationships operated on the level of what we would today call property law and the law of contract. ¶2 In practice, however, because earlier generations of historians believed that fief-holding was a fundamental feature of medieval life, especially between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, the range of associations connected to the words 'feudal' and 'feudalism' expanded to cover the whole political, military, economic, social and cultural environment in which the granting of fiefs took place. In the process 'feudal society' became conceptualized not just as the time and place where fiefs happened to exist, but as a whole civilization characterized by, for example, the weakness of central governmental authority and the usurpation of power by local strongmen; the privatization of justice and law courts; the dominance of an aristocracy that emphasized its military identity in its self-fashioning; the exploitation by the aristocracy of the majority of the population, who were tied to the land by various legal and economic constraints; and particular institutional forms of that exploitation designed to facilitate group farming activity, for example in manors. ..." (Bull 2005, 57)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the best way to approach medieval history?

¶1 ... Another, ultimately more fruitful, way of understanding a period is to come at it through the primary sources that it has left us. ... (Bull 2005, 62)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is Aquinas view on the verb reading to believe, "credere"?

¶1 ... Aquinas endorses Augustine's definition of "believe" (credere) as "think with assent" (cum assensu cogitare), because cogitare est simul coagitare: roughly, "to think is to bang things together."50[50. "Cogitatio inquisitionem quamdam importat: dicitur enim cogitare quasi coagitare, id est discutere, et conferre unum cum altero"; Quaestiones disputatae de veritate, ed. A. Dondaine (Rome, 1972-76), vol. 2, q. 14 a. 1 arg. 2. (The same point is considered, to the same effect, at ST IIa IIae, q. 2 a.1.) The philology of all the terms relevant here is complex, but the drift is unmistakable. The root of coagitare in agitare—primarily "to shake, move about," by derivation "to consider"— is clear enough. Thomas's continuation of the definition has the same effect: "coagitare, id est dicutere, et conferre unum cum altero." Unum cum altero shows that conferre means not "confer, discuss," but "bring together," or "pit against"; Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. "confero," 16. This is confirmed by discutere, which suggests violently knocking things about; see OLD, s.v. "discutio." (English "discuss" begins with the same range of meanings; its present sense originates from the notion of putting things to a test.) Discussio, in Thomas, is a partly technical term for the inquisitive disturbance of the mind characteristic of a sinless form of doubt: he distinguishes the "doubt of disturbance" (dubitatio discussionis) and the "doubt of wonder" (dubitatio admirationis) from the "doubt of infidelity" (dubitatio infidelitatis) at ST IIIa q. 27 a. 4 ad 2. Augustine's original statement ("ipsum credere, nihil aliud est, quam cum assensione cogitare") is found in De predestinatione sanctorum, J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia latina [henceforth PL] 44, col. 963.] The violent agitation imagined in that verb, and the cognitive restlessness it signals, are not the condition from which belief rescues the mind but a condition it inflicts, and related passages describe the restlessness of the mind in belief. The formulary of belief is not that which goes without saying, the plush carpet of presupposition, but that which has to be said, and then said again, because saying it provokes reactive intellectual energy: simultaneous with and inseparable from the act of believing, "a certain motion of doubt befalls the believer."51[51. "credenti accidit aliquis motus dubitationis," Comm. in Sent., lib. 3 d. 23 q. 2 a. 2 qc. 3 ad 2.]." (Justice 2008, 13)

In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 3 about?

¶1 ... Chapter 3 therefore asks what sort of evidence survives from medeival Europe, and how it influences what historians can or cannot say. ... (Bull 2005, 3)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, how important was medieval Latin?

¶1 ... Latin remained the single most important language of written communication up to the end of the Middle Ages, and indeed beyond in many learned, legal and administrative contexts. Medieval Latin was anything but dead. (Bull 2005, 71)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the problem with discounting or ignoring witness testimony of miracles and other paranormal events?

¶1 ... R. G. Collingwood, discussing the analogous problem in New Testament scholarship, explained the dilemma: if we say that our authors reported miracles "because they were unscientific, imaginative, credulous people," then "that fact vitiates not only their testimony to the miracles but all their other testimony as well."12[12. R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford, 1946), 136.] ... (Justice 2008, 2)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the metaphor that Aquinas' uses regarding the relationship between doubt" and the "assent" which leads to faith?

¶1 ... The metaphor by which Aquinas conveys the formal shape of doubt's relation to assent in this agitation is discussion, dialogue. In the act of knowledge, he says in a crucial passage, thinking precedes assent; in belief, thinking accompanies the assent, remains continually vocal within it:52[52. "Sciens . . . habet et cogitationem, et assensum; sed cogitationem causantem assensum, et assensum terminantem cogitationem . . .; sic non habet assensum et cogitationem quasi ex aequo; sed cogitatio inducit ad assensum, et assensus cogiationem quietat. . . . Sed in fide est assensus et cogitatio quasi ex aequo. . . . adhuc habet cogitationem et inquisitionem de his quae credit, quamvis eis firmissime assentiat"; De veritate, q. 14 a. 1 co.] the self is always potentially talking to itself, confronting assertion with doubt and doubt with assertion." (Justice 2008, 13)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", why does Aquinas' discussion of faith relevant to understanding why academic and practical theology could speak of professing beliefs the content of which one did not know

