Chapter 18: Emotional and Social Development in Late Adulthood

Experience Corps: Promoting Retired Adults' Physical and Mental Health and Children's Academic Success

Experience Corps is an innovative, community-based intergenerational intervention aimed at slowing biological aging and enhancing the well-being of retired adults while also strengthening the academic success of kindergarten through third-grade children (Rebok et al., 2014). To attain maximum impact, the program is intensive and stimulating, for retirees and children alike. Volunteers join teams of 7 to 10 for a rigorous 30-hour training program, where they acquire skills in tutoring and behavior management of children. Teams are then placed in low-income inner-city schools, where each volunteer devotes at least 15 hours per week throughout the school year to helping students identified by their teachers as in need of academic support. Teams meet at least every two weeks for problem solving and refresher training, to enhance impact on children while also fostering a sense of community among volunteers. Currently, Experience Corps has nearly 3,000 volunteers working in 22 U.S. cities. How effective is it in attaining its intergenerational goals? To find out, several hundred adults ages 60 and older were randomly assigned to the program in the Baltimore, New York, and Port Arthur, Texas, public schools or to a wait-list control group. Outcomes were impressive: Schools where children received Experience Corps tutoring and mentoring showed higher end-of-year reading achievement and a reduction in disruptive classroom behavior, relative to other schools with similar student bodies (Gattis et al., 2010; Lee et al., 2012). Simultaneously, older adults benefitted in wide-ranging ways, in Baltimore and in an expanded evaluation carried out in 17 U.S. cities. After 4 to 8 months of service, volunteers reported gains in physical activity and strength, whereas controls reported declines (Fried et al., 2004). And after two years of service, program participants indicated fewer physical limitations and depressive symptoms relative to controls (Hong & Morrill-Howell, 2010). From serving on teams and connecting with school personnel, volunteers also reported enhanced social support. Furthermore, in studies addressing neurobiological outcomes, Experience Corps volunteers, but not controls, showed changes in fMRI brain activity over a school year that coincided with gains in executive function. And two years of program participation was associated with mild gains in size of the cerebral cortex and hippocampus (centrally involved in memory), whereas controls declined (Carlson et al., 2009, 2015). Sustained, physically active and cognitively challenging volunteering appeared to increase the plasticity of brain regions supporting vital late-life cognitive skills. Experience Corps demonstrates the powerful impact of a "high-dose" volunteer program on aging adults' physical, cognitive, and social well-being, while also improving children's academic functioning in ways that forecast life success. Recently, Experience Corps joined forces with AARP, the largest organization for older Americans, with plans to extend the program to many more older adults and children in need.

Ordinary Homes

For the majority of aging adults, who are not physically impaired, staying in their own homes affords the greatest possible personal control. More older people in Western countries live on their own today than ever before—a trend due to improved health and economic well-being (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015e). But when health and mobility problems appear, independent living poses risks to an effective person-environment fit. Most homes are not modified to suit the physical capacities of their older residents. When Ruth reached her mid-eighties, Sybil begged her to move into her home. Like many adult children of Southern, Central, and Eastern European descent (Greek, Italian, Polish, and others), Sybil felt an especially strong obligation to care for her frail mother. Older adults of these cultural backgrounds, as well as African Americans, Asians, Hispanics, and Native Americans, more often live in extended families (see page 501 in Chapter 16). Yet increasing numbers of ethnic minority older people want to live on their own, although poverty often prevents them from doing so. For example, two decades ago, most Asian-American aging adults were living with their children, whereas today 65 percent live independently—a trend also evident in some Asian nations (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging Related Statistics, 2012; Takagi & Silverstein, 2011). With sufficient income to keep her home, Ruth refused to move in with Sybil. Continuity theory helps us understand why many older adults react this way, even after health problems accumulate. As the site of memorable life events, the home strengthens continuity with the past, preserving a sense of identity in the face of physical declines and social losses. And it permits older adults to adapt to their surroundings in familiar, comfortable ways. Older people also value their independence, privacy, and network of nearby friends and neighbors. Over the past half century, the number of unmarried, divorced, and widowed aging adults living alone has increased dramatically. Nearly 30 percent of U.S. older adults live by themselves, a figure that rises to nearly 50 percent for those ages 85 and older (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015e). Over 35 percent of U.S. older adults who live alone are poverty-stricken—a rate far greater than among older couples. More than 70 percent are widowed women. Because of lower earnings in earlier years, some entered old age this way. Others became poor for the first time, often because they outlived a spouse who suffered a lengthy, costly illness. With age, their financial status worsens as their assets shrink and their own health-care costs rise (National Institute on Retirement Security, 2016). Under these conditions, isolation, loneliness, and depression can pile up. Poverty among lone aging women is deeper in the United States than in other Western nations because of less generous government-sponsored income and health benefits.

Secure and Multifaceted Self-Concept

Older adults have accumulated a lifetime of self-knowledge, leading to more secure, multifaceted conceptions of themselves than at earlier ages (Diehl et al., 2011). Ruth, for example, knew with certainty that she was independent, well-organized, empathetic, and good at budgeting money, counseling others, giving dinner parties, and figuring out who could be trusted and who couldn't. Furthermore, when young and older adults were asked for several life-defining memories, 65- to 85-year-olds were more likely to mention events with a common theme—such as the importance of relationships or personal independence—and to explain how the events were interrelated (McLean, 2008). Their autobiographical selves emphasized coherence and consistency, despite physical, cognitive, and occupational changes. Ruth's firm and multifaceted self-concept allowed for self-acceptance—a key feature of integrity. In a study of old (70 to 84 years) and very old (85 to 103 years) Germans asked to respond to the question "Who am I?," participants mentioned more positive than negative self-evaluations (Freund & Smith, 1999). Positive, multifaceted self-definitions predicted psychological well-being. As the future shortens, most older adults, into their eighties and nineties, continue to mention hoped-for selves in the areas of physical health, cognitive functioning, personal characteristics, relationships, social responsibility, and leisure (Frazier, 2002; Markus & Herzog, 1991). With respect to feared selves, physical health is even more prominent than it was in midlife. At the same time, possible selves reorganize well into old age. When the German 70- to 103-year-olds just mentioned were followed longitudinally for four years, the majority deleted some possible selves and replaced them with new ones (Smith & Freund, 2002). Although future expectations become more modest and concrete with age ("taking a daily thirty-minute walk" rather than "getting in better shape"), older adults usually take steps to attain their goals. Engaging in hope-related activities, in turn, is associated with gains in life satisfaction and with longer life (Brown, 2016b; Hoppmann et al., 2007). Clearly, late adulthood is not a time of withdrawal from future planning!

