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AP Gov Unit 1 Quiz Review

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In order to appease both Federalists and Anti-Federalists, it was agreed at the Constitutional Convention that a group of delegates would be charged with selecting the president. This would ensure that A the process would be controlled directly by the citizens B the winner of the national popular vote would be the president C the most capable individuals would decide which candidate would be president D Congress would select the electors who would cast the official vote for president

the most capable individuals would decide which candidate would be president

In The Federalist 10, which of the following did James Madison argue would best control the negative effects of factions? A A law that prohibits factions B A small direct democracy C A large unitary government D A large federal republic

A large federal republic

Article I, Section 9 of the United States Constitution lists several powers that are denied to the federal government, such as granting titles of nobility and passing ex post facto laws. This best demonstrates which of the following ideals of democracy? A Natural rights B Popular sovereignty C Social contract theory D Limited government

Limited government

Which of the following cases expanded the powers of Congress by defining the necessary and proper clause more broadly? A United States v. Lopez (1995) B McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) C Marbury v. Madison (1803) D Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954)

McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)

"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following excerpts from the passage best describes the author's reason for opposing an expansion of the scope of the federal government? A "In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed." B "This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few." C "If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people..." D "... [I]t is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government."

"... [I]t is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government."

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following excerpts from Article I of the United States Constitution resolves a problem described by the author? A "The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;" B "No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time." C "The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States." D "The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it."

"The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;"

At the Constitutional Convention of 1787, delegates from larger states argued that each state's representation in the legislature should be proportional to its population. Smaller states argued that each state should have equal representation, regardless of population. The disagreement over representation threatened to derail the ratification of the United States Constitution. Which statement accurately describes the compromise that led to both sides reaching agreement? A A bicameral legislature with an upper house selected by the lower house and the lower house representation proportional to each state's population B A bicameral legislature with an upper house representing each state equally and a lower house with representation proportional to each state's population C A unicameral legislature with equal representation for every state D A unicameral legislature with representation proportional to each state's population.

A bicameral legislature with an upper house representing each state equally and a lower house with representation proportional to each state's population

Which of the following best characterizes the general argument made in Brutus 1? A A large republic would be preferable to a small one because more people could participate. B A small republic would pose more danger to individual liberty than a large republic. C A large republic is dangerous to personal liberty and undermines the states. D A small republic is more susceptible to corruption than a large republic.

A large republic is dangerous to personal liberty and undermines the states.

Which of the following is an accurate summary of James Madison's argument in The Federalist 10? A A large republic presents more opportunities for groups to participate, compete, and limit each other. B A large republic makes it possible to abolish factions and concentrate all power at the national level. C A large republic allows the federal government to dominate the state governments through the necessary and proper clause. D A large republic is a direct democracy where the people have a direct vote in policy matters, which controls factions.

A large republic presents more opportunities for groups to participate, compete, and limit each other.

Which of the following statements accurately describes the majority opinion of the Supreme Court in United States v. Lopez (1995) ? A The necessary and proper clause did not allow Congress to create the Bank of the United States. B Congress may regulate commerce between the states. C State governments can declare federal statutes unconstitutional if they conflict with state law. D Congress may not use the commerce clause to make possession of a gun in a school zone a federal crime.

Congress may not use the commerce clause to make possession of a gun in a school zone a federal crime.

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following describes a possible method that can check the power of the president who willingly violates the constitutional balance of power as described in the passage? A Congress can pass a law that removes the president from office. B The Supreme Court can rule that the presidential election results are null and void based on the actions of the president. C States can recall the president through a special election process. D Congress can impeach and remove a president who is unable or unwilling to perform his or her official functions.

Congress can impeach and remove a president who is unable or unwilling to perform his or her official functions.