¶1 ... This last, which has been discussed for what it shows about the pedagogy of the medieval church, shows much also about what it took faith to be. "Without faith it is impossible to please God" (Hebrews 11:6),58[58. Biblical quotations are Douay-Rheims-Challoner] as countless discussions of medieval faith quoted; but how were those Christians adventitiously ignorant of the articles of faith, or incapable of learning them, to achieve that saving faith? How could they believe what they did not know? They could have an implicit faith, an assertion of conviction in the truths of the faith known to other minds but not to theirs.59[59. The founding statement of the problem, on which subsequent discussions relied, was in the Sentences: "in Ecclesia minus capaces sunt, qui articulos Symboli distinguere et assignare non valent, omnia tamen credunt quae in Symbolo continentur: credunt enim quae ignorant, habentes fidem velatam in mysterio"; Peter Lombard, Sententiae in IV libris distinctae, ed. Quaracchi fathers, (Rome, 1971-1981), III, d. 25, c. 3. Aquinas will insist that the object of the implicit faith of the unlearned is not the learned—they are not believing in their betters—but in the content, which is known to the learned but not to them; ST IIa IIae q. 2, a. 6, ad 3. The importance of the problem was noted by PierreMarie Gy, "Evangélisation et sacrements au moyen âge," in Humanisme et foi chrétienne: mélanges scientifiques du centenaire de l'Institut Catholique de Paris, ed. Charles Kannengiesser and Yves Marchasson (Paris, 1976), 565-72; and JeanClaude Schmitt, "Du bon usage du 'credo'," in Faire croire: modalités de la diffusion et de la réception des messages religieux du XIIe au XVe siècle (Rome, 1981), 340-42; and see the superb, more recent discussion in John Van Engen, "Faith as a Concept of Order in Medieval Christendom," in Belief in History: Innovative Approaches to European and American Religion, ed. Thomas Kselman (Notre Dame, 1991), esp. 38-47.] At that extreme, belief proves to be nothing but the assertion of will, which has no determinate content, but only a disposition to accept a content that remains opaque. When the content is known, the activity of the will is no less exigent. Though belief is evidently a cognitive and intellectual activity, it just as evidently is not the free course of cognition and intellect left to themselves; this, indeed, is just why the mind never settles into belief. For what provokes the sharpest resistance of the mind is precisely the determination to hold it to a series of propositional commitments already undertaken, to keep it "under the sway of the will. " (Justice 2008, 14)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what does a great deal of medieval historians' efforts involve regarding primary source material?

¶2 ... a great deal of medieval historians' effort is directed towards the reinterpretation of material that is already in the scholarly domain. This is especially true of medieval history before the watershed around 1200, after which the quantity and rage of the available source material begin to expand considerably, as we have seen. ... (Bull 2005, 94)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is problem with routinely trying to find some sort of heard-headed realistic motivation behind claims of the miraculous?

¶1 ... What gives such assertions the look of hardheaded realism they ostentatiously sport is their insistence on cutting straight from utterance or action to some form of institutional or cultural capital (sometimes literal capital) it is thought to acquire: no mucking about with anything so immaterial and treacherous as thought. And so we do not ask whether John of Gaunt believed that Wyclif was right, whether Bonaventure thought that his idea of Francis was true to the saint's idea of himself, whether Margery Kempe actually saw her visions. But bypassing such subjective investments in favor of interests served just creates different subjective investments: we refrain from attributing estimates of truth to our subjects, but we attribute estimates of utility and purposive choice. This convention of describing strategy without belief or commitment has little enough to say for itself in theory; in practice, it freezes historical subjects into an idiot deadpan behind which either of two extreme possibilities might lie: they must speak either in a cynical and nearly sociopathic detachment from the truth-content of their words, or in a nearly delusional bondage to interests they do not even recognize as the source of those words. Either Margery Kempe knew that she had had no visions, but claimed them anyhow to get what she wanted, or was so abjectly hostage to her desire that she induced the visions unawares. It could be either, but it must be one; an interpretative scheme that admits purpose but not reflection affords no third. (Justice 2008, 11)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the asymmetry behind the 2 ways of accounting for 500-1500 AD miracle accounts is "ill fitted to the conceptual problem it is meant to solve"?

¶1 ... that same odd and asymmetrical relation we have seen before: one of the possibilities could be coherently applied to the self, the other not; one could be avowed as a conscious motive, the other only unconsciously displayed; you could coherently say to yourself, "I make this assertion not because I think it is true but because making it will get me my wish," but not, "I make this assertion because my wish has swindled me into- [p.12] ¶1--thinking it true." In other words, the categorical bracketing of belief summons the same crude alternatives that attend upon its categorical explanation. So the problem arises neither in explaining the category of belief nor in bracketing it; the problem arises in creating the category, in imagining belief as a distinct kind of cognitive state or activity, and then declaring it the defining property or defining problem of certain centuries. In a scholarly generation fascinated to the point of bemusement with the mechanisms of medieval coercion, it is remarkable that the habit of demarcating belief as a distinct category of mental experience, or a distinct category of utterance, could survive the facts that some of these very mechanisms put so visibly on display. (Justice 2008, 11-12)

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is said about the supposed "grimness" and "unpleasantness" of medieval culture?

¶1 ... there has also been a long tradition of talking up the supposed grimness and unpleasantness of medieval culture. The aim is not to be turned off by the Middle Ages but to find in them something compelling and attractive. This can be linked back to the work of the 'Graveyard Poets' around the middle of the eighteenth century, followed towards the end of the century by the emergence of the Gothic novel. Much of the bric-a-brac of modern bats-in-the-belfry horror can be traced back to these genres -- foggy graveyards, ruined and mysterious castles, the ghostly clanking of chain, dark omens and portents, superstitious peasants, moaning monks, torture chambers, and sinister underground passages. What is sometimes called the first Gothic novel, Horace Walpole's The Castle of Otranto (1764), is set in twelfth- or thirteenth-century Italy (not that there is any concern for accurate period detail as we would now understand it). Later Gothic writers took up Walpole's interest in southern Europe, in part of its Catholicism and its half-familiar, half-exotic feel created a compelling mix of attraction and distaste in northern Protestant readers. ... (Bull 2005, 20)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what was the intent behind trying to "explain belief" in miracles?

