Apush chapters 1-5 final review

Pataasin ang iyong marka sa homework at exams ngayon gamit ang Quizwiz!

"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles, Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . . "Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants." Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013 Which of the following most directly contributed to the development described in the excerpt?

A belief by southern businessmen that the southern economy should focus on the export of select agricultural products

"National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the praise due to excellence, and still more so is the attempt to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . . "It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . . . "The fondness for literature is fast increasing in our country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?" William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North American Review, 1818 Which of the following can be concluded about the United States based on the author's descriptions in the excerpt?

A common national culture was developing.

"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles, Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . . "Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants." Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013 In the first half of the 1800s, which of the following resulted from the debates about the cotton economy described in the excerpt?

A distinct Southern economic and cultural identity emerged.

changes in ideas about men's and women's gender roles in the family, resulting from the market revolution, most directly contributed to which of the following shifts in American social practices during the same period?

A new emphasis on the separation between the public and private spheres

"In Carolina, the instances of Negroes murdering . . . their own masters or overseers are not rare . . . . [Runaways] escape by water, past Frederica [in Georgia] to St. Augustine [in Florida], where they receive freedom, be it war or peace [with Spain]. Many just run into the woods, get along miserably, [or] are secretly looked after by other Negroes. . . . "Those Negroes who have served the [colony of Georgia] well are bought and freed by the government, receive their own land, and enjoy the English rights. If a private party wants to release a Negro he must have the consent of the governor or get him out of the colony. For the free Negroes abuse their freedom, and it is feared they seduce others [to freedom]. . . . ". . . Mixings or marriages [between Black and White colonists] are not allowed by the laws; but . . . I have learned of 2 white women, one French and one German, who have secretly been with Negroes and have borne black children. . . . And all too common [are] white men . . . [who with Negro women] father half-black children. [The children] are perpetual slaves just like their mothers." Johann Martin Bolzius, German minister, report to a correspondent in Europe on life in Georgia and the Carolinas, 1751 The reaction to the situation described in the third paragraph represented a continuity with which of the following earlier colonial developments?

A strict racial system was established that separated enslaved people from European colonists. B

"On the western side of the ocean, movements of people and ideas . . . preceded the Atlantic connection. Great empires—in the Valley of Mexico, on the Mississippi River . . . —had collapsed or declined in the centuries before 1492. . . . As Columbus embarked on his first transatlantic voyage, the Mexica, or Aztecs, were consolidating their position [in Mexico]; their city was a center of both trade and military might. Tenochtitlán [the Aztec capital] . . . held 200,000 people, a population greater than in the largest city in contemporary Europe. ". . . The Mississippian culture spread east and west from its center, the city of Cahokia, on the Mississippi River near the site of modern St. Louis. It was a successor to earlier cultures, evidence of which can be seen in the great ceremonial mounds they built. Cahokia declined and was ultimately abandoned completely in the later thirteenth century. . . . Throughout the Southeast, smaller mound-building centers continued." Karen Ordahl Kupperman, historian, The Atlantic in World History, 2012 Which of the following most directly contributed to the advanced development of both pre-Columbian American societies described in the excerpt?

Adaptation to and use of the natural environment for their own benefit

The Second Great Awakening was most directly related to which of the following other historical developments of the early nineteenth century?

Challenges to Enlightenment views of rationalism

"Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority. "Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the Southern States—the slaveholding States—should inquire what is now their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination is carried into effect hereafter." John C. Calhoun, senator, speech in the United States Senate, 1847 Which of the following can be concluded based on the situation in which Calhoun gave this speech?

Americans debated how to integrate conquered territories into the United States.

Innovations in shipping and the growth of commercial networks were most directly related to which of the following other developments of the first half of the nineteenth century?

An increase in the number of Americans moving west of the Appalachian Mountains

"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . . ". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency." Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005 Which of the following claims is supported by the author's main argument in the excerpt?

Andrew Jackson can be blamed for the unintended effects of Indian removal.

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Which of the following best explains why Washington warned against foreign alliances?

Britain and France were at war with each other, and both threatened United States interests.

"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? . . . "But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional—I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? . . . "You say you will not fight to free Negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you. . . . I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. . . . Why should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive—even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept." President Abraham Lincoln, letter to James Conkling explaining why he issued the Emancipation Proclamation, 1863 Lincoln's rhetoric in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting which of the following arguments?

Changing the purpose of the war would strengthen the Union cause.

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist paper number 15, published in 1787 Which of the following was a piece of evidence Hamilton used to support his argument in the excerpt?

Earlier attempts to form associations of states in Europe had failed.

"I know not how to thank you for the deep and lively interest you have been pleased to take in the cause of . . . the emancipation of a people, who, for two long centuries, have endured, with the utmost patience, a bondage, one hour of which . . . is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. "It is such indications on the part of the press—which, happily, are multiplying throughout all the land—that kindle up within me an ardent hope that the curse of slavery will not much longer be permitted to make its iron foot-prints in the lacerated [deeply cut] hearts of my . . . brethren. . . . I am called, by way of reproach, a runaway slave. As if it were a crime—an unpardonable crime—for a man to take his inalienable rights! "But why [you,] a New-York editor, born and reared in the State of Maine, far removed from the contaminated . . . atmosphere of slavery, should pursue such a course [supporting abolition], is not so apparent. I will not, however, stop here to ascertain the cause, but deal with fact. . . . "The object . . . is simply to give such an exposition of the degrading influence of slavery upon the master and his [supporters] as well as upon the slave—to excite such an intelligent interest on the subject of American slavery—as may react upon that country, and tend to shame her out of her adhesion to a system which all must confess to disagree with justice. . . . "I am earnestly and anxiously laboring to wipe off this foul blot from the . . . American people, that they may accomplish in behalf of human freedom that which their exalted position among the nations of the earth amply fits them to do." Frederick Douglass to New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, 1846 Ideas in the excerpt would most likely have influenced which of the following?

Efforts at assisting enslaved people in escaping from the South

"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master. ". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . . ". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional." Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004 Which of the following could best be used as evidence to support the argument in the third paragraph of the excerpt that enslaved people engaged in oppositional activities?

Enslaved African Americans routinely caused tools to break or worked more slowly as means of resistance.

National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the praise due to excellence, and still more so is the attempt to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . . "It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . . . "The fondness for literature is fast increasing in our country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?" William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North American Review, 1818 Which of the following can be concluded about the relationship between the United States and Europe based on the situation described in the excerpt?

European styles continued to influence American society.

"The second chief and principal end [of colonization] . . . consists in the [sale] of the mass of our clothes and other commodities of England, and in receiving back of the needful commodities that we now receive from all other places of the world. . . . This one thing is to be done, without which it were in vain to go about this; and that is the matter of planting [colonies] and fortification. . . . We are to plant upon the mouths of the great navigable rivers which are there [in America], by strong order of fortification, and there to plant our colonies. . . . And these fortifications shall keep the [native] people of [America] in obedience and good order. . . . ". . . Without this planting in due time, we shall never be able to have full knowledge of the language, manners, and customs of the people of those regions. . . . And although by other means we might attain to the knowledge thereof, yet being not there fortified and strongly seated, the French that swarm with [a] multitude of people, or other nations, might secretly fortify and settle themselves before us." Richard Hakluyt, English government official, A Discourse on Western Planting, 1584 Which of the following developments in the 1500s is best illustrated by the excerpt?