Lesbian and Gay Couples

Older lesbians and gay men in long-term partnerships have sustained their relationships through a historical period of hostility and discrimination, finally gaining the right to marry in the United States in 2015. Nevertheless, most report happy, highly fulfilling relationships, pointing to their partner as their most important source of social support. Like their heterosexual counterparts, sexual minority older couples rate their physical and mental health more favorably than do their single lesbian and gay agemates (Williams & Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2014). A lifetime of effective coping with an oppressive social environment may have strengthened lesbian and gay couples' skills at managing late-life physical and cognitive changes, thereby contributing to relationship satisfaction (Gabbay & Wahler, 2002). And changing social conditions, including the ease with which younger generations are embracing their sexual minority identities and "coming out," may have encouraged more older adults to do the same. Compared with same-sex couples not in a legally recognized relationship, those who are married are advantaged in physical and psychological well-being (Wight, LeBlanc, & Lee Badget, 2013). Their more favorable mental health is equivalent to that of older couples in long-term heterosexual marriages. Nevertheless, because of continuing prejudice, aging lesbians and gay men face unique challenges. Health-care systems are often unresponsive to their unique needs. And those caring for a partner in poor health may be less likely to seek help from community agencies offering formal support services because of real or perceived discrimination (Zdaniuk & Smith, 2016). These circumstances can make late-life declines and losses especially stressful.

Reminiscence

We often think of older adults as engaged in reminiscence—telling stories about people and events from their past and reporting associated thoughts and feelings. Indeed, the widespread image of a reminiscing older person ranks among negative stereotypes of aging. Yet research reveals no age differences in total quantity of reminiscing (Westerhof, Bohlmeijer, & Webster, 2010). Rather, younger and older adults often use reminiscence for different purposes. In his comments on major events in his life at the beginning of this chapter, Walt was engaging in a form of reminiscence called life review—calling up past experiences with the goal of achieving greater self-understanding. According to Robert Butler (1968), most older adults engage in life review as part of attaining ego integrity. Older adults who participate in counselor-led life-review interventions, aimed at integrating positive and negative memories from all life periods, report increased self-esteem, greater sense of purpose in life, and reduced depression (Latorre et al., 2015; O'Rourke, Cappeliez, & Claxton, 2011). But many older people who are high in self-acceptance and life satisfaction spend little time evaluating their past (Wink, 2007). In several studies in which older adults were asked what they considered to be the best time of life, 10 to 30 percent identified one of the decades of late adulthood. Early and middle adulthood received especially high marks, whereas childhood and adolescence ranked as less satisfying (Field, 1997; Mehlson, Platz, & Fromholt, 2003). These findings challenge the widespread belief that aging adults inevitably focus on the past and wish to be young again. To the contrary, contemporary older people in industrialized nations are largely present- and future-oriented: They seek avenues for personal growth and fulfillment. Clearly, life review is not essential for adapting well to late adulthood. Indeed, reminiscence that is self-focused, engaged in to reduce boredom and revive bitter events, is linked to adjustment problems. Compared with younger people, older adults less often engage in this ruminative form of reminiscence (O'Rourke, Cappeliez, & Claxton, 2011). Life-review therapy, aimed at helping them focus on positive memories, improves psychological well-being (Lamers et al., 2015; Pinquart & Forstmeier, 2012). In contrast, extroverted people favor other-focused reminiscence directed at social goals, such as solidifying family and friendship ties and reliving relationships with lost loved ones. And at times, older adults—especially those who score high in openness to experience—engage in knowledge-based reminiscence, drawing on their past for effective problem-solving strategies and for teaching younger people (Cappeliez, Rivard, & Guindon, 2007). These socially engaged, mentally stimulating forms of reminiscence help make life rich and rewarding. For young and old alike, reminiscence often occurs during times of life transition. Older adults who have recently retired, been widowed, or moved to a new residence may turn temporarily to the past to sustain a sense of personal continuity (Westerhof & Bohlmeijer, 2014). During these times, reminiscing about positive experiences probably helps them recapture a sense of meaning.