¶1 ... these spectacularly inadequate explanations of belief in miracle were in reality meant less to explain belief than to contain it, to account for it just far enough to help otherwise useful sources over their rough patches. ... (Justice 2008, 8)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the problem that many historians feel about using the word 'medieval'?

¶1 A further problem flows on from this. The word 'medieval' enshrines a vision of human history that is squarely centred on European civilization, more specifically Wester, Christian civilization, which is seen as the cradle of various forces for human progress. In recent decades historians have grown increasingly uncomfortable with any narrative of human history that relies on the notion of progress and privileges one part of the world by downgrading the importance of others. The old approach, it is argued, severely misrepresents the significance, and different chronologies, of civilizations in Asia, Africa and America. More than this, it limits our attention unreasonably to supposedly advanced civilizations rather than all the forms of human economic, political and social organization in their immense variety. 'Medieval', then, is accused of being too weighed down by its Eurocentric bagage to remain a useful or appropriate term. ..." (Bull 2005, 53)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, where were the forerunners of the medieval university?

¶1 In the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, in the schools of northern France which were among the forerunners of the medieval university ..." (Bull 2005, 42)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the 2nd of 2 ways of accounting for medieval miracle accounts that were pervasive in scholarship of the 20th century?

¶2 ... a second strategy, which I call the "perceptual account." This assumes that medieval sources spontaneously misperceived natural events as supernatural ones—from ideological predisposition or from lack of better (scientific or medical) explanations— and reported them as such. This account often is uncontroversial: a prayer was offered, a fever broke; uninformed about self-limiting viral infections, those who saw it saw a miracle. And it is often useful: we can suppose that Ailred might have cursed that obnoxious abbot, and that the abbot might have died, without feeling ourselves obliged to suppose that God killed him at Ailred's prayer. Christina of Markyate could predict when a sick man would recover, what policy the king would adopt, when a friend would arrive unannounced. Her contemporaries saw a prophetic gift. We may conclude that her information derived from a combination of "common sense," "imagination," and "gossip"; at least Christopher Holdsworth concludes thus, and says that the author attributes these talents to special revelations because "in the twelfth century such percipience seemed miraculous."16[16. C. J. Holdsworth, "Christina of Markyate," in Medieval Women: Dedicated and Presented to Professor Rosalind M. T. Hill on the Occasion of Her Seventieth Birthday, ed. Derek Baker (Oxford, 1978), 202. For some other instances, see Henry MayrHarting, "Functions of a Twelfth-Century Recluse," History 60 (1975): esp. 341-42; R. C. Finucane, "The Use and Abuse of Medieval Miracles," History 60 (1975): 1-10; R. C. Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England (London, 1977); John Wortley, "Three Not-So-Miraculous Miracles," in Health, Disease, and Healing in Medieval Culture, ed. Sheila Campbell, Bert Hall, and David Klausner (New York, 1992), 159-68; Augustine Thompson, OP, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford, 1992), 113-14; R. I. Moore, "Between Sanctity and Superstition: Saints and Their Miracles in the Age of Revolution," in The Work of Jacques Le Goff and the Challenges of Medieval History, ed. Miri Rubin, (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK, 1997), 55-67; Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, 94.] ... (Justice 2008, 4)

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, are all pop culture about the "Middle Ages" inaccurate?

¶2 ... negative ideas about the Middle Ages that predominate in popular culture. Things are not quite so simple, however, We are also heirs of more positive interpretations which likewise date back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and have are presented with competing, and sometimes irreconcilable, visions. ... (Bull 2005, 18)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the problem with the term "the middle ages"?

¶1 The conceptual power of "the middle ages" as a historiographical category, which originated in the contexts of philological and literary as well as religious polemic, derived from its success installing in the historiographical scheme a period of different, darker, historical subjectivity.33[33. Lucie Varga, Das Schlagwort vom "finsteren Mittelalter" (Baden, 1932). On the origins both of the idea and the terminology of a "middle age," see esp. George Gordon, Medium aevum and the Middle Age, vol. 19 of Society for Pure English Tracts (Oxford, 1925); Theodore E. Mommsen, "Petrarch's Conception of the 'Dark Ages'," Speculum 17 (1942): 226-42; Nathan Edelman, Attitudes of SeventeenthCentury France Toward the Middle Ages (New York, 1946), 2-10; Fred C. Robinson, "Medieval, the Middle Ages," Speculum 59 (1984): 745-56.] The doublet of fraud and credulity served Kingsley, attacking Newman in the 1860s as something that crawled out of a sinister past, a knave so twisted that all his cunning had turned to foolishness. It served my Sunday-school teachers in the 1960s. By the same token, an idealizing Catholic medievalism simply reversed the polarities on the same state of flattened cognitive possibility: "from the humblest to the greatest, a whole society believes: can men of the twentieth century understand what this means?"34[34. Henri Daniel-Rops, Histoire de l'Eglise du Christ, vol. 3, L'Eglise de la cathédrale et de la croisade (Paris, 1952), 45.] (Justice 2008, 9)

In Chapter 1 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, when was their a flourishing of Old Norse writings?

¶2 ... Between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries there was a remarkable flourishing of writing in Old Norse, especially by poets and historians living in Iceland. ... (Bull 2005, 35)

In the Introduction to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is Chapter 2 about?

¶2 ... Chapter 2 explores the ways in which the 'middleness' of the Middle Ages was created between the fourteenth and nineteenth centuries, while also offering some thoughts on the pros and cons of historical periodization more generally. People in the Middle Ages did not think of themselves as 'medieval', of course: the word could only be coined later, by people looking back in time and using the past to reinforce value judgments about their own culture and civilization. The chapter argues that in an ideal world we should jettison the labels 'Middle Ages' and 'medieval' altogether: not only do they come burdened by five centuries or more of judgementalism, they block off a chunk of historical time which is too unwieldy and too internally diverse to be a useful unit of analysis. ... (Bull 2005, 3)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the problem with the term "Renaissance"?