As a compromise, the framers agreed on a bicameral legislature, with the House of Representatives elected by popular vote within states and the Senate selected by state legislatures. The direct election method conforms most to which of the following democratic ideals? A The social contract is an agreement between citizens and government. B Government should be based on the consent of the governed. C Policy makers should be the most well-informed elites in society. D State power should be respected in a federal constitutio

Government should be based on the consent of the governed.

"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following statements would the author of the passage most likely agree with? A Average citizens cannot be trusted to vote because of low levels of education. B Nations with extended territory cannot fairly represent their citizens in a republican form of government. C The federal government should have greater authority than state legislatures. D A small federal legislature is the best way to represent the will of the people in a large country.

Nations with extended territory cannot fairly represent their citizens in a republican form of government.

The Declaration of Independence cites specific reasons for separating from British rule, including the British imposing taxes and maintaining a standing army without consent. Which of the following principles or ideas would these grievances be most related to? A Natural rights such as life, liberty, and property B The authority to create a centralized military among the colonies C The incorporation of checks and balances among the branches of government D Concurrent powers allowing the colonies to draft their own laws

Natural rights such as life, liberty, and property

Participatory democracy and elite democracy

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following principles of government is most related to the author's argument in the passage? A Separation of powers is necessary to our constitutional system to limit the power of the three branches and guarantee limited government. B The president's power is constitutionally permitted to expand during times of crisis, which can lead to the use of force without permission from Congress. C As the legislative branch, Congress is authorized to change the constitutional balance of power whenever it deems necessary. D Separation of powers guarantees that each branch can focus on what it does best, but in some cases one branch may voluntarily cede power to another branch.

Separation of powers is necessary to our constitutional system to limit the power of the three branches and guarantee limited government.

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following is a difference between the Articles of Confederation and the United States Constitution that is a response to a problem expressed in the passage? A The Articles of Confederation lacked federal executive and judicial branches, whereas the United States Constitution did not. B The Articles of Confederation allowed for the federal government to request revenues from states but did not permit it to tax citizens directly, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government could tax citizens directly. C Under the Articles of Confederation, members of the national legislature were paid by the state governments, whereas under the United States Constitution they were paid by the federal government. D Under the Articles of Confederation, members of the national legislature were not able to regulate currency, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government regulates currency.

The Articles of Confederation allowed for the federal government to request revenues from states but did not permit it to tax citizens directly, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government could tax citizens directly.

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following political processes would best solve the problem regarding the system of checks and balances, as articulated by the author in the passage? A The president agrees to lift sanctions and signs a peace treaty with another country without waiting for the approval from Congress. B Congress cuts the budget from the Armed Forces without getting presidential approval to prevent the president from sending troops abroad. C The Supreme Court rules on a suit brought by an interest group that legislation permitting the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval is unconstitutional. D The Supreme Court refuses to take a case on legislation that permits the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval.

The Supreme Court rules on a suit brought by an interest group that legislation permitting the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval is unconstitutional.

In the 1950s Southern states attempted to prevent integration of their public schools. In return, the National Guard was sent to force states to implement federal regulations. This scenario illustrates which of the following about the relationship between the state and national governments? A Most issues regarding education are settled at the state level. B The Constitution gives state governments the exclusive power to interpret federal laws. C The power of the national government to enforce state policy had been struck down by the Supreme Court. D The debate over the role of the central government and state powers is ongoing.

The debate over the role of the central government and state powers is ongoing.

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following experiences most likely influenced the perspective conveyed in the passage? A The increased centralization of power in the national legislature under the Articles of Confederation B The debt crisis of the 1780s which the national government was unable to address due to lack of authority C The tension between states relying on commerce and those relying on agriculture D Passage of the Stamp Act and other taxes during the revolutionary period

The debt crisis of the 1780s which the national government was unable to address due to lack of authority

The Gun-Free School Zones Act made it illegal for individuals knowingly to carry a gun in a school zone. The Supreme Court determined this act to be an unconstitutional stretch of the commerce clause in A McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) B Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010) C New York Times Company v. United States (1971) D United States v. Lopez (1995)

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