Elder Suicide

When Abe's wife died, he withdrew from life, mostly spending his days alone. As grandchildren were born, Abe visited his daughters' families from time to time, carrying his despondent behavior with him. "Look at my new pajamas, Grandpa!" Abe's grandson Tony exclaimed on one occasion. Abe didn't respond. When in his eighties, Abe developed painful digestive difficulties. His depression deepened, but he refused to see a doctor. "Don't need to," he said abruptly when one of his daughters begged him to get medical attention. Answering her invitation to Tony's tenth birthday party, Abe wrote, "Maybe—if I'm still around next month." Two weeks later, Abe died from an intestinal blockage. His body was found in the living room chair where he habitually spent his days. Although it may seem surprising, Abe's self-destructive acts are a form of suicide. Factors Related to Elder Suicide In most countries around the world, suicide increases over the lifespan, with older adults at greatest risk, though regional variations exist. As noted in Chapter 16, the United States is distinguished by a sharp rise in suicide in middle adulthood. Thereafter, the suicide rate levels off or drops slightly, increasing once again from age 75 on to a level that, at age 85 and older, slightly exceeds the midlife incidence (American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2016). U.S. suicides among the very old have risen by 15 percent over the past few years—a trend (as in middle adulthood) largely accounted for by white men. Furthermore, the sex difference in suicide widens in old age: Nearly 10 times as many U.S. aging men as women take their own lives (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2016d). Compared with the white majority, most ethnic minority older adults have low suicide rates. What explains these differences? Despite the lifelong pattern of higher rates of depression among females, older women's closer ties to family and friends, willingness to seek social support, and greater religiosity prevent many from taking their own lives. High levels of social support through extended families and religious institutions may prevent suicide among ethnic minorities (Conwell, Van Orden, & Caine, 2011). And within certain groups, such as Alaskan Natives, deep respect for and reliance on older adults to teach cultural traditions strengthen self-esteem and social integration. This reduces suicide, making it almost nonexistent after age 80 (Herne, Bartholomew, & Weahkee, 2014; Kettl, 1998). Failed suicides are rare in old age. The ratio of attempts to completions for adolescents and young adults is as high as 200 to 1; for aging adults, it is 4 to 1 or lower (Conwell & O'Reilly, 2013). When older people decide to die, they are especially determined to succeed. Underreporting of suicides probably occurs at all ages, but it is more common in old age. Many older adults, like Abe, engage in indirect self-destructive acts rarely classified as suicide, such as refusing to eat or take prescribed medications. Among institutionalized older adults, these efforts to hasten death are widespread (Reiss & Tishler, 2008b). Consequently, elder suicide is a larger problem than statistics indicate. Two types of events prompt suicide in late life. Losses—retirement from a highly valued occupation, widowhood, or social isolation—place older adults who have difficulty coping with change at risk for persistent depression. Most suicides, however, stem from chronic and terminal illnesses that severely reduce physical functioning or cause intense pain (Conwell et al., 2010). As comfort and quality of life diminish, feelings of hopelessness and helplessness deepen. The chances of suicide are further elevated when a sick older person is socially isolated—living alone or in a nursing home with little opportunity for personal control over daily life. Suicide rates are lower in European countries where older people more often live with their families (Yur'yev et al., 2010). At the same time, when ill aging adults perceive themselves to be a burden to their families, the risk of suicide rises (Yip et al., 2010). Prevention and Treatment Warning signs of suicide in late adulthood, like those at earlier ages, include statements about dying, despondency, and sleep and appetite changes. But family members, friends, caregivers, and health professionals must also watch for indirect self-destructive acts, such as refusing food or medical treatment. When suicidal aging adults are depressed, the most effective treatment combines antidepressant medication with therapy. Distorted ways of thinking ("I'm old—nothing can be done about my problems," "I'm burdening my children") must be countered and revised. Meeting with the family to find ways to reduce loneliness and desperation is also helpful. Communities are beginning to recognize the importance of preventive steps, such as community-wide screenings for risk factors, programs that help aging adults cope with life transitions, telephone hot lines with trained volunteers who provide emotional support, and agencies that arrange for regular home visitors or "buddy system" phone calls (Draper, 2014). But so far, most of these efforts benefit women more than men because women are more likely to tell health professionals about high-risk symptoms, such as despondency, and to use social resources.

Divorce, Remarriage, and Cohabitation

When Walt's uncle Louie was 65, he divorced his wife Sandra after 32 years of marriage. Although she knew the marriage was far from perfect, Sandra had lived with Louie long enough that the divorce came as a shock. A year later, Louie married Rachella, who shared his enthusiasm for sports and dance. Couples who divorce in late adulthood constitute less than 5 percent of all U.S. divorces in any given year. But divorce among people ages 65 and older has quadrupled over the past three decades, currently affecting 13 percent of women and 11 percent of men (Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015). New generations of older adults—especially the baby boomers—have become more accepting of late-life marital breakup as a means of attaining self-fulfillment. Although one-fifth of older adults' dissolving marriages are of less than 10 years duration, about half are lengthy—30 years or more (Brown & Lin, 2012). Compared with younger adults, longtime married older people find it harder to separate their identity from that of their former spouse and, therefore, may experience a greater sense of personal failure. Relationships with family and friends shift at a time when close bonds are crucial for psychological well-being. As in middle adulthood, aging women are more likely than men to initiate divorce. This is despite the fact that the financial consequences for women generally are severe—greater than for widowhood because many accumulated assets are lost in property settlements (Sharma, 2015). Still, older people of both genders seldom express regret over leaving an unhappy marriage (Bair, 2007). Usually, they experience a sense of relief. An estimated 14 percent of U.S. older adults, more men than women, are in a dating relationship, though dating declines with age (Brown & Shinohara, 2013). Aging baby boomers—accustomed to using the Internet for many purposes—are turning to online dating services and personal ads to search for new partners, though they use dating sites far less often than younger people do (Pew Research Center, 2013b). Older adults' personal ads indicate that they are more selective with respect to the age, race, religion, and income of a potential dating partner (McIntosh et al., 2011). And as Figure 18.3 shows, they more often refer to their own health issues and loneliness and less often to romance, sex, desire for a soulmate, and adventure than middle-aged people do (Alterovitz & Mendelsohn, 2013). In their search for the right person, they seem to take a candid, no-nonsense approach! Compared with younger people who remarry, older adults who do so enter more stable relationships, as their divorce rate is much lower. In Louie and Rachella's case, the second marriage lasted for 28 years! Perhaps late-life remarriages are more successful because they involve more maturity, patience, and a better balance of romantic with practical concerns. Good health and financial stability also contribute: Healthy, economically advantaged older people are more likely to repartner than those in declining health or experiencing financial strains (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2012; Vespa, 2012). Remarried older couples are generally very satisfied with their new relationships, although men tend to be more content than women (Connidis, 2010). With fewer potential mates, perhaps women who remarry in late life settle for less desirable partners. Rather than remarrying, older people who enter a new relationship are increasingly choosing cohabitation. Like remarriage, cohabitation results in more stable relationships and higher relationship quality than it did at younger ages. And cohabiting aging adults are as satisfied with their partnered lives as are their married counterparts (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2012; Brown & Kawamura, 2010). This suggests that cohabitation in late adulthood typically serves as a long-term alternative to marriage. Finally, a growing number of repartnered older couples form relationships described as living apart together—an intimate, committed tie involving living separately, in their own homes. When asked why they choose this arrangement, aging adults mention the desire to maintain their independence, financially and otherwise. Others worry that marriage or cohabitation might alter a gratifying emotional bond, so they sustain the status quo (Koren, 2014; Malta & Farquharson, 2014).