Europeans sought new sources of wealth in the Americas.

"The isolation of the [native peoples] of the Americas . . . from Old World germs prior to the last few hundred years was nearly absolute. Not only did very few people of any origin cross the great oceans, but those who did must have been healthy or they would have died on the way, taking their pathogens with them. . . . [Native Americans] were not without their own infections, of course. [But Native Americans] seem to have been without any experience with such Old World maladies as smallpox [and] measles. . . . "Indications of the susceptibility of [Native Americans] . . . to Old World infections appear almost immediately after the intrusion of the whites. In 1492, Columbus kidnapped a number of [Arawak Indians] to train as interpreters and to show to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. Several of them seem to have died on the stormy voyage to Europe [in 1493]. . . . In 1495, Columbus . . . sent 550 [Arawak] slaves . . . off across the Atlantic. . . to be put to work in Spain. The majority of these soon were also dead. . . . ". . . What killed the Arawaks in 1493 and 1495? . . . Columbus certainly did not want to kill his interpreters, and slavers and slaveholders have no interest whatever in the outright slaughter of their property. . . . The most likely candidates for the role of exterminator of the first [Native Americans] in Europe were those that killed so many other Arawaks in the decades immediately following: Old World pathogens." Alfred W. Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, published in 1986 Which of the following developments in the late 1400s and early 1500s is depicted in the excerpt?

Europeans undertook voyages across the Atlantic to the Americas in search of new sources of wealth.

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Gordon S. Wood, historian, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787, published in 1969 Which of the following does the author use to support his argument about the power of the states under the Confederation?

Foundational political documents written during the American Revolution

"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities." President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801 Which of the following best describes Jefferson's point of view about government as expressed in the excerpt? A

Government should limit interference in the lives of its citizens.

Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Fred Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005 Which of the following best explains a result of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) ?

Great Britain gained a claim to land extending to the Mississippi River.

Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority. "Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the Southern States—the slaveholding States—should inquire what is now their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination is carried into effect hereafter." John C. Calhoun, senator, speech in the United States Senate, 1847 The excerpt best provides evidence about which of the following historical situations in the late 1840s?

Growing sectional tensions caused by the Mexican-American War

"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? . . . "But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional—I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? . . . "You say you will not fight to free Negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you. . . . I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. . . . Why should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive—even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept." President Abraham Lincoln, letter to James Conkling explaining why he issued the Emancipation Proclamation, 1863 The phrase in the excerpt "Some of them seem willing to fight for you" could most likely be interpreted as having which of the following purposes?

Highlighting the enlistment of formerly enslaved people into the Union army

"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? . . . "But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional—I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? . . . "You say you will not fight to free Negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you. . . . I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. . . . Why should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive—even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept." President Abraham Lincoln, letter to James Conkling explaining why he issued the Emancipation Proclamation, 1863 The excerpt could best be used by historians studying which of the following?

How Lincoln used executive powers to initiate wartime policy

"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican California when war broke out in 1846. This dispersion of hardy migrants inspired observers to insist that pioneers and not politicians won the West. . . . "Pioneers played a role in expansion, but the historical record points to politicians and propagandists as the primary agents of empire. Racial, economic, social, and political factors coalesced [combined] to make territorial and commercial expansion enticing to American leaders. . . . "Denying any parallels between earlier empires and their own, expansionists insisted that democracy and dominion were complementary, not contradictory. Since leaders intended to transform [territorial] cessions into states and their inhabitants (at least Whites) into citizens, they scoffed at misgivings about governing a vast domain." Thomas Hietala, historian, Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism and Empire, 2003 Which of the following arguments about the Mexican-American War do the excerpts best support?

It generated debates over citizenship.

"The isolation of the [native peoples] of the Americas . . . from Old World germs prior to the last few hundred years was nearly absolute. Not only did very few people of any origin cross the great oceans, but those who did must have been healthy or they would have died on the way, taking their pathogens with them. . . . [Native Americans] were not without their own infections, of course. [But Native Americans] seem to have been without any experience with such Old World maladies as smallpox [and] measles. . . . "Indications of the susceptibility of [Native Americans] . . . to Old World infections appear almost immediately after the intrusion of the whites. In 1492, Columbus kidnapped a number of [Arawak Indians] to train as interpreters and to show to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. Several of them seem to have died on the stormy voyage to Europe [in 1493]. . . . In 1495, Columbus . . . sent 550 [Arawak] slaves . . . off across the Atlantic. . . to be put to work in Spain. The majority of these soon were also dead. . . . ". . . What killed the Arawaks in 1493 and 1495? . . . Columbus certainly did not want to kill his interpreters, and slavers and slaveholders have no interest whatever in the outright slaughter of their property. . . . The most likely candidates for the role of exterminator of the first [Native Americans] in Europe were those that killed so many other Arawaks in the decades immediately following: Old World pathogens." Alfred W. Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, published in 1986 In the excerpt, Crosby makes which of the following claims about the transmission of Old World diseases to the Americas?

It was an unintended consequence of contact between the New World and the Old World

"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . . ". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency." Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005 Which of the following pieces of evidence would help modify an argument in the excerpt about President Jackson's intentions toward American Indians?

Jackson had led United States armies that conquered American Indian peoples in the Southeast and forced land cessions.

The growth of manufacturing in the United States from 1800 to 1850 was most directly connected to which of the following broader historical processes?

Large numbers of international migrants moving to northern cities

"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master. ". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . . ". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional." Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify the argument in the excerpt that many enslaved people engaged in oppositional activities?

Large-scale rebellions by enslaved African Americans in the first half of the 1800s were largely unsuccessful

Which of the following was the most important reason that Native American relations with English settlers differed from Native American relations with other groups of European settlers in the 1600s?

Larger numbers of English colonists settled on land taken from Native Americans

"Forces committed to restoring White supremacy launched a ruthless, bloody campaign of terror and intimidation against freedpeople and their White allies in the South. As young southern units of the Republican Party broke under those blows and the Republicans of the North retreated and grew more conservative, Reconstruction collapsed. With it went many . . . gains. A resurgent southern elite once again set about imposing White supremacy and tyrannical labor discipline while stripping freedpeople of many of their civic and political rights." Bruce Levine, historian, The Fall of the House of Dixie, 2013 "For many poor Whites throughout the South, Jim Crow laws alone could not ease their most persistent fear. In regions like northern Louisiana, with little but pine trees rising from its barren soil, White men found themselves competing with [formerly enslaved people], and during the dozen years of Reconstruction they had not known which race would prevail. "Such men had dropped away from the Ku Klux Klan after President Grant's crackdown, but their simmering resentments had grown. With control of the South passing again to the Democrats, powerless Whites were joining plantation owners to ensure that Black workers remained without their basic rights." A. J. Langguth, historian, After Lincoln, 2014 Which of the following claims is supported by the arguments made by both Levine and Langguth?

Local political tactics served to deny African Americans their rights.

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, pamphlet, 1764 By the 1770s, to which of the following groups would Otis' argument that the colonies "must obey" Parliament most appeal?

Loyalists in New York

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Supporters of Washington's comments would most likely have agreed with which of the following foreign policies?

Maintaining economic relationships

"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . . ". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency." Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005 Which of the following describes a context that most influenced the implementation of the government policy discussed in the excerpt?