¶2 ... If one draws on terms that were in use during the period one is studying, there is a real danger of taking people at their own estimation. An excellent sample of this problem, which also has a close bearing on our understanding of 'medieval', is the use of the term 'Renaissance' in relation to changes in European civilization between about 1300 and 1600. The origins of this label lie in the language of rebirth and renovation that was used by fourteenth- and fifteenth-century intellectuals in central and northern Italy, especially in and around Florence, to describe contemporary trends in art, architecture and literature in terms of a return to the civilization of ancient Rome. The term was picked up in the nineteenth century by the influential and popular French historian Jules Michelet, and it then received its most influential endorsement in the ground-breaking work of the Swiss scholar Jacob Burckhardt, whose The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy appeared in 1860." (Bull 2005, 44)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what are the two different perspectives that makes it hard to write about the Middle Ages?

¶2 ... On the one hand, we know as a basic fact that, for all their differences from us, medieval people were living, breathing human beings; and from our own experience we are familiar with using what we see or hear or read to form judgements about others. People are, we trust, knowable, at least to some degree. On the other hand, with a subject such as medieval history we are presented with the task of understanding people by interpreting material which in its form and content seldom resembles the sources of information that we routinely use in our own lives. It is the tension between these two things which necessarily draws the sources to the surface of most writing on medieval history. ... (Bull 2005, 63)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the 1st of 2 ways of accounting for medieval miracle accounts that were pervasive in scholarship of the 20th century?

¶2 ... The first I call the "didactic" account, which claims that miracle stories were offered more as meaningful object-lessons than as facts: "Miracle stories in histories were, then, primarily meant to be edifying. . . . [They] were part of a general world view and belonged to an essentially subjective kind of truth."13[13. Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind: Theory, Record, and Event, 1000-1215 (Philadelphia, 1982), 205, 211. Instances of the approach can be found in Pierre Boglioni, "Miracle et nature chez Grégoire le Grand," in Epopées, légendes et miracles (Montreal, 1974), 11-102; Sofia Boesch Gajano, "Demoni e miracoli nei 'Dialogi' di Gregorio Magno," in Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés, IVe-XIIe siècles. Actes du Colloque organisé à Nanterre et à Paris (2-5 mai 1979) (Paris, 1979), 263-80; William McCready, Signs of Sanctity: Miracles in the Thought of Gregory the Great (Toronto, 1989). Thomas J. Heffernan, Sacred Biography: Saints and Their Biographers in the Middle Ages (New York, 1988), tries to promote this account into something like a philosophy of life.] Before being so crisply formulated, it was the grounds for many small tactical interventions to preserve the historical utility of sources. On this account, stories of miracles take historical form without actually making historical claims. So, for example, when Bede reports that St. Cuthbert's mere command could reduce birds to remorse and obedience, he really asserts not a fact but a truth, the truth that sanctity gained in ascetic struggle can recover a prelapsarian dominion over creation.14[14. See Urs Herzog, "Vorschein der 'neuen Erde': Der Heilige und die Tiere in der mittelalterlichen Legende," in Verborum amor: Studien zur Geschichte und Kunst der deutschen Sprache, ed. Harald Burger, Alois M. Haas, and Peter von Matt (Berlin, 1992), esp. 256-62.] ... (Justice 2008, 4)

In Chapter 2 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, from where is the origin of the term "Dark Ages?" and "Middle Ages?"

¶2 ... The origins of the idea of a middle period are to be found in the writings of Renaissance intellectuals in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Perhaps the most influential was the writer Petrarch (1304-74), who is often credited with putting the darkness into the 'Dark Ages'. By the fifteenth century writers in FLorence and elsewhere were beginning to talk of a 'middle era' (in Latin media tempestas or media tempora), and the prestige of avant-garde Italian ideas ensured that this notion would carry over into other parts of Europe. At this stage, the identification of a middle period was not an attempt at the sort of all-inclusive historical periodization that we often apply today. The focus of these early commentators and theorists was on high-status artistic productions, and the criteria on which they based their judgements were essentially aesthetic. In his influential On Painting (c. 1435), for example, Leon Battista Alberti bemoaned the loss of the skills that had been practised in 'our most vigorous antique past', and set about trying to revive them for his contemporaries." (Bull 2005, 47)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is needed to think about the Middle Ages?

¶2 ... Thinking about the Middle Ages with the source material to hand is hard work; and the imaginative effort that is required to overcome the deficiencies in the evidence is a constant and humbling reminder of the fantastic richness, variety, and complexity of the people and societies that we presume to understand. (Bull 2005, 98)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", why do so many medieval historians continue to emphasize the medieval era as an "age of faith"?