Peck's Tasks of Ego Integrity and Joan Erikson's Gerotranscendence

According to Robert Peck (1968), attaining ego integrity involves three distinct tasks: Ego differentiation: For those who invested heavily in their careers, finding other ways to affirm self-worth—through family, friendship, and community life Body transcendence: Surmounting physical limitations by emphasizing the compensating rewards of cognitive, emotional, and social powers Ego transcendence: As contemporaries die, facing the reality of death constructively through efforts to make life more secure, meaningful, and gratifying for younger generations In Peck's theory, ego integrity requires older adults to move beyond their life's work, their bodies, and their separate identities. Research suggests that as people grow older, both body transcendence (focusing on psychological strengths) and ego transcendence (orienting toward a better life for those who will follow) increase. In a study of women, those in their eighties and nineties stated with greater certainty than those in their sixties that they "accept the changes brought about by aging," "have moved beyond fear of death," "have a clearer sense of the meaning of life," and "have found new, positive spiritual gifts to explore" (Brown & Lowis, 2003). Erikson's widow Joan Erikson suggested that these attainments actually represent development beyond ego integrity (which requires satisfaction with one's past life) to an additional psychosocial stage that she calls gerotranscendence—a cosmic and transcendent perspective directed beyond the self to affinity with past and future generations and oneness with the universe. Drawing on her own experience of aging, her observations of her husband's final years, and the work of others, Joan Erikson speculated that success in attaining gerotranscendence is apparent in heightened inner calm and contentment and additional time spent in quiet reflection (Erikson, 1998; Tornstam, 2000, 2011). But more research is needed to confirm the existence of a distinct, transcendent late-life stage. Beyond getting older, major negative life events, such as declines in health or financial difficulties, are associated with reports of cosmic, gerotranscendent reflections. This suggests that inner contemplation is one means older adults use to adapt to stressful, unchangeable circumstances (Read et al., 2014). Furthermore, besides focusing intently on life's meaning, many of the very old continue to be invested in the real world—strengthening bonds with intimate partners and friends, keeping up with current events, and engaging in career, leisure, and volunteer pursuits. One participant in Vaillant's (2012) longitudinal investigation of college men (see pages 387-388 in Chapter 14), reinterviewed in his mid-eighties, reported recently marrying his long-time partner and regularly giving paid public lectures in his field. In response to Vaillant's telephone call, he remarked that Vaillant was fortunate to have reached him on his day off!

Leisure and Volunteer Activities

After a "honeymoon period" of trying out new options, many retired people discover that interests and skills do not develop suddenly. Instead, meaningful leisure and community service pursuits are usually formed earlier and sustained or expanded during retirement (Pinquart & Schindler, 2009). For example, Walt's fondness for writing, theater, and gardening dated back to his youth. Involvement in leisure activities and, especially, volunteer service is related to better physical and mental health and reduced mortality (Cutler, Hendricks, & O'Neill, 2011). But simply participating does not explain this relationship. Instead, older adults select these pursuits because they permit self-expression, new achievements, the rewards of helping others, pleasurable social interaction, and a structured daily life. And those high in sense of self-efficacy are more engaged (Diehl & Berg, 2007). These factors account for gains in well-being. Older people contribute enormously to society through volunteer work. About one-third of those in their sixties and seventies in industrialized nations report volunteering. Of those who do, over half give 200 or more hours per year (HSBC & Oxford Institute of Ageing, 2007; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016). Younger, better-educated, and financially secure older adults with social interests are more likely to volunteer, women more often than men. Although most extend an earlier pattern of civic engagement, nonvolunteers are especially receptive to volunteer activities in the first few years after retiring as they look for ways to compensate for work-role losses (Mutchler, Burr, & Caro, 2003). The retirement transition is a prime time to recruit older people into these personally rewarding, socially useful pursuits. In a survey of a large, nationally representative U.S. sample, time spent volunteering rose steadily over adulthood, not declining until the eighties (Hendricks & Cutler, 2004). Even then, it remained higher than at any other period of life! In accord with socioemotional selectivity theory, older people eventually narrow their volunteering to fewer roles, concentrating on one or two that mean the most to them (Windsor, Anstey, & Rodgers, 2008). They seem to recognize that excessive volunteering reduces its emotional rewards and, therefore, its benefits. See the Biology and Environment box on page 514 to find out about an innovative service program that has impressive effects on older adults' physical, cognitive, and social functioning while also enhancing children's academic success. Finally, older adults report greater awareness of and interest in public affairs and typically vote at a higher rate than any other age group. Even in late old age, political knowledge shows no sign of decline. After retiring, older people have more time to keep abreast of current events. Their political concerns are far broader than those that serve their own age group, and their voting behavior is not driven merely by self-interest (Campbell & Binstock, 2011). Rather, their political involvement may stem from a deep desire for a safer, more secure world for future generations.

Friendships

As family responsibilities and vocational pressures lessen, friendships take on increasing importance. Having friends is an especially strong predictor of positive emotion and life satisfaction in late adulthood. Older adults report more favorable experiences with friends than with family members, in part because of the pleasurable leisure activities shared with friends (Huxhold, Miche, & Schüz, 2014; Rawlins, 2004). Unique qualities of friendship interaction—openness, spontaneity, mutual caring, and common interests—are also influential.

Control versus Dependency

As Ruth's eyesight, hearing, and mobility declined in her eighties, Sybil visited daily to help with self-care and household tasks. During the hours mother and daughter were together, Sybil interacted most often with Ruth when she asked for help with activities of daily living. When Ruth handled tasks on her own, Sybil usually withdrew. Observations of people interacting with older adults in both private homes and institutions reveal two highly predictable, complementary behavior patterns. In the first, called the dependency-support script, dependent behaviors are attended to immediately. In the second, the independence-ignore script, independent behaviors are mostly ignored. Notice how these sequences reinforce dependent behavior at the expense of independent behavior, regardless of the older person's competencies (Baltes, 1995, 1996). Even a self-reliant individual like Ruth did not always resist Sybil's unnecessary help because it brought about social contact. Among older people who experience no difficulty with daily activities, opportunities to interact with others are related to high satisfaction with everyday life. In contrast, among aging adults who have trouble performing daily activities, social contact is frequently associated with a less positive everyday existence (Lang & Baltes, 1997). This suggests that social interaction while assisting older people with physical care, household chores, and errands is often not meaningful and rewarding but, rather, demeaning and unpleasant. Older adults' negative reactions to caregiving can result in persisting depression (Newsom & Schulz, 1998). But whether assistance from others undermines well-being depends on many factors, including the social and cultural context in which helping occurs, the quality of help offered, and the caregiver-older adult relationship. In Western societies, which highly value independence, many older adults fear relinquishing control and becoming dependent on others (Curtiss, Hayslip, & Dolan, 2007). As physical and cognitive limitations rise, granting older adults the freedom to choose those activities in which they desire help preserves their autonomy (Lachman, Neupert, & Agrigoroaei, 2011). In this way, they can conserve their strength by investing it in self-chosen, highly valued activities, using a set of strategies considered in Chapter 17: selective optimization with compensation. Think about the varied ways aging adults optimize their functioning while compensating for declines. Notice how they adaptively modify their personal goals: They invest in goals that enable them to remain active and self-determining, adjust those goals to suit their changing capacities, and disengage from goals that overextend their capacities, turning toward other, attainable goals (Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Schultz, 2010). In doing so, older people strive to remain active agents in the direction of their own lives. When family and caregiving environments support their efforts, most aging adults are resilient, sustaining a sense of optimism, self-efficacy, purpose, and investment in overcoming obstacles until very late in life. Assistance aimed at enabling older adults to use their capacities fully in pursuit of their goals creates an effective person-environment fit—a good match between their abilities and the demands of their living environments, which promotes adaptive behavior and psychological well-being (Fry & Debats, 2010). When people cannot maximize use of their capacities (have become excessively dependent), they react with boredom and passivity. When they encounter environmental demands that are too great (receive too little assistance), they experience overwhelming stress.