Many Americans desired the United States to expand its western land claims

"The next matter I shall recommend to you is the providing more effectively for the security of your frontiers against [American] Indians, who notwithstanding the many parties of Rangers [militia, or local men who volunteered for colonial defense] have . . . killed and carried off at least twenty of our outward inhabitants and Indian allies; I have attempted by several ways to oppose those [invasions] but after some trouble and expense have only experienced that our people are not ready for warlike undertakings. . . . The [condition of our Indian allies has] of late approved themselves to be ready and faithfully allied, and I am persuaded that setting them along our frontiers without all our inhabitants . . . would be a better and cheaper safeguard to the country than the old method of Rangers." Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood, addressing the members of the House of Burgesses, 1713 Which of the following groups would most likely oppose the ideas expressed in the excerpt?

Members of allied American Indian groups

"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . . "Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of these organizations "the Evangelical United Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . . "The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a 'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . . "The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The] Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as the Post Office." Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007 Which of the following is a piece of evidence used by Howe to support his claim in the third paragraph of the excerpt about religious organizations in the early nineteenth century?

Members of the Evangelical United Front employed more people than the Post Office did

"The second chief and principal end [of colonization] . . . consists in the [sale] of the mass of our clothes and other commodities of England, and in receiving back of the needful commodities that we now receive from all other places of the world. . . . This one thing is to be done, without which it were in vain to go about this; and that is the matter of planting [colonies] and fortification. . . . We are to plant upon the mouths of the great navigable rivers which are there [in America], by strong order of fortification, and there to plant our colonies. . . . And these fortifications shall keep the [native] people of [America] in obedience and good order. . . . ". . . Without this planting in due time, we shall never be able to have full knowledge of the language, manners, and customs of the people of those regions. . . . And although by other means we might attain to the knowledge thereof, yet being not there fortified and strongly seated, the French that swarm with [a] multitude of people, or other nations, might secretly fortify and settle themselves before us." Richard Hakluyt, English government official, A Discourse on Western Planting, 1584 Hakluyt's call for the English to learn about Native American "language, manners, and customs" best represents which of the following developments in the 1500s?

Native Americans and Europeans partnered for trade

"The isolation of the [native peoples] of the Americas . . . from Old World germs prior to the last few hundred years was nearly absolute. Not only did very few people of any origin cross the great oceans, but those who did must have been healthy or they would have died on the way, taking their pathogens with them. . . . [Native Americans] were not without their own infections, of course. [But Native Americans] seem to have been without any experience with such Old World maladies as smallpox [and] measles. . . . "Indications of the susceptibility of [Native Americans] . . . to Old World infections appear almost immediately after the intrusion of the whites. In 1492, Columbus kidnapped a number of [Arawak Indians] to train as interpreters and to show to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. Several of them seem to have died on the stormy voyage to Europe [in 1493]. . . . In 1495, Columbus . . . sent 550 [Arawak] slaves . . . off across the Atlantic. . . to be put to work in Spain. The majority of these soon were also dead. . . . ". . . What killed the Arawaks in 1493 and 1495? . . . Columbus certainly did not want to kill his interpreters, and slavers and slaveholders have no interest whatever in the outright slaughter of their property. . . . The most likely candidates for the role of exterminator of the first [Native Americans] in Europe were those that killed so many other Arawaks in the decades immediately following: Old World pathogens." Alfred W. Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, published in 1986 Which of the following describes Crosby's overall argument in the excerpt about the reason for the change in Native American populations after 1492 ?

Native Americans had no immunity to new diseases introduced by Europeans

"The isolation of the [native peoples] of the Americas . . . from Old World germs prior to the last few hundred years was nearly absolute. Not only did very few people of any origin cross the great oceans, but those who did must have been healthy or they would have died on the way, taking their pathogens with them. . . . [Native Americans] were not without their own infections, of course. [But Native Americans] seem to have been without any experience with such Old World maladies as smallpox [and] measles. . . . "Indications of the susceptibility of [Native Americans] . . . to Old World infections appear almost immediately after the intrusion of the whites. In 1492, Columbus kidnapped a number of [Arawak Indians] to train as interpreters and to show to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. Several of them seem to have died on the stormy voyage to Europe [in 1493]. . . . In 1495, Columbus . . . sent 550 [Arawak] slaves . . . off across the Atlantic. . . to be put to work in Spain. The majority of these soon were also dead. . . . ". . . What killed the Arawaks in 1493 and 1495? . . . Columbus certainly did not want to kill his interpreters, and slavers and slaveholders have no interest whatever in the outright slaughter of their property. . . . The most likely candidates for the role of exterminator of the first [Native Americans] in Europe were those that killed so many other Arawaks in the decades immediately following: Old World pathogens." Alfred W. Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, published in 1986 Which of the following best describes evidence used by Crosby to support his argument about the change in Native American populations after 1492 ?

Native Americans who were taken to Europe as slaves experienced high mortality rates

"Forces committed to restoring White supremacy launched a ruthless, bloody campaign of terror and intimidation against freedpeople and their White allies in the South. As young southern units of the Republican Party broke under those blows and the Republicans of the North retreated and grew more conservative, Reconstruction collapsed. With it went many . . . gains. A resurgent southern elite once again set about imposing White supremacy and tyrannical labor discipline while stripping freedpeople of many of their civic and political rights." Bruce Levine, historian, The Fall of the House of Dixie, 2013 "For many poor Whites throughout the South, Jim Crow laws alone could not ease their most persistent fear. In regions like northern Louisiana, with little but pine trees rising from its barren soil, White men found themselves competing with [formerly enslaved people], and during the dozen years of Reconstruction they had not known which race would prevail. "Such men had dropped away from the Ku Klux Klan after President Grant's crackdown, but their simmering resentments had grown. With control of the South passing again to the Democrats, powerless Whites were joining plantation owners to ensure that Black workers remained without their basic rights." A. J. Langguth, historian, After Lincoln, 2014 Levine's argument about Reconstruction in the excerpt differs from that of Langguth in that Levine argues

Northern Republicans gradually withdrew their support for Reconstruction policies

English colonists in North America in the 1600s and 1700s most typically sought which of the following?

Opportunities to improve their living conditions

"No roads marked the way to the traveler in California then: but, guided by the sun and well-known mountain peaks, we proceeded on our journey. . . . Some forty or fifty men were at work with the cradle machines, and were averaging about eight ounces [of gold] per day to the man. But a few moments passed before I was knee deep in water, with my wash-basin full of dirt, plunging it about endeavoring to separate the dirt from the gold. After washing some fifty pans of dirt, I found I had realized about four bits' worth of gold. Reader, do you know how [one] feels when the gold fever heat has suddenly fallen to about zero? I do. . . . The Indians who were working for Capts. Sutter and Weber gave them leading information, so that they were enabled to know the direction in which new discoveries were to be made. . . . "The morals of the miners of '48 should here be noticed. No person worked on Sunday at digging for gold. . . . We had ministers of the gospel amongst us, but they never preached. Religion had been forgotten, even by its ministers, and instead of their pointing out the narrow way which leads to eternal happiness . . . they might have been seen, with pick-axe and pan, traveling untrodden [untraveled] ways in search of . . . treasure . . . or drinking good health and prosperity with friends." James H. Carson, describing life in the early California gold fields, 1848 Which of the following developments resulted most directly from the gold rush described in the excerpt?

People from America, Europe, and Asia migrated to the region.

"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Fred Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005 The conclusion of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following effects on Native American societies?

The British government attempted to restrict western settlement to reduce tensions between colonists and Native Americans.