¶2 ... We have been disavowing the "age of faith" with the same didactic importunacy for four decades, conjuring its specter so that time and again we may deride it as spectral.8[8. For example: "Everyone is familiar with the notion of an 'Age of Faith.' It is the idea that, at some time in the past, everyone believed what religious authority told them to believe"; Alexander Murray, "Piety and Impiety in Thirteenth-Century Italy," in Popular Belief and Practice, ed. G. J. Cuming and Derek Baker (Cambridge, 1972), 83-84. "In practice it was certainly not a pure 'age of faith,' free from the challenge of a secular view of man and uncomplicated by the use of human reason"; Colin Morris, The Discovery of the Individual, 1050-1200 (London, 1972), 6. "Were not the middle ages, after all, an age of faith?" Alexander Murray, "The Epicureans," in Intellectuals and Writers in FourteenthCentury Europe: The J. A. W. Bennett Memorial Lectures, Perugia, 1984, ed. Piero Boitani and Anna Torti (Tübingen, 1986), 140. "Although medievalists know, for example, that 'The Age of Faith' is a highly misleading characterization, it seems nearly impossible, despite all our best efforts, to extirpate it from the textbooks, much less from the popular consciousness"; Lawrence G. Duggan, "Was Art Really the 'Book of the Illiterate'?" Word and Image 5 (1989): 251. "The familiarity of this scheme is again all too obvious: living in an age of faith, Dante was protected from the self-consciousness that tormented Petrarch"; Lee Patterson, "On the Margin: Postmodernism, Ironic History, and Medieval Studies," Speculum 65 (1990): 98-99. ". . . the old form of seeing the middle ages as an Age of Faith"; Susan Reynolds, "Social Mentalities and the Case of Medieval Scepticism," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6, no. 1 (1991): 22, 25. "Pendant longtemps, on a affirmé que le Moyen Age avait été crédule et ingénu"; André Vauchez, Saints, prophètes et visionnaires: le pouvoir surnaturel au Moyen Age (Paris, 1999), 13. "The Middle Ages were not a straightforward 'age of faith'"; John H. Arnold, Belief and Unbelief in Medieval Europe (London, 2005), 3.] And like other compulsions of assurance (so my argument will begin), scholarship keeps asserting its freedom from these illusions because it needs them: despite a whole field's best efforts to make it something else, the operative picture of medieval religiousness remains much what it always was. Treating belief as a historically distinct sort of cognitive experience enforces on medieval subjects the immediacy to faith that the "age of faith" dreamed of; this scholarly device, far from expelling an exoticized middle ages, swallows it whole." (Justice 2008, 2)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", why is Aquinas's description of will and intellect, of the restlessly energetic contest of faculties so useful?

¶2 Aquinas's description of will and intellect, of the restlessly energetic contest of faculties, is a capacious and powerful explication of Christian practice in the Latin middle ages, and it suggests two reasons why the categorical explanation and the categorical exclusion of belief are alike impossible. First, belief so practiced is a complex of intellectual and voluntary practices, irreducible to the propositions they are meant to maintain: this is what it means that faith is called a virtue, that is, a set of practices cultivated systematically with the goal of habituation.60[60. The classification of virtue as a kind of habit originates from the definition of virtue as a "habit directed to choice," Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1106b. The literature on the scholastic treatment of virtue and habit is massive; there is a brief and very helpful summary of their relation in A. Michel, "Vertu," Dictionnaire de théologie catholique 15:esp. 2753-57.] Second, and more important, is the will's action upon the mind and the mind's response; the presence of this voluntary determination distinguishes belief not only from knowledge, but also from other forms of incomplete cognitive security, like assumption and opinion. Absent evidence of the will's operation, the discursive traces of belief will be simply indistinguishable from thought as such. No distinctive form, distinctive content, or distinctive context suffices in itself to define belief or to mark it off from any other motive for speaking or writing." (Justice 2008, 14)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what was the main writing material in medieval Europe?

¶2 Between the disappearance of papyrus and the gradual appearance of paper, medieval Europe's staple material for writing was parchment, which is made by scraping animal hides. This is very good news for the medieval historian, for although parchment is organic like papyrus and paper, and vulnerable to the same sorts of threats from damp, fire, insects and vermin, it is a remarkably robust material which combines flexibility and toughness. ... (Bull 2005, 68)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what do hagiographic authors do regarding how the habit of believing depends on avoiding confrontation?

¶2 But if hagiographic authors can quietly concede how much the habit of believing depends on avoiding confrontation of its demands, they also repeatedly summon that confrontation. Godric of Finchale's biographer speaks of the shock that comes from the novitas, the recentness, of Godric's miracles: the thought that a local man or woman, in our time and our place, might have done wonders like Antony or Benedict scandalizes the mind— "stuns" it, Reginald says. This concussion shows how easy it is to accept miracles from the past but not in the known empirical world; the challenge of doing so, he says, spurs the mind to inquiry, makes it "burn to investigate the unusual and unhoped for."65[65. Reginald of Durham, Libellus de vita et miraculis S. Godrici, heremitae de Finchale, ed. Joseph Stephenson (London, 1847), 17.] But investigation born of homage pushes at least momentarily against it, since the act of seeking out and narrating miracles opens them to question. John of Ford relates how his hagiographical subject, Wulfric of Haselbury, miraculously knows, and announces to a visitor, that a monk at Winchester has just died. The visitor asks the monk's name and the time of his death, and then travels to inquire at Winchester. He learns that Wulfric was correct. When they next meet, before the visitor can speak, Wulfric attacks him for "testing whether I have spoken the truth." Wulfric knows that to inquire into the truth of miracle is, at least in the moment of inquiry, not to believe it. But the author, as he himself has told us, has prosecuted exactly the same sort of inquiry into the truth of all Wulfric's miracles; reminders of his inquiries await the reader at the end of each chapter, where he lists the witnesses to its events.66[66. John of Ford, Wulfric of Haselbury [Vita beati Wulfrici], ed. Maurice Bell (London, 1933), 106, 10.] John offers his investigation as warrant for the reliability of his reports, but he recognizes here that to write the narrative is to "test the truth" of the wonders it narrates; telling a story, you precipitate a vague sense of sanctity and power into a narrative form subject to tests of coherence, plausibility, and evidence and, at least for the moment you conduct those tests, you stand outside full assent. (Justice 2008, 18)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, what is the problem of forgery?