Adjustment to Retirement

Because retirement involves giving up roles that are a vital part of identity and self-esteem, it is often assumed to be a stressful process that contributes to declines in physical and mental health. Consider Dick, who reacted to the closing of his bakery with anxiety and depression. But recall that Dick had a cranky, disagreeable personality. In this respect, his psychological well-being after retirement was similar to what it had been before! We must be careful not to assume a cause-and-effect relationship each time retirement is paired with unfavorable reactions. For example, a wealth of evidence confirms that physical health problems lead older adults to retire, rather than the reverse (Shultz & Wang, 2007). The widely held belief that retirement inevitably leads to adjustment problems is contradicted by countless research findings. Contemporary older people view retirement as a time of opportunity and personal growth and describe themselves as active and socially involved—major determinants of retirement satisfaction (Salami, 2010; Wang & Shultz, 2010). Still, about 10 to 30 percent mention some adjustment difficulties. Workplace factors—especially financial worries and having to give up one's job—predict stress following retirement. And older adults who find it hard to give up their predictable work schedule and social contacts experience discomfort with their less structured way of life. But a sense of personal control over life events, including deciding to retire for internally motivated reasons (to do other things), is strongly linked to retirement satisfaction (Kubicek et al., 2011; van Solinge, 2013). Well-educated people with complex jobs usually adjust favorably (Kim & Moen, 2002). Perhaps the satisfactions derived from challenging, meaningful work readily transfer to nonwork pursuits. As with other major life events, social support reduces stress associated with retirement. Although social network size typically shrinks as relationships with co-workers decline, quality of relationships remains fairly stable. And many add to their social networks through leisure and volunteer pursuits (Kloep & Hendry, 2007). In Dick's case, entering a life-care community eased a difficult postretirement period, leading to new friends and rewarding leisure activities, some of which he shared with Goldie. Finally, marital happiness fosters a favorable retirement transition. When a couple's relationship is positive, it can buffer the uncertainty of retirement. And retirement can enhance marital satisfaction by granting happily married couples more time for companionship (van Solinge & Henkens, 2008; Wang, 2007). Marital dissatisfaction, in contrast, interferes with retirement adjustment by increasing exposure to an unhappy relationship. In line with continuity theory, people try to sustain gratifying lifestyle patterns, self-esteem, and values following retirement. In favorable economic and social contexts, they usually succeed.

Risk Factors

Characteristics of the victim, the abuser, their relationship, and its social context are related to the incidence and severity of elder maltreatment. The more risk factors present, the greater the likelihood that abuse and neglect will occur. Dependency of Victims When other conditions are ripe for maltreatment, older people who are frail or severely disabled are at greater risk because they are least able to protect themselves (Dong et al., 2011; Selwood & Cooper, 2009). Those with physical or cognitive impairments may also have personality traits that make them vulnerable—a tendency to lash out when angry or frustrated, a passive or avoidant approach to handling problems, and a low sense of self-efficacy (Salari, 2011). The more negative a caregiver-recipient relationship, the greater the risk of elder abuse of all kinds, particularly when that relationship has a long unfavorable history. Dependency of Perpetrators Within late-life parent-child relationships especially, abusers are often dependent, financially or emotionally, on their victims. This dependency, experienced as powerlessness, can lead to aggressive, exploitative behavior. Often the perpetrator-victim relationship is one of mutual dependency (Jackson & Hafemeister, 2012). The adult-child abuser needs the aging parent for money, housing, or emotional support, and the aging parent needs the abuser for assistance with everyday tasks or to relieve loneliness. Psychological Disturbance and Other Traits of Perpetrators Salient factors underlying the dependency of abusive adult children are mental illness and alcohol or other drug addictions (Jogerst et al., 2012). Often these perpetrators are socially isolated, have difficulties at work, or are unemployed, with resulting financial worries. These factors increase the likelihood that they will lash out when caregiving is highly demanding or the behavior of an older adult with dementia is irritating or hard to manage. Abusers who are paid caregivers or professionals rendering other services are usually amiable but manipulative, on the lookout for opportunities to take advantage of older adults, especially those with cognitive declines (Lichtenberg, 2016). Perpetrators may overcharge, scam, or have access to financial accounts or valuables. When opportunities arise, they steal from the victim. History of Family Violence Elder abuse by family members is often part of a long history of family violence. Adults who were abused as children are at increased risk of abusing older adults (Reay & Browne, 2008). In many instances, elder abuse is an extension of years of partner abuse (Walsh et al., 2007). Institutional Conditions Elder maltreatment is more likely to occur in nursing homes that are rundown and overcrowded and that have staff shortages, minimal staff supervision, high staff turnover, and few visitors (Schiamberg et al., 2011). Highly stressful work conditions combined with minimal oversight of caregiving quality set the stage for abuse and neglect.