"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . . ". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency." Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005 Which of the following pieces of evidence would best refute Jackson's claim about his predecessors' policies toward American Indians, as described in the first paragraph of the excerpt?

President George Washington enforced treaties guaranteeing American Indians in New York rights to their land.

"The committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . . ". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . . "The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations." The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809 The claims in the excerpt were most likely interpreted as opposing which of the following existing federal government policies at the time?

Promoting economic development through foreign trade

"In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as [a traveling] preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all [members of different religious groups] that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to me . . . to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admired and respected him. . . . It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk through the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street. "And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its [harsh conditions], the building of a house to meet in was no sooner proposed . . . and the work [of erecting the building] was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia." Benjamin Franklin, from his autobiography, describing events in 1739 Which of the following developments most directly contributed to the events described in the excerpt?

Protestant evangelism came to the colonies from Great Britain and Europe.

"Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great [land]. . . . Your forefathers crossed the great water and landed upon this [land]. Their numbers were small. They found friends, not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them, we granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return. ". . . Our seats were once large and yours were small. You have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. . . . ". . . The Great Spirit has made us all, but he has made a great difference between his white and red children. . . . Since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied." Red Jacket, Iroquois American Indian chief in New York, speech to a missionary from Massachusetts and a United States diplomat, 1805 Which of the following best explains how the purpose of the speech in the excerpt was interpreted by federal officials? A

Red Jacket sought to protect Iroquois independence from the United States

Which of the following most directly led to the expansion of participatory democracy in the first half of the nineteenth century?

Reduction of property ownership requirements for voting

"In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as [a traveling] preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all [members of different religious groups] that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to me . . . to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admired and respected him. . . . It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk through the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street. "And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its [harsh conditions], the building of a house to meet in was no sooner proposed . . . and the work [of erecting the building] was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia." Benjamin Franklin, from his autobiography, describing events in 1739 Which of the following most directly contributed to the decision in Philadelphia referenced in the excerpt to build a specific meeting house for the new preachers?

Religious pluralism was more accepted in the middle colonies and particularly in the colony of Pennsylvania than elsewhere.

he Fourteenth Amendment emerged from which of the following contexts?

Republican concerns that African Americans would be denied citizenship rights

"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles, Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . . "Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants." Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013 Which of the following resulted from the mass production of cotton described in the excerpt?

Some southerners relocated their plantations to the west of the Appalachian Mountains.

"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederacy, but, soon or later it would be divided into sundry [several] petty Confederacies. We would have a Central Confederacy, a Confederacy of the States of the Mississippi Valley, a Pacific Confederacy, a Western Confederacy, an Eastern Confederacy, a Northern and a Southern Confederacy. ". . . It is easy perhaps to break down this Government; but, sir, when we break it down it will not be so easy a matter to build it up. . . . Gentlemen cry out against the tyranny of their own government, and yet denounce [those opposed to secession] because we hesitate to allow ourselves to be thrust into the embraces of such a military dictatorship." Waitman T. Willey, addressing the Virginia State Secession Convention, March 4, 1861 Which of the following conclusions can best be reached based on the sentiments expressed in the excerpt?

Sectional tensions erupted because most Southerners did not support Abraham Lincoln

"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master. ". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . . ". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional." Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004 Which of the following does the author use as evidence to support her argument that slaveholders were "keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure"?

Slaveholders held parties to encourage the loyalty of the enslaved.

"In Carolina, the instances of Negroes murdering . . . their own masters or overseers are not rare . . . . [Runaways] escape by water, past Frederica [in Georgia] to St. Augustine [in Florida], where they receive freedom, be it war or peace [with Spain]. Many just run into the woods, get along miserably, [or] are secretly looked after by other Negroes. . . . "Those Negroes who have served the [colony of Georgia] well are bought and freed by the government, receive their own land, and enjoy the English rights. If a private party wants to release a Negro he must have the consent of the governor or get him out of the colony. For the free Negroes abuse their freedom, and it is feared they seduce others [to freedom]. . . . ". . . Mixings or marriages [between Black and White colonists] are not allowed by the laws; but . . . I have learned of 2 white women, one French and one German, who have secretly been with Negroes and have borne black children. . . . And all too common [are] white men . . . [who with Negro women] father half-black children. [The children] are perpetual slaves just like their mothers." Johann Martin Bolzius, German minister, report to a correspondent in Europe on life in Georgia and the Carolinas, 1751 Which of the following represented a change in the labor force of the southern British colonies by the 1700s as depicted in the excerpt?

Slavery became more widespread than indentured servitude.

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." Petition to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1777 Which of the following describes an overall argument of the excerpt?

Slavery is contrary to the ideals of the American Revolution

The committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . . ". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . . "The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations." The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809 Which of the following best describes a historian's likely interpretation of the situation in which the excerpt was produced in the early 1800s?

Some Americans promoted international strength through a unified national economy.

Which of the following groups would most likely have supported secession from the United States after the 1860 presidential election?

Southern Democrats

"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master. ". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . . ". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional." Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004 Which of the following best describes a context in the first half of the 1800s that influenced the development of slavery as described in the excerpt?

Southern planters used enslaved people to produce cotton for international markets.

"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederacy, but, soon or later it would be divided into sundry [several] petty Confederacies. We would have a Central Confederacy, a Confederacy of the States of the Mississippi Valley, a Pacific Confederacy, a Western Confederacy, an Eastern Confederacy, a Northern and a Southern Confederacy. ". . . It is easy perhaps to break down this Government; but, sir, when we break it down it will not be so easy a matter to build it up. . . . Gentlemen cry out against the tyranny of their own government, and yet denounce [those opposed to secession] because we hesitate to allow ourselves to be thrust into the embraces of such a military dictatorship." Waitman T. Willey, addressing the Virginia State Secession Convention, March 4, 1861 Evidence in the excerpt most strongly suggests which of the following?

Southern voters viewed the presidential election with contempt.

How were European economic systems in the American colonies in the 1500s and 1600s different from existing economic systems in Europe?

Spanish colonists used enslaved Africans to work on plantations

"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Fred Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005 Britain's victory in the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following economic consequences for its American colonies?

The British government increased taxation of colonial goods to help pay off the debt created by the war

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, pamphlet, 1764 In the excerpt, Otis was responding to which of the following developments?

The British government's attempts to pay for the costs of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War)

"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities." President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801 Which of the following best describes the political situation in which Jefferson gave the address in the excerpt?

The Democratic-Republican Party had won the presidency for the first time.

In which of the following ways did the Spanish impose racial hierarchies in the regions of the Americas that they controlled during the 1500s and 1600s?

The Spanish created a caste system that incorporated people of European, Native American, and African descent.