¶2 Dealing with the problem of forgery does not simply involve sieving out genuine material from the false. Many documents are hybrids created by a scribe adapting a genuine original. And even when a document is self-evidently a forgery, it still retains a great deal of historical as well as for contemporary cultural attitudes towards the past, the status of writing, and public authority. The further bac one goes in the Middle Ages, the greater the problem. Forged public documents such as the charters issued by emperors and kings and the privileges granted by popes survive in disproportionate numbers because, of course, forgers stood to gain most by producing documents in these exalted figures' names. It has been estimated that nearly half of the surviving charters issued by the Frankish Merovingian kings in the seventh and eighth centuries are forged or textually compromised. Of the 270 or so surviving charters n the name of the Frankish king and emperor Charlemagne (768-814), about 100 are false. By the time one gets to- [p. 66] ¶1-the diplomas of the German king and emperor Frederick Barbarossa (1152-90), only about 6% of the extant documents in his name are clearly forged or altered, while the status of about another 3% is uncertain. (Bull 2005, 65-66)

In Chapter 3 to Marcus Ball's 2005 book Thinking Medieval: An Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, is there any anxiety felt by medieval historians?

¶2 Does this mean that the study of medieval history will sooner or later reach saturation point, once ver piece of evidence has been identified, carefully edited and thoroughly analyzed? There is perhaps a vague anxiety of this sort hanging over the discipline. Its effect is rather like thinking about the world running out of oil: you know it will happen sometime, but probably later than the doom-mongers say it will, and in the meantime there is no point in getting too worried quite yet. It is an anxiety that has been more directly confronted by scholars in other disciplines with relatively small and seemingly finite source bases, such as classical studies, and it is noteworthy that some branches of medieval studies have begun to follow these other disciplines in searching for coping mechanisms. One such mechanism is to look inwards by accentuating the methodological and technical difficulties of the subject, almost to the point of fetishizing sources as mysteries accessible to a chosen few. Another is to seize on the opportunities offered by Critical Theory to break out of the traditional boundaries within which debate on a particular subject has been conducted, sometimes with very stimulating results, but often not. These trends have been more evident in other branches of medieval studies such as literary criticism and art history than within mainstream history itself, but they are gaining ground there as well. Perhaps in future years they will be seen as the straws in the wind that anticipated a big shift in the nature of the study of medieval history. (Bull 2005, 95)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what are the shortcomings of the 2 ways of accounting for medieval miracle accounts that were pervasive in scholarship of the 20th century?

¶3 ... even those miracles that most handily illustrate them slip their leash. Prefaced to Walter Daniel's Life of Ailred, as we now have it, is a grudging and polemical letter. On the work's initial release, Walter says, two "prelates" questioned the miracles it reported and sought the names of witnesses. Ill-humoredly he accedes to the request, supplying witnesses for all the miracles—save one, which he now more cautiously calls "a miracle, or maybe the likeness of a miracle." The exception is the story of the angry abbot's death, which he retracts. "I will not name witnesses" for that one, he says; "it is not fitting, since it may have happened that the cause of the abbot's death was not what it seemed—although it did turn out for him as it is written in the book" (68). Notice that he does not abandon his report of the facts: "it did turn out for him as it is written," which clearly means that Ailred did utter the curse and the abbot did die. What he abandons is the assertion that they are causally related. Pressed, he can explain the coincidence of Ailred's curse with the abbot's sudden death without supposing any miraculous connection between them; such connection therefore is not integral to his perception of the event, but an interpretation separable from it. If the "perceptual" explanation really explained his initial report of the miracle, recantation should have been impossible. But if the "didactic" explanation really explained it, recantation should have been unnecessary. As I said, Walter does moralize the miracle: "the words of saints do not fail." But if this moralization of the miracle constituted his belief in it, as the "didactic" account would claim—if the story asserted only that general principle, without asserting that Ailred's curse had really killed the- [p. 6] ¶1-abbot—he could simply have suggested that the two prelates learn to recognize metaphor. (Justice 2008, 5-6)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is truth-enforcement, and why does the existence of institutions dedicated to truth-enforcement relevant?

¶3 ... the mechanisms that enjoined belief, and backed the injunction by that system of regulation and pedagogy, of sanctions and rewards, that R. W. Southern memorably called "truth-enforcement."42[42. R. W. Southern, Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe, vol. 1, Foundations (Oxford, 1995), 237.] These structures would have been pointless unless belief were something amenable to command, and they would have been redundant had it been second nature, the reflex experience of an enchanted world. Mental states cannot be enjoined, while choice can; the will, not the intellect, can obey. This is what it meant to describe belief as faith, as a discipline of fidelity undertaking and maintaining commitment to a series of putatively true propositions: the content of the commitment is cognitive—one commits oneself to the position that the propositions are true—but the mind encounters the commitment itself as something alien, peremptory, and rebarbative. The first duty every Christian undertook was to maintain assent to a series of propositions: "Do you believe in God the Father. . . ? in Jesus Christ his only Son. . . ? in the Holy Spirit. . . ?" the baptismal ritual asked;43[43. See the Sarum use ritual, in the appendix to W. G. Henderson, ed., Manuale et processionale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis (Durham, UK, 1875), 14*. The table in Bryan D. Spinks, Early and Medieval Rituals and Theologies of Baptism: From the New Testament to the Council of Trent (London, 2006), 137, shows the persistence in medieval rites of this credal inquiry, which in fact is part of the baptismal ritual from Christian antiquity; see H. Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum, 23rd edition (Freiburg, 1963), no. 10 and attending commentary.] that ordinarily others answered for one—parents and godparents engaging infants to a matter on which they had no say—left one faced with the prospect of accommodating cognitive habits to the maintenance of truths often repellent to natural dispositions. Belief concerned what was uncertain, difficult, inaccessible. (Justice 2008, 12)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", how long was St. Francis's reception of the stigmata scrutinized before it was accepted as a miracle?

¶3 ... would make controversy over miracles, and change in evaluation of them, either otiose or impossible. But controversy was pandemic in the population of medieval miracles. Even that "modern" miracle best documented and most fortified by papal authorization, St. Francis's reception of the stigmata, had to make its way through decades of articulate and responsible skepticism.18[18.] This alone would suggest that this pair of accounts is ill fitted to the conceptual problem it is meant to solve. (Justice 2008, 6)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", is the embodiment of a miracle in the form of a narrative the only thing that provokes cognitive disinvestment?