Social Support

In late adulthood, social support continues to reduce stress, thereby promoting physical health, psychological well-being, and longevity (Fry & Debats, 2006, 2010). Usually, older adults receive informal assistance with tasks of daily living from family members—first from their spouse or, if none exists, from children and then from siblings. Nevertheless, many older people place such high value on independence that they do not want extensive help from others close to them unless they can reciprocate. When assistance is excessive or cannot be returned, it often interferes with self-efficacy and amplifies psychological stress (Warner et al., 2011). Perhaps for this reason, adult children express a deeper sense of obligation toward their aging parents than their parents expect from them (see Chapter 16, pages 446-448). Formal support—a paid home helper or agency-provided services—as a complement to informal assistance not only helps relieve caregiving burden but also spares aging adults from feeling overly dependent in their close relationships. Ethnic minority older adults are more willing to accept assistance when home helpers are connected to a familiar neighborhood organization, especially their religious community (Chatters et al., 2015). Compared to their white counterparts, African-American aging adults who attend church regularly are more involved in both giving and receiving diverse forms of social support—a difference largely explained by stronger social networks among black congregants (Hayward & Krause, 2013a). But support from religious congregants has psychological benefits for older adults of all backgrounds, perhaps because the warm atmosphere of religious organizations fosters a sense of social acceptance. Overall, for social support to foster well-being, older adults must take personal control of it. Help that is not wanted or needed or that exaggerates weaknesses results in poor person-environment fit, undermines mental health, and—if existing skills fall into disuse—accelerates physical disability. In contrast, help that increases autonomy—that frees up energy for endeavors that are personally satisfying and that lead to growth—enhances quality of life. These findings clarify why perceived social support (older adults' sense of being able to count on family or friends in times of need) is associated with a positive outlook in older adults with disabilities, whereas sheer amount of help family and friends provide has little impact (Uchino, 2009). Finally, besides various types of assistance, older adults benefit from social support that offers affection, affirmation of their self-worth, and sense of belonging. As we will see in the next section, gratifying social ties in old age have little to do with quantity of contact. Instead, high-quality relationships, involving expressions of kindness, encouragement, respect, and emotional closeness, have the greatest impact on mental health in late life.

Stability and Change in Self-Concept and Personality

Longitudinal research reveals continuing stability of the "big five" personality traits from mid- to late life (see Chapter 16, page 442). Yet the ingredients of ego integrity—wholeness, contentment, and image of the self as part of a larger world order—are reflected in several significant late-life changes in both self-concept and personality.

Housing Arrangements

Older people's housing preferences reflect a strong desire for aging in place—remaining in a familiar setting where they have control over their everyday life. Overwhelmingly, aging adults in Western nations want to stay in the neighborhoods where they spent their adult lives; in fact, 90 percent remain in or near their old home. In the United States, only about 4 percent relocate to other communities (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015e). These moves are usually motivated by a desire to live closer to children or, among the more economically advantaged and healthy, a desire for a more temperate climate and a place to pursue leisure interests. Most relocations occur within the same town or city and are prompted by declining health, widowhood, or disability (Bekhet, 2016). As we look at housing arrangements for older adults, we will see that the more a setting deviates from home life, the harder it is for older people to adjust.

Residential Communities

About 12 percent of U.S. adults ages 65 and older live in residential communities, a proportion that rises with age as functional limitations increase. Among people ages 85 and older, 27 percent live in these communities, which come in great variety (Freedman & Spillman, 2014). Housing developments for aging adults, either single-dwelling or apartment complexes, differ from ordinary homes only in that they have been modified to suit older adults' capacities (featuring, for example, single-level living space and grab bars in bathrooms). Some are federally subsidized units for low-income residents, but most are privately developed retirement villages with adjoining recreational facilities. For older adults who need more help with everyday tasks, assisted-living arrangements are available (see Chapter 17, page 478). Independent living communities—an increasingly popular option—provide a variety of hotel-like support services, including meals in a common dining room, housekeeping, laundry services, transportation assistance, and recreational activities. Life-care communities offer a continuum of housing alternatives: independent living, residences providing personal and health-related services to accommodate older adults with physical and mental disabilities, and full nursing home care. For a large initial payment and additional monthly fees, life care guarantees that individuals' changing needs will be met within the same facility as they age. Dick and Goldie decided in their late sixties to move to a nearby life-care community. For Dick, the move was a positive turn of events that permitted him to set aside past failures and relate to peers on the basis of their current life together. Dick found gratifying leisure pursuits—leading an exercise class, organizing a charity drive with Goldie, and using his skills as a baker to make cakes for birthday and anniversary celebrations. By sustaining an effective person-environment fit as older adults' capacities change, life-care communities have positive effects on physical and mental health. A specially designed physical space plus personal and health-related assistance on an as-needed basis help older people cope with mobility and self-care limitations, enabling greater social participation and a more active lifestyle (Croucher, Hicks, & Jackson, 2006). And in societies where old age leads to reduced status, age-segregated living can be gratifying, opening up useful roles and leadership opportunities. The more older adults perceive the environment as socially supportive, the more they collaborate with one another in providing assistance to other residents (Lawrence & Schigelone, 2002). Residential communities appear to be well-suited to promoting mutually supportive relationships. Nevertheless, no U.S. federal regulations govern assisted-living facilities, which vary widely in quality. Low-income ethnic minority aging adults are less likely to use assisted living, and when they do, they usually enter lower-quality settings—conditions associated with high stress. Nearly 42 percent of residents in assisted-living facilities report having experienced an unmet need during the past month, mostly related to self-care but also to getting around inside and getting outside (Ball et al., 2009; Freedman & Spillman, 2014). And in some states, assisted-living facilities are prohibited from providing any nursing care and medical monitoring, requiring residents to leave when their health declines (National Center for Assisted Living, 2013). Yet physical designs and support services that enable aging in place are vital for older adults' well-being. These include homelike surroundings, division of large environments into smaller units to facilitate meaningful activities, social roles and relationships, and the latest assistive technologies (Oswald & Wahl, 2013). Shared values and goals among residents with similar backgrounds also enhance life satisfaction. Older adults who feel socially integrated into the setting are more likely to consider it their home. But those who lack like-minded companions are unlikely to characterize it as home and are at high risk for loneliness and depression (Adams, Sanders, & Auth, 2004; Cutchin, 2013).