I . . . write an account to Your Majesty as the first [person] to come among these natives. . . . "These Indian people of New Spain [Mexico] are vassals of Your Majesty. . . . I dare plead with you for a remedy because, for their people to be saved, they are in great need of relief in order to devote themselves at least somewhat to matters of Faith. After all, it is the struggle for their salvation that justifies their discovery. . . . "I firmly believe that if the decrees Your Majesty sent here for their benefit were implemented, and if the governors and judges did more than pretend to do so, great good would have come to these people. Even more firmly I believe that Your Majesty's intention is that they be saved and that they know God. For this to happen, they must have some relief, so that with the moderate labor needed to meet their tribute obligation, they can still give themselves wholeheartedly to our teachings. . . . Otherwise, God will have good reason to complain, for Spaniards came to this land and have taken their property for their own benefit, and Your Majesty has extracted great benefit from them, too. . . . ". . . Your Majesty . . . should know that the Indians who are required to labor for a master in Mexico City in domestic service and bring firewood, fodder, and chickens leave their pueblo for a month at a time. . . . And the poor Indians often have to buy these things because they are not to be found in their pueblos. . . . Take pity on them and consider what is happening to the poor Indian woman who is in her house with no one to support her and her children, for her husband is hard pressed to meet his tribute requirement. . . . ". . . I advise you that if Your Majesty does not establish that . . . [the Indians] be required to pay tribute only from what they have, within thirty years these parts will be as deserted as the [Caribbean] islands, and so many souls will be lost." Fray (Friar) Pedro de Gante, Spanish Catholic friar and missionary, letter to Emperor Charles V, king of Spain, 1552 Which of the following best describes an argument made by de Gante in the letter?

The Spanish should require less tribute after conquest to avoid Native American depopulation

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist paper number 15, published in 1787 Which of the following overall arguments did Hamilton make about the Articles of Confederation?

The United States should abandon the Articles to form a stronger central government.

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist paper number 15, published in 1787 Which of the following claims did Hamilton make in the excerpt about the powers of the United States under the Articles of Confederation?

The United States was not empowered to raise sufficient money for the government

"The next matter I shall recommend to you is the providing more effectively for the security of your frontiers against [American] Indians, who notwithstanding the many parties of Rangers [militia, or local men who volunteered for colonial defense] have . . . killed and carried off at least twenty of our outward inhabitants and Indian allies; I have attempted by several ways to oppose those [invasions] but after some trouble and expense have only experienced that our people are not ready for warlike undertakings. . . . The [condition of our Indian allies has] of late approved themselves to be ready and faithfully allied, and I am persuaded that setting them along our frontiers without all our inhabitants . . . would be a better and cheaper safeguard to the country than the old method of Rangers." Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood, addressing the members of the House of Burgesses, 1713 Which of the following best describes a purpose of the excerpt?

The Virginia governor is seeking support from the colonial legislature for his plan to address conflict between settlers and American Indians in frontier areas.

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, 1689 The ideas in the excerpt were most likely interpreted by American colonists in the 1770s as a call to reject which of the following?

The acceptance of the divine right of kings

"No roads marked the way to the traveler in California then: but, guided by the sun and well-known mountain peaks, we proceeded on our journey. . . . Some forty or fifty men were at work with the cradle machines, and were averaging about eight ounces [of gold] per day to the man. But a few moments passed before I was knee deep in water, with my wash-basin full of dirt, plunging it about endeavoring to separate the dirt from the gold. After washing some fifty pans of dirt, I found I had realized about four bits' worth of gold. Reader, do you know how [one] feels when the gold fever heat has suddenly fallen to about zero? I do. . . . The Indians who were working for Capts. Sutter and Weber gave them leading information, so that they were enabled to know the direction in which new discoveries were to be made. . . . "The morals of the miners of '48 should here be noticed. No person worked on Sunday at digging for gold. . . . We had ministers of the gospel amongst us, but they never preached. Religion had been forgotten, even by its ministers, and instead of their pointing out the narrow way which leads to eternal happiness . . . they might have been seen, with pick-axe and pan, traveling untrodden [untraveled] ways in search of . . . treasure . . . or drinking good health and prosperity with friends." James H. Carson, describing life in the early California gold fields, 1848 Which of the following developments most directly led to the activities described in the excerpt?

The acquisition of significant territory following the Mexican-American War

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 The principle of federalism embodied in the United States Constitution had most in common with which of the following earlier aspects of British colonial government?

The autonomy of colonial legislatures from Great Britain

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 George Washington's suggestions about United States foreign relations reflect which of the following situations?

The continued European colonial presence along United States borders

"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican California when war broke out in 1846. This dispersion of hardy migrants inspired observers to insist that pioneers and not politicians won the West. . . . "Pioneers played a role in expansion, but the historical record points to politicians and propagandists as the primary agents of empire. Racial, economic, social, and political factors coalesced [combined] to make territorial and commercial expansion enticing to American leaders. . . . "Denying any parallels between earlier empires and their own, expansionists insisted that democracy and dominion were complementary, not contradictory. Since leaders intended to transform [territorial] cessions into states and their inhabitants (at least Whites) into citizens, they scoffed at misgivings about governing a vast domain." Thomas Hietala, historian, Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism and Empire, 2003 Both authors would most likely suggest that the historical situation described in the excerpts contributed to which of the following?

The continued alteration of Native American culture and society

"National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the praise due to excellence, and still more so is the attempt to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . . "It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . . . "The fondness for literature is fast increasing in our country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?" William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North American Review, 1818 The excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following developments?

The creation of a unique American culture

Charles Willson Peale, George Washington at the Battle of Princeton Courtesy of the Yale University Art Gallery (look up picture) Which of the following best explains the depiction of George Washington in the painting?

The development of a sense of American identity among Patriots

The industrial resources of the North during the Civil War most likely accounted for which of the following?

The disadvantage of the Confederacy in access to arms, munitions, and other supplies

"I . . . write an account to Your Majesty as the first [person] to come among these natives. . . . "These Indian people of New Spain [Mexico] are vassals of Your Majesty. . . . I dare plead with you for a remedy because, for their people to be saved, they are in great need of relief in order to devote themselves at least somewhat to matters of Faith. After all, it is the struggle for their salvation that justifies their discovery. . . . "I firmly believe that if the decrees Your Majesty sent here for their benefit were implemented, and if the governors and judges did more than pretend to do so, great good would have come to these people. Even more firmly I believe that Your Majesty's intention is that they be saved and that they know God. For this to happen, they must have some relief, so that with the moderate labor needed to meet their tribute obligation, they can still give themselves wholeheartedly to our teachings. . . . Otherwise, God will have good reason to complain, for Spaniards came to this land and have taken their property for their own benefit, and Your Majesty has extracted great benefit from them, too. . . . ". . . Your Majesty . . . should know that the Indians who are required to labor for a master in Mexico City in domestic service and bring firewood, fodder, and chickens leave their pueblo for a month at a time. . . . And the poor Indians often have to buy these things because they are not to be found in their pueblos. . . . Take pity on them and consider what is happening to the poor Indian woman who is in her house with no one to support her and her children, for her husband is hard pressed to meet his tribute requirement. . . . ". . . I advise you that if Your Majesty does not establish that . . . [the Indians] be required to pay tribute only from what they have, within thirty years these parts will be as deserted as the [Caribbean] islands, and so many souls will be lost." Fray (Friar) Pedro de Gante, Spanish Catholic friar and missionary, letter to Emperor Charles V, king of Spain, 1552 In the third paragraph of the excerpt, which of the following pieces of evidence does de Gante use to support his argument about the emperor of Spain's obligations to Native Americans?

The emperor has benefited from the riches acquired in the Americas.

What was a major difference between the Spanish encomienda system and the Spanish caste system in the Americas?

The encomienda system was based on using Native Americans for forced labor, while the caste system was based on a diverse and racially mixed population

Which of the following developments was most directly connected to the collapse of the Whig Party in United States politics during the 1850s?

The escalation of tensions between proslavery and antislavery factions

The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was intended to resolve debates about which of the following issues in the 1850s?