¶3 But it is not just the embodiment of a miracle in formal narrative that provokes the cognitive disinvestment bespoken by "testing the truth," but the very investment by which a miracle starts to be believed in the first place. The instant Abbot Geoffrey of St. Albans learns definitively that Christina of Markyate really does see and judge his actions—the instant he embraces his belief—he is driven to inquiry: "The one thing he yearned [praecupiebat] to- [p. 19] ¶1-know" about her was how she "knew his deeds beforehand. . . . And so he meditated on it often, turned it over in his mind, wondered how he might prosecute the matter. For if he went about it lukewarmly he feared negligence, but if too greedily, temerity" (150). Notice that last phrase: the inquiry he feels pressed to pursue is not pious homage; at one edge he senses the risk of conceptual complacency, at the other of conceptual audacity. The vision of the cope has generated conviction, but conviction generates new desires, and with those desires, new problems: doubting and investigating the miraculous begin almost simultaneously with believing it. (Justice 2008, 18-19)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is the author's overall claim regarding the historiography of miracles circa 500-1500?

¶3 But my claim is not that these historians were unconsciously influenced by Protestant or Enlightenment historiography, that they sloppily replicated old accounts when they should have devised different and better ones. My claim is that there are no different or better ones. If you set out to account categorically for statements of belief, then you will find yourself reduced to some version of this alternative: you will say either that such statements were made for their own sake or that they were made for the sake of something else. The problem is not the means but the end. (Justice 2008, 9)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", what is one reason for why hagiographers, and other 500-1500AD reports of miracles, always acknowledging and trying to anticipate skepticism regarding miracle claims, instead of just assuming that the mind might be at home with belief?

¶3 The thought that the mind might be at home with belief, that it might realize its objects vividly and love them in their vividness, seems almost unintelligible, except in the saint. A different and later Christina illustrates the narratorial cost of certainty. Thomas of Cantimpré's Life of Christina mirabilis—Christina "the amazing" of St.-Trond—is notorious among medievalists and hagiographers for its lurid grotesqueries. Christina, already devoted and reclusive, dies young, but her funeral is interrupted when she sits up on the bier and then soars "like a bird" to the ceiling of the church, scattering the mourners in terror.67[67. Thomas of Cantimpré, Vita [Christinae virginis], AASS July, vol. 5, col. 651.] Brought back to life, she scarcely speaks, but soaks herself in icy water, encloses herself in fiery ovens, fasts until she escapes starvation only by feeding on milk miraculously produced from her own breasts. Thomas's Life dares its readers to conclude what most have in fact concluded, that she is a vulgar thaumaturge whose contortionate physicality nearly blots out the soul.68[68. The deliberate audacity of this work is brilliantly described in a different connection by Barbara Newman: "What could Thomas's readers have thought when it dawned on them that in this vita, mirabilis indeed, the demoniac was herself the saint?"; "Possessed by the Spirit: Devout Women, Demoniacs, and the Apostolic Life in the Thirteenth Century," Speculum 73 (1998): 763.] But that is the point. To have passed through- [p. 20] ¶1-death, to know firsthand what judgment and purification are, is to occupy an experience inaccessible to ordinary humans even at the limits of imagination. Her sufferings are as terrifying and repellent to audiences within the story as they have been to audiences without, and their effect is to convey, not what it feels like to believe in such torments with an intensity that amounts to knowledge, but how unbelievable such belief is, and how unbearable to ordinary sensibilities. At the start of the book, before her death and resurrection, she achieves sanctity by obscurity: "She remained unknown to all, but the more she held herself secret, the more intimately known she was to God. As he glories in Isaiah [24:16], 'My secret to myself, my secret to myself.' For he is a shy lover."69 Secretum meum mihi: it might be a motto for Christina of Markyate as well, and for Godric, even for the comparatively garrulous Wulfric. They may speak much or little, may disclose many things or few, but they do not disclose themselves: their antagonists and disciples are always more vividly realized characters than they are. The works confess that the shape of a mind enjoying secure and untroubled experience of belief is beyond their competence to portray. In Christina of Markyate's story, we saw that Abbot Geoffrey's choice to act "as if," quasi, Christina could see all his actions is a device only partly efficacious, which flowers once he learns that she actually does see them. Before Christina's vita is a thousand words old, and before she has reached the age of reason, the narrator says, since "she had heard of Christ that he is good, beautiful, and everywhere present, she would talk to him, at night on her bed, as if [quasi] to a man she saw" (36), and as the story and her vocation progress, she is granted visions in which what had been an ingenuous supposition— signaled by the same quasi we hear in Abbot Geoffrey's story—becomes actual. She sees Christ, and experiences his presence, palpably, as Geoffrey experiences hers. (Justice 2008, 19-20)

According to Steven Justice's 2008 article "Did the Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?", were medieval people gullible believers of miracles?