Nursing Homes

About 3 percent of Americans ages 65 and older live in nursing homes, nearly half of whom are 85 and older (Bern-Klug & Manthai, 2016). They experience the most extreme restriction of autonomy and social integration. Although potential companions are abundant, interaction is low. To regulate emotion in social interaction (so important to aging adults), personal control over social experiences is vital. Yet nursing home residents have little opportunity to choose their social partners, and timing of contact is generally determined by staff. Social withdrawal is an adaptive response to these often overcrowded, hospital-like settings, which typically provide few ways for residents to use their competencies. Nursing home residents with physical but not mental impairments are far more depressed, anxious, and lonely than their community-dwelling counterparts (Guildner et al., 2001). Designing more homelike nursing homes could help increase residents' sense of security and control. U.S. nursing homes, usually operated for profit, are often packed with residents and institutional in their operation. In contrast, European facilities are liberally supported by public funds and resemble high-quality assisted living. In a radically changed U.S. nursing home concept called THE GREEN HOUSE® model, a large, outdated nursing home in Mississippi was replaced by 10 small, self-contained houses (Rabig et al., 2006). Besides providing personal care, a stable staff of nursing assistants fosters aging adults' control and independence. Residents determine their own daily schedules and are invited to join in both recreational and household activities. A professional support team—including licensed nurses, therapists, social workers, physicians, and pharmacists—visits regularly to serve residents' health needs. In comparisons of Green House residents with traditional nursing home residents, Green House older adults reported substantially better quality of life, and they also showed less decline over time in ability to carry out activities of daily living (Kane et al., 2007). By making the home a central, organizing principle, the Green House approach includes all the aging-in-place and effective person-environment fit features that ensure late-life well-being.

Never-Married, Childless Older Adults

About 5 percent of older Americans have remained unmarried and childless throughout their lives (Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015). Almost all are conscious of being different from the norm, but most have developed alternative meaningful relationships. Ruth's sister Ida, for example, formed a strong bond with a neighbor's son. In his childhood, she provided emotional support and financial assistance, which helped him overcome a stressful home life. He included Ida in family events and visited her regularly until she died. Other nonmarried aging adults speak of the centrality of extended family and of younger people in their social networks—often nieces and nephews—and of influencing them in enduring ways (Wenger, 2009). In addition, same-sex friendships are key in never-married older women's lives (McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006). These tend to be unusually close and often involve joint travel, periods of coresidence, and associations with each other's extended families. Never-married, childless men, who are fewer in number than never-married, childless women, are at increased risk for loneliness and depression. And without pressure from a partner to maintain a healthy lifestyle, these men engage in more unhealthy behaviors (Kendig et al., 2007). But overall, never-married older people report a level of social connectedness and psychological well-being equivalent to that of married aging adults (Hank & Wagner, 2013). These findings hold across various cohorts and Western nations. Because friendships are not the same as blood ties when it comes to caregiving, being unmarried and childless in very old age reduces the likelihood of informal personal care (Chang, Wilber, & Silverstein, 2010; Wenger, 2009). Still, most never-married aging adults say that some informal support is available.

Relationships with Adult Children

About 80 percent of older adults in Western nations are parents of living children, most of whom are middle-aged. In Chapter 16, we noted that exchanges of help vary with the closeness of the parent-child bond and the needs of the parent and adult child. Recall, also, that over time, parent-to-child help declines, whereas child-to-parent assistance increases. Aging adults and their adult children are often in touch, even when they live at a distance. But as with other ties, quality rather than quantity of interaction affects older parents' life satisfaction. In diverse ethnic groups and cultures, warm bonds with adult children reduce the negative impact of physical impairments and other losses (such as death of a spouse) on psychological well-being. And adult children who live nearby and therefore have more face-to-face contact can add substantially to the life satisfaction of aging adults, especially those living alone (Ajrouch, 2007; Milkie, Bierman, & Schieman, 2008; van der Pers, Mulder, & Steverink, 2015). Alternatively, conflict or unhappiness with adult children contributes to poor physical and mental health. Although aging parents and adult children in Western nations provide each other with various forms of help, level of assistance is typically modest. Older adults in their sixties and seventies—especially those who own their own home and who are married or widowed as opposed to divorced—are more likely to be providers than recipients of help, suggesting SES variations in the balance of support (Grundy, 2005). This balance shifts as older adults age, but well into late adulthood, individuals in Western nations give more than they receive, especially in financial support but also in practical assistance—a circumstance that contradicts stereotypes of older adults as "burdens" on younger generations. Interviews with parents ages 75 and older in five Western nations revealed that in all countries, aid received from adult children most often took the form of emotional support. Fewer than one-third said their children assisted with household chores and errands. Aging parents who provided more help of various kinds than they received scored highest in life satisfaction, those receiving more help than they gave scored lowest, while those in a balanced exchange fell in between (Lowenstein, Katz, & Gur-Yaish, 2007). To avoid dependency, older people usually do not seek children's practical assistance in the absence of a pressing need. Moderate support, with many opportunities to reciprocate, is beneficial, fostering self-esteem and sense of family connection. Aging parents feel ambivalent toward adult offspring with problematic lives—who are financially needy, emotionally troubled, or experiencing marital problems. But mothers are more likely than fathers to have adult children who feel similarly ambivalent toward them (Fingerman et al., 2006). Perhaps mothers more often express their mixed feelings. Ambivalence undermines the psychological well-being of both adult children and their aging parents (Fingerman et al., 2008). But aging parents' ambivalence toward children is typically mild. Consistent with socioemotional selectivity theory, older parents do their best to accentuate positive emotion. As social networks shrink in size, relationships with adult children become more important sources of family involvement. People 85 years and older with children have substantially more contacts with relatives than do those without children (Hooyman, Kawamoto, & Kiyak, 2015). Why is this so? Consider Ruth, whose daughter Sybil linked her to grandchildren, great-grandchildren, and relatives by marriage. When childless adults reach their eighties, siblings, other same-age relatives, and close friends may have become frail or died and hence may no longer be available as companions.