The expansion of slavery

The expansion of suffrage to most adult White men in the early nineteenth century most directly resulted in which of the following?

The growth of new political parties

"I know not how to thank you for the deep and lively interest you have been pleased to take in the cause of . . . the emancipation of a people, who, for two long centuries, have endured, with the utmost patience, a bondage, one hour of which . . . is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. "It is such indications on the part of the press—which, happily, are multiplying throughout all the land—that kindle up within me an ardent hope that the curse of slavery will not much longer be permitted to make its iron foot-prints in the lacerated [deeply cut] hearts of my . . . brethren. . . . I am called, by way of reproach, a runaway slave. As if it were a crime—an unpardonable crime—for a man to take his inalienable rights! "But why [you,] a New-York editor, born and reared in the State of Maine, far removed from the contaminated . . . atmosphere of slavery, should pursue such a course [supporting abolition], is not so apparent. I will not, however, stop here to ascertain the cause, but deal with fact. . . . "The object . . . is simply to give such an exposition of the degrading influence of slavery upon the master and his [supporters] as well as upon the slave—to excite such an intelligent interest on the subject of American slavery—as may react upon that country, and tend to shame her out of her adhesion to a system which all must confess to disagree with justice. . . . "I am earnestly and anxiously laboring to wipe off this foul blot from the . . . American people, that they may accomplish in behalf of human freedom that which their exalted position among the nations of the earth amply fits them to do." Frederick Douglass to New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, 1846 The excerpt could best be used by historians studying which of the following?

The growth of the abolition movement in the United States

"The committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . . ". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . . "The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations." The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809 The petition could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following?

The ideas that led some Americans to advocate for improved transportation

"I know not how to thank you for the deep and lively interest you have been pleased to take in the cause of . . . the emancipation of a people, who, for two long centuries, have endured, with the utmost patience, a bondage, one hour of which . . . is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. "It is such indications on the part of the press—which, happily, are multiplying throughout all the land—that kindle up within me an ardent hope that the curse of slavery will not much longer be permitted to make its iron foot-prints in the lacerated [deeply cut] hearts of my . . . brethren. . . . I am called, by way of reproach, a runaway slave. As if it were a crime—an unpardonable crime—for a man to take his inalienable rights! "But why [you,] a New-York editor, born and reared in the State of Maine, far removed from the contaminated . . . atmosphere of slavery, should pursue such a course [supporting abolition], is not so apparent. I will not, however, stop here to ascertain the cause, but deal with fact. . . . "The object . . . is simply to give such an exposition of the degrading influence of slavery upon the master and his [supporters] as well as upon the slave—to excite such an intelligent interest on the subject of American slavery—as may react upon that country, and tend to shame her out of her adhesion to a system which all must confess to disagree with justice. . . . "I am earnestly and anxiously laboring to wipe off this foul blot from the . . . American people, that they may accomplish in behalf of human freedom that which their exalted position among the nations of the earth amply fits them to do." Frederick Douglass to New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, 1846 Rhetoric in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting which of the following?

The immediate end to the practice of slavery through legal reform

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, 1689 The excerpt from Locke's Two Treatises of Government could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following topics?

The impact of the Enlightenment on Revolutionary political thought

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Gordon S. Wood, historian, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787, published in 1969 Which of the following evidence is used by the author to support his argument about state independence?

The inability of the central government to carry out many laws

Which of the following developments most directly related to the increased sectional strife immediately prior to the election of 1860?

The legal ruling that denied African Americans rights of citizenship

"The New England settlers more closely resembled the non-migrating English population than they did other English colonists in the New World. . . . While the composition of the emigrant populations in the Chesapeake and the Caribbean hindered the successful transfer of familiar patterns of social relationships, the character of the New England colonial population ensured it. The prospect of colonizing distant lands stirred the imaginations of young people all over England but most of these young adults made their way to the tobacco and sugar plantations of the South. Nearly half of a sample of Virginia residents in 1625 were between the ages of twenty and twenty-nine, and groups of emigrants to the Chesapeake in the seventeenth century consistently included a majority of people in their twenties. In contrast, only a quarter of the New England settlers belonged to this age group. "Similarly, the sex ratio of the New England emigrant group resembled that of England's population. If women were . . . scarce in the Chesapeake . . . they were comparatively abundant in the northern colonies. In the second decade of Virginia's settlement, there were four or five men for each woman; by the end of the century, there were still about three men for every two women. Among the emigrants [in New England], however, nearly half were women and girls. Such a high proportion of females in the population assured the young men of New England greater success than their southern counterparts in finding spouses." Virginia DeJohn Anderson, historian, "Migrants and Motives: Religion and the Settlement of New England, 1630-1640," published in 1985 Which of the following best describes an overall argument of the excerpt?

The makeup of emigrant populations led to greater reconstruction of English family life in New England than it did in the Chesapeake

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, 1689 Interpretations of Locke's assertions regarding a "state of freedom" and a "state also of equality" most directly influenced which of the following?

The political rhetoric of Patriots during the American Revolution

"The New England settlers more closely resembled the non-migrating English population than they did other English colonists in the New World. . . . While the composition of the emigrant populations in the Chesapeake and the Caribbean hindered the successful transfer of familiar patterns of social relationships, the character of the New England colonial population ensured it. The prospect of colonizing distant lands stirred the imaginations of young people all over England but most of these young adults made their way to the tobacco and sugar plantations of the South. Nearly half of a sample of Virginia residents in 1625 were between the ages of twenty and twenty-nine, and groups of emigrants to the Chesapeake in the seventeenth century consistently included a majority of people in their twenties. In contrast, only a quarter of the New England settlers belonged to this age group. "Similarly, the sex ratio of the New England emigrant group resembled that of England's population. If women were . . . scarce in the Chesapeake . . . they were comparatively abundant in the northern colonies. In the second decade of Virginia's settlement, there were four or five men for each woman; by the end of the century, there were still about three men for every two women. Among the emigrants [in New England], however, nearly half were women and girls. Such a high proportion of females in the population assured the young men of New England greater success than their southern counterparts in finding spouses." Virginia DeJohn Anderson, historian, "Migrants and Motives: Religion and the Settlement of New England, 1630-1640," published in 1985 The second paragraph of the excerpt makes which of the following claims about the populations of men and women in the colonies?

The populations of men and women in New England were roughly equal from the time of its founding.

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Gordon S. Wood, historian, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787, published in 1969 The failure of the Articles of Confederation resulted in which of the following changes in the government of the United States?

The ratification of a constitution that established a stronger central government

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 Dickinson's desire to preserve "a certain degree of agency" for states is best explained by which of the following developments in the early United States?

The retention of regional cultural identity in conjunction with national unity

Which of the following best explains a major reason for the emergence of the Second Great Awakening in the United States?

Which of the following best explains a major reason for the emergence of the Second Great Awakening in the United States?