¶4 ... Doubt and controversy not only attended miracles, but were actively cultivated in defining them. Procedures of canonization, developed across the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, presupposed the commonsense recognition that some events emerged in natural processes and others did not.19[19. There has been extensive discussion of the process in recent years, classically in André Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge, 1997), 40-57; see also Alain Boureau, "Miracle, volonté et imagination: la mutation scolastique (1270-1320)," in Miracles, prodiges et merveilles au moyen âge: XXVe Congrès de la S.H.M.E.S. (Orléans, juin 1994) (Paris, 1995), 159-72; David Gentilcore, "Contesting Illness in Early Modern Naples: Miracolati, Physicians, and the Congregation of Rites," Past and Present 148 (1995): 117-48.] Investigations in partibus, "on-site" inquiries into alleged miracles, took careful depositions elicited with minimal prompting from their witnesses; to the results, the questions were put both whether the events plausibly happened and, if so, whether they were natural or miraculous. When- [6 / 7] -Peter of Morrone (briefly Pope Celestine V) was advanced for canonization, one miracle attributed to him said that prayers had been offered to Peter on behalf of a sick boy who then got better; Cardinal James of Colonna asked how long that "then" was, since the answer would distinguish the suddenness of a miracle from a gradual and natural recovery.20[20. [Fernand Van Ortroy], ed., "Procès-verbal du dernier consistoire secret préparatoire à la canonisation du Célestin V," Analecta bollandiana 16 (1897): 478. For a description of this stage of the process, see Vauchez, Sainthood, 54-55.] It has sometimes been suggested that the skeptical procedures of the canonization processus reflect a clarity about the difference between natural and supernatural causes that was both new and specific to the lettered class. But the testimonies of quite ordinary people—artisans, housewives, peasants—examined on these miracles shows that the distinction was available to them without labor of reflection.21[21. There are excellent examples in Laura Smoller, "Defining the Boundaries of the Natural in Fifteenth-Century Brittany: The Inquest into the Miracles of Saint Vincent Ferrer (d. 1419)," Viator 28 (1997): 333-59, which can be easily paralleled in earlier dossiers. Smoller, in fact, is one of those who think that the middle ages needed to learn the concept of the natural, and proposes that it was informationes in partibus like these that brought this context to the laity (334-35). There are several problems with this argument. One is the fact that canonization processus were rare, institutionally cumbersome, and expensive; it is hard to imagine that the relatively few informationes undertaken (especially after the late thirteenth century; see Vauchez, Sainthood, 61-76) could have broadcast the introduction of a distinction as new and revolutionary as this is said to be; on the procedure, see also Christian Krötzl, "Zu Prozeßführung, Zeugeneinvernahmen und Kontext bei spätmittelalterlichen Kanonisationsprozessen," in Hagiographie im Kontext: Wirkungsweisen und Möglichkeiten historischer Auswertung, ed. Dieter R. Bauer and Klaus Herbers (Stuttgart, 2000), 85-95. The much larger problem lies in the assumption that before a certain point, anyone—intellectuals or not—lacked, or could have lacked, a relatively robust grasp of the distinction. Though the question is too large to resolve here, the remarks that follow suggest the outlines of my answer.] And of course it would have to be. The perceptual account is sometimes encoded in the assertion that for the middle ages or some part of the middle ages (or for some other premodern or unmodernized culture), there simply was no boundary perceived between the natural and the miraculous, that "all of creation was one great miracle";22[22. Smoller, "Boundaries of the Natural," 333.] this seems to be Charles Taylor's notion. But as Hume recognized, "There must . . . be a uniform experience against every miraculous event, otherwise the event would not merit that appellation";23[23. David Hume, Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals, ed. L. A. Selby Bigge and P. H. Nidditch, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1975), 115.] calling something a miracle implies its singularity. If all of creation really was one great miracle, miracles would by definition have been inconceivable. The very frequent cases of double recourse for illness (seeking cure from both saints and physicians),24[24. The phrase is taken from Gentilcore, "Contesting Illness," 124.] obviously instance the recognition that two different procedures, two different sets of causes, might be involved in healing, and that a miraculous cure was different from a medical one. The scandal of faked miracle, a concern to both clerical and popular audiences from late antiquity through the middle ages and beyond,25[25. The concern with inauthentic relics and dishonest miracles can be traced in familiar evidence through late antiquity and the middle ages. Augustine speaks of wandering monks selling dubious relics ("membra martyrum, si tamen martyrum, uenditant"); Augustine, De opere monachorum, ed. Joseph Zycha, CSEL (Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum) 41 (Vienna, 1900), 585. Guibert of Nogent's famous tract on saints and their relics tells stories of fraudulent miracles as a familiar scam of a landscape populated by avaricious religious and their publicist "spokesclerics" (prolocutores); De sanctis et eorum pigneribus, CCCM (Corpus christianorum continuatio medievalis) 127 (Turnhout, 1993), 98. Peter Abelard names such scams, conducted through such spokesclerics, as one of the indiginities to which the imprudent religious house may be reduced, "ut . . . praedicatores conducamus et pseudoapostolos nobiscum circumducendo, cruces et phylacteria reliquiarum gestemus, ut tam haec quam verbum Dei seu etiam figmenta diaboli simplicibus et idiotis vendamus Christianis"; T. P. Mclaughlin, CSB, ed., "Abelard's Rule for Religious Women," Mediaeval Studies 18 (1956): 283. We see in these the ancestors of Chaucer's Pardoner, whose very conception relies on the distinction of nature and supernature. The same can be said even more pointedly of Giovanni Boccaccio's Ser Ceperello; that story, in which a faked saint effects real miracles, depends on the thorough internalization of the idea of a faked miracle. Thomas More, disputing in favor of saints and their miracles, acknowledges as a matter of course the methodological point that miracles can be faked and therefore must be proved, rather than used to prove other claims; A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, ed. Thomas M. C. Lawler, Germain P. Marc'hadour, and Richard C. Marius (New Haven, 1981), 1:62.] assumed that audiences could recognize the imposture of claiming supernatural causes for an appearance brought about through natural means. Similarly, were the didactic account really true, and medieval people "believed" in miracles only to the extent of feeling the heart warm at their pious encouragement, then the inconveniences undertaken in search of miraculous cure—not only great inconveniences like pilgrimages, but even small ones, like praying bare-kneed through the night26[26. "propter devotionem omnes viri amovissent caligas a genibus suis, ut orarent tam ipsi quam mulieres nudis genibus super terram"; "Miracula ex processu canonizationis Thomas de Cantilupe"; Acta sanctorum (henceforth AASS) October, vol. 1, col. 611.]—would be inexplicably undermotivated. (Justice 2008, 6-7)

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