"The New England settlers more closely resembled the non-migrating English population than they did other English colonists in the New World. . . . While the composition of the emigrant populations in the Chesapeake and the Caribbean hindered the successful transfer of familiar patterns of social relationships, the character of the New England colonial population ensured it. The prospect of colonizing distant lands stirred the imaginations of young people all over England but most of these young adults made their way to the tobacco and sugar plantations of the South. Nearly half of a sample of Virginia residents in 1625 were between the ages of twenty and twenty-nine, and groups of emigrants to the Chesapeake in the seventeenth century consistently included a majority of people in their twenties. In contrast, only a quarter of the New England settlers belonged to this age group. "Similarly, the sex ratio of the New England emigrant group resembled that of England's population. If women were . . . scarce in the Chesapeake . . . they were comparatively abundant in the northern colonies. In the second decade of Virginia's settlement, there were four or five men for each woman; by the end of the century, there were still about three men for every two women. Among the emigrants [in New England], however, nearly half were women and girls. Such a high proportion of females in the population assured the young men of New England greater success than their southern counterparts in finding spouses." Virginia DeJohn Anderson, historian, "Migrants and Motives: Religion and the Settlement of New England, 1630-1640," published in 1985 The first paragraph of the excerpt makes which of the following claims?

The settlers of New England varied in age more than emigrants to the Chesapeake did.

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 Dickinson's concern for the "mischiefs" in the states is best understood in the context of which of the following?

The threat to state governments from popular uprisings

"No roads marked the way to the traveler in California then: but, guided by the sun and well-known mountain peaks, we proceeded on our journey. . . . Some forty or fifty men were at work with the cradle machines, and were averaging about eight ounces [of gold] per day to the man. But a few moments passed before I was knee deep in water, with my wash-basin full of dirt, plunging it about endeavoring to separate the dirt from the gold. After washing some fifty pans of dirt, I found I had realized about four bits' worth of gold. Reader, do you know how [one] feels when the gold fever heat has suddenly fallen to about zero? I do. . . . The Indians who were working for Capts. Sutter and Weber gave them leading information, so that they were enabled to know the direction in which new discoveries were to be made. . . . "The morals of the miners of '48 should here be noticed. No person worked on Sunday at digging for gold. . . . We had ministers of the gospel amongst us, but they never preached. Religion had been forgotten, even by its ministers, and instead of their pointing out the narrow way which leads to eternal happiness . . . they might have been seen, with pick-axe and pan, traveling untrodden [untraveled] ways in search of . . . treasure . . . or drinking good health and prosperity with friends." James H. Carson, describing life in the early California gold fields, 1848 The excerpt best reflects the development of which of the following?

The widely held belief that the United States had a right to expand westward

"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . . "Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of these organizations "the Evangelical United Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . . "The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a 'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . . "The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The] Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as the Post Office." Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007 Which of the following describes a piece of evidence used by Howe to support his overall argument about the motivations of religious reformers?

They desired to teach people personal autonomy.

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 The framers of the United States Constitution initially responded to abuses of executive authority by the British monarch in which of the following ways?

They established the separation of powers between the president and Congress

"On the western side of the ocean, movements of people and ideas . . . preceded the Atlantic connection. Great empires—in the Valley of Mexico, on the Mississippi River . . . —had collapsed or declined in the centuries before 1492. . . . As Columbus embarked on his first transatlantic voyage, the Mexica, or Aztecs, were consolidating their position [in Mexico]; their city was a center of both trade and military might. Tenochtitlán [the Aztec capital] . . . held 200,000 people, a population greater than in the largest city in contemporary Europe. ". . . The Mississippian culture spread east and west from its center, the city of Cahokia, on the Mississippi River near the site of modern St. Louis. It was a successor to earlier cultures, evidence of which can be seen in the great ceremonial mounds they built. Cahokia declined and was ultimately abandoned completely in the later thirteenth century. . . . Throughout the Southeast, smaller mound-building centers continued." Karen Ordahl Kupperman, historian, The Atlantic in World History, 2012 Which of the following best characterizes the Mississippian societies described in the excerpt?

They had mixed agricultural and hunter-gatherer economies that favored the development of permanent villages.

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, pamphlet, 1764 Which of the following was a major purpose of Otis' pamphlet?

To encourage opposition to Parliament's regulation of colonial commerce

"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities." President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801 Which of the following was most likely a main purpose of Jefferson's inaugural address?

To summarize his beliefs about the ideal political system

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Washington most likely wrote about political parties for which of the following purposes?

To warn the public that political parties result in national divisions

"On the western side of the ocean, movements of people and ideas . . . preceded the Atlantic connection. Great empires—in the Valley of Mexico, on the Mississippi River . . . —had collapsed or declined in the centuries before 1492. . . . As Columbus embarked on his first transatlantic voyage, the Mexica, or Aztecs, were consolidating their position [in Mexico]; their city was a center of both trade and military might. Tenochtitlán [the Aztec capital] . . . held 200,000 people, a population greater than in the largest city in contemporary Europe. ". . . The Mississippian culture spread east and west from its center, the city of Cahokia, on the Mississippi River near the site of modern St. Louis. It was a successor to earlier cultures, evidence of which can be seen in the great ceremonial mounds they built. Cahokia declined and was ultimately abandoned completely in the later thirteenth century. . . . Throughout the Southeast, smaller mound-building centers continued." Karen Ordahl Kupperman, historian, The Atlantic in World History, 2012 Which of the following contributed most significantly to the population trend in pre-Columbian Mexico described in the excerpt?

Trade and settlement resulting from maize cultivation

"Forces committed to restoring White supremacy launched a ruthless, bloody campaign of terror and intimidation against freedpeople and their White allies in the South. As young southern units of the Republican Party broke under those blows and the Republicans of the North retreated and grew more conservative, Reconstruction collapsed. With it went many . . . gains. A resurgent southern elite once again set about imposing White supremacy and tyrannical labor discipline while stripping freedpeople of many of their civic and political rights." Bruce Levine, historian, The Fall of the House of Dixie, 2013 "For many poor Whites throughout the South, Jim Crow laws alone could not ease their most persistent fear. In regions like northern Louisiana, with little but pine trees rising from its barren soil, White men found themselves competing with [formerly enslaved people], and during the dozen years of Reconstruction they had not known which race would prevail. "Such men had dropped away from the Ku Klux Klan after President Grant's crackdown, but their simmering resentments had grown. With control of the South passing again to the Democrats, powerless Whites were joining plantation owners to ensure that Black workers remained without their basic rights." A. J. Langguth, historian, After Lincoln, 2014 Which of the following arguments about Reconstruction policies would both authors most likely disagree with?

With Republicans in retreat, Southern Democrats grew more supportive of Reconstruction policies.

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." Petition to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1777 The second paragraph of the excerpt proposes that the Massachusetts legislature should

abolish slavery and release enslaved African Americans upon adulthood

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." Petition to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1777 The first paragraph of the excerpt makes the claim that

all people should have the same inherent liberties

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist paper number 15, published in 1787 Hamilton claimed in the excerpt that state sovereignty

allowed states to ignore the requests of the central government

"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederacy, but, soon or later it would be divided into sundry [several] petty Confederacies. We would have a Central Confederacy, a Confederacy of the States of the Mississippi Valley, a Pacific Confederacy, a Western Confederacy, an Eastern Confederacy, a Northern and a Southern Confederacy. ". . . It is easy perhaps to break down this Government; but, sir, when we break it down it will not be so easy a matter to build it up. . . . Gentlemen cry out against the tyranny of their own government, and yet denounce [those opposed to secession] because we hesitate to allow ourselves to be thrust into the embraces of such a military dictatorship." Waitman T. Willey, addressing the Virginia State Secession Convention, March 4, 1861 The excerpt best serves as evidence that, in 1861,

citizens in the Southern states were deeply divided over secession

"I . . . write an account to Your Majesty as the first [person] to come among these natives. . . . "These Indian people of New Spain [Mexico] are vassals of Your Majesty. . . . I dare plead with you for a remedy because, for their people to be saved, they are in great need of relief in order to devote themselves at least somewhat to matters of Faith. After all, it is the struggle for their salvation that justifies their discovery. . . . "I firmly believe that if the decrees Your Majesty sent here for their benefit were implemented, and if the governors and judges did more than pretend to do so, great good would have come to these people. Even more firmly I believe that Your Majesty's intention is that they be saved and that they know God. For this to happen, they must have some relief, so that with the moderate labor needed to meet their tribute obligation, they can still give themselves wholeheartedly to our teachings. . . . Otherwise, God will have good reason to complain, for Spaniards came to this land and have taken their property for their own benefit, and Your Majesty has extracted great benefit from them, too. . . . ". . . Your Majesty . . . should know that the Indians who are required to labor for a master in Mexico City in domestic service and bring firewood, fodder, and chickens leave their pueblo for a month at a time. . . . And the poor Indians often have to buy these things because they are not to be found in their pueblos. . . . Take pity on them and consider what is happening to the poor Indian woman who is in her house with no one to support her and her children, for her husband is hard pressed to meet his tribute requirement. . . . ". . . I advise you that if Your Majesty does not establish that . . . [the Indians] be required to pay tribute only from what they have, within thirty years these parts will be as deserted as the [Caribbean] islands, and so many souls will be lost." Fray (Friar) Pedro de Gante, Spanish Catholic friar and missionary, letter to Emperor Charles V, king of Spain, 1552 One piece of evidence that de Gante used in the excerpt to support his overall argument about the treatment of the people of Mexico is that Native Americans

did not have enough supplies to support their families

The expansion of suffrage to most adult White men by the 1820s and 1830s most directly contributed to the

emergence of political rallies and events to encourage people to vote for particular parties

"The next matter I shall recommend to you is the providing more effectively for the security of your frontiers against [American] Indians, who notwithstanding the many parties of Rangers [militia, or local men who volunteered for colonial defense] have . . . killed and carried off at least twenty of our outward inhabitants and Indian allies; I have attempted by several ways to oppose those [invasions] but after some trouble and expense have only experienced that our people are not ready for warlike undertakings. . . . The [condition of our Indian allies has] of late approved themselves to be ready and faithfully allied, and I am persuaded that setting them along our frontiers without all our inhabitants . . . would be a better and cheaper safeguard to the country than the old method of Rangers." Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood, addressing the members of the House of Burgesses, 1713 The point of view expressed by the Virginia governor in the excerpt is that he

feels a responsibility to protect White frontier settlers from violent encounters with American Indians

The expansion of participatory democracy in the Jacksonian era most likely influenced the Second Great Awakening by

giving rise to individualistic beliefs

"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . . "Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of these organizations "the Evangelical United Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . . "The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a 'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . . "The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The] Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as the Post Office." Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007 A piece of evidence used by Howe in the second paragraph of the excerpt to support his argument about the goals of prison reform was that prison reformers

intended to use prisons to rehabilitate criminals

"In Carolina, the instances of Negroes murdering . . . their own masters or overseers are not rare . . . . [Runaways] escape by water, past Frederica [in Georgia] to St. Augustine [in Florida], where they receive freedom, be it war or peace [with Spain]. Many just run into the woods, get along miserably, [or] are secretly looked after by other Negroes. . . . "Those Negroes who have served the [colony of Georgia] well are bought and freed by the government, receive their own land, and enjoy the English rights. If a private party wants to release a Negro he must have the consent of the governor or get him out of the colony. For the free Negroes abuse their freedom, and it is feared they seduce others [to freedom]. . . . ". . . Mixings or marriages [between Black and White colonists] are not allowed by the laws; but . . . I have learned of 2 white women, one French and one German, who have secretly been with Negroes and have borne black children. . . . And all too common [are] white men . . . [who with Negro women] father half-black children. [The children] are perpetual slaves just like their mothers." Johann Martin Bolzius, German minister, report to a correspondent in Europe on life in Georgia and the Carolinas, 1751 The experience of enslaved people in the southern British colonies as described in the excerpt was similar to the experience of enslaved people in the northern British colonies because

many enslaved people in both regions developed strategies to resist slavery

"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican California when war broke out in 1846. This dispersion of hardy migrants inspired observers to insist that pioneers and not politicians won the West. . . . "Pioneers played a role in expansion, but the historical record points to politicians and propagandists as the primary agents of empire. Racial, economic, social, and political factors coalesced [combined] to make territorial and commercial expansion enticing to American leaders. . . . "Denying any parallels between earlier empires and their own, expansionists insisted that democracy and dominion were complementary, not contradictory. Since leaders intended to transform [territorial] cessions into states and their inhabitants (at least Whites) into citizens, they scoffed at misgivings about governing a vast domain." Thomas Hietala, historian, Manifest Design: American Exceptionalism and Empire, 2003 Greenberg's argument most differs from Hietala's in that Greenberg claims that

most Americans believed that Mexicans in the new territories could not assimilate

To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, 1689 During the period of the American Revolution, Locke's point of view in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting a form of government based on

natural rights

"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities." President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801 Which of the following best describes the context from which the ideas expressed in the excerpt emerged?

political leaders sought to encourage domestic economic development.

"In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as [a traveling] preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all [members of different religious groups] that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to me . . . to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admired and respected him. . . . It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk through the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street. "And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its [harsh conditions], the building of a house to meet in was no sooner proposed . . . and the work [of erecting the building] was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia." Benjamin Franklin, from his autobiography, describing events in 1739 The events of the First Great Awakening illustrated by the excerpt led to

new denominations attracting followers who were drawn to the dynamic sermons of the new preachers

"The committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . . ". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . . "The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations." The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809 At the time the petition was produced, Congress most likely interpreted the petition's purpose as

requesting federal funding for transportation construction projects

"Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great [land]. . . . Your forefathers crossed the great water and landed upon this [land]. Their numbers were small. They found friends, not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them, we granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return. ". . . Our seats were once large and yours were small. You have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. . . . ". . . The Great Spirit has made us all, but he has made a great difference between his white and red children. . . . Since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied." Red Jacket, Iroquois American Indian chief in New York, speech to a missionary from Massachusetts and a United States diplomat, 1805 The excerpt could best be used by historians studying the

resistance against the expansion of United States influence

"Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority. "Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time that the Southern States—the slaveholding States—should inquire what is now their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination is carried into effect hereafter." John C. Calhoun, senator, speech in the United States Senate, 1847 The speech given by Calhoun relates to which of the following?

the effect of regional attitudes on federal policy making

The efforts of Spanish colonists to convert Native Americans to Christianity were most directly influenced by which of the following simultaneous developments?

the extraction of gold and other wealth from the land in the Americas


Kaugnay na mga set ng pag-aaral

POSI 2320 Part 1 (US Chapter 5 Equal Rights: Struggling Toward Fairness)

View Set

Chapter 8: Net Present Value and Other Investment Criteria

View Set

Management of Patients with Oncologic Disorders

View Set

Chapter 7 - Project Cost Management

View Set

Ch8: Network Configuration Concepts

View Set

LIFE ONLY_Chapter 3- Life Insurance Basics

View Set

HLTH 1100 | HILLMAN | CHAPTER 5 QUIZ

View Set

Exam 4- Principles of Pharmacology

View Set