Communities and Neighborhoods

About half of U.S. ethnic minority older adults live in cities, compared with just one-third of European Americans. The majority of older people reside in suburbs, where they moved earlier in their lives and usually remain after retirement. Suburban older adults have higher incomes and report better health than their inner-city counterparts do. But inner-city older people are better off in terms of public transportation. As declines in physical functioning compromise out-of-home mobility, convenient bus, tram, and rail lines become increasingly important to life satisfaction and psychological well-being (Eibich et al., 2016; Mollenkopf, Hieber, & Wahl, 2011). Furthermore, city-dwelling aging adults fare better in terms of health, income, and proximity of cultural activities and social services than do the one-fifth of U.S. older people who live in small towns and rural areas (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2015e). In addition, small-town and rural aging adults are less likely to live near their children, who often leave these communities in early adulthood. Yet small-town and rural older people compensate for distance from children and social services by establishing closer relationships with nearby extended family and by interacting more with neighbors and friends (Hooyman, Kawamoto, & Kiyak, 2015; Shaw, 2005). Smaller communities have features that foster gratifying relationships—stability of residents, shared values and lifestyles, willingness to exchange social support, and frequent social visits as country people "drop in" on one another. And many suburban and rural communities have responded to aging residents' needs by developing transportation programs (such as special buses and vans) to take them to health and social services, senior centers, and shopping centers. Both urban and rural older people report greater life satisfaction when many aging adults reside in their neighborhood and are available as like-minded companions. Presence of family is less crucial when neighbors and nearby friends provide social support (Gabriel & Bowling, 2004). This does not mean that neighbors replace family relationships. But older adults are content as long as their children and other relatives who live far away arrange occasional visits and otherwise stay in touch through phone calls and social media (Hooyman, Kawamoto, & Kiyak, 2015).

Continuity Theory

According to continuity theory, most aging adults strive to maintain a personal system—an identity and a set of personality dispositions, interests, roles, and skills—that promotes life satisfaction by ensuring consistency between their past and anticipated future. Although aging produces inevitable change, older adults try to minimize stress and disruptiveness by integrating those changes into a coherent, consistent life path. As much as possible, they choose to use familiar skills and engage in familiar activities with familiar people—preferences that provide a secure sense of routine and direction in life. Research confirms a high degree of continuity in older adults' everyday pursuits and relationships. For most, friends and family members with whom they interact remain much the same, as do work, volunteer, leisure, and social activities. Even after a change (such as retirement), people usually make choices that extend the previous direction of their lives, engaging in new activities but often within familiar domains. For example, a retired manager of a children's bookstore collaborated with friends to build a children's library and donate it to an overseas orphanage. A musician who, because of arthritis, could no longer play the violin arranged regular get-togethers with musically inclined friends to listen to and talk about music. Robert Atchley (1989), originator of continuity theory, noted, "Everyday life for most older people is like long-running improvisational theater in which ... changes are mostly in the form of new episodes [rather] than entirely new plays" (p. 185). Aging adults' reliance on continuity has many benefits. Participating in familiar activities with familiar people provides repeated practice that helps preserve physical and cognitive functioning, fosters self-esteem and mastery, and affirms identity (Finchum & Weber, 2000; Vacha-Haase, Hill, & Bermingham, 2012). Investing in long-standing, close relationships offers comfort, pleasure, and a network of social support. Finally, striving for continuity is essential for attaining Erikson's sense of ego integrity, which depends on preserving a sense of personal history (Atchley, 1999). As we explore social contexts and relationships of aging, we will encounter many examples of how older adults use continuity to experience aging positively, as a "gentle slope." We will also address ways that communities can help them do so.

Consequences of Elder Maltreatment

All forms of elder maltreatment have profound, lasting consequences on victims' health and adjustment. Persisting anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress symptoms, and heightened physical and cognitive impairments are common outcomes (Roberto, 2016a). Consequently, victims are at risk for premature institutionalization and shortened survival. Financial exploitation deprives older Americans of an estimated three billion dollars annually (MetLife, 2011b). It may engender family disputes, reduced health-care options, and declining mental health.

Characteristics of Late-Life Friendships

Although friendship formation continues throughout life, aging adults prefer familiar, established relationships over new ones. Ties to old and dear friends who live far away are maintained, with growing numbers of older people staying in touch with the aid of e-mail and social media sites, such as Facebook (see page 487 in Chapter 17). With age, the friends they interact with most and feel closest to live in the same community. Similarly, Facebook social networks narrow, containing a greater percentage of individuals considered to be actual friends—people with whom aging adults have a stronger offline connection (Chang et al., 2015). These changes are consistent with socioemotional selectivity theory. As in earlier years, older people tend to choose friends whose age, sex, ethnicity, and values resemble their own. Compared with younger people, fewer report other-sex friendships. But some have them—usually long-standing ones dating back several decades (Monsour, 2002). As agemates die, the very old report more intergenerational friends—both same- and other-sex (Johnson & Troll, 1994). In her eighties, Ruth spent time with Margaret, a 55-year-old widow she met while serving on the board of an adoption agency. Two or three times a month, Margaret came to Ruth's home for tea and lively conversation. Gender differences in friendship extend into late adulthood. Women are more likely to have intimate friends; men depend on their wives and, to a lesser extent, their sisters for warm, open communication (Waite & Das, 2013). Also, older women have more secondary friends—people who are not intimates but with whom they spend time occasionally, such as a group that meets for lunch, bridge, or museum tours (Blieszner & Roberto, 2012). Through these associates, older adults meet new people, remain socially involved, and gain in psychological well-being.

Elder Maltreatment

Although the majority of older adults enjoy positive relationships with family members, friends, and professional caregivers, some suffer maltreatment at the hands of these individuals. Through media attention, elder maltreatment has become a serious public concern. Reports from many industrialized nations reveal widely varying rates of maltreatment, from 3 to 28 percent in general population studies. At least 10 percent of U.S. older adults say they were targets during the past year, amounting to over 4 million victims. Elder maltreatment occurs at similar rates across U.S. ethnic groups (Hernandez-Tejada et al., 2013; Roberto, 2016b). All figures are substantial underestimates because most abusive acts take place in private, and victims are often unable or unwilling to complain. Elder maltreatment usually takes the following forms: Physical abuse. Intentional infliction of pain, discomfort, or injury, through hitting, cutting, burning, physical force, restraint, or other physically aggressive acts Physical neglect. Intentional or unintentional failure to fulfill caregiving obligations, resulting in lack of food, medication, or health services or in the older person being left alone or isolated Emotional abuse. Verbal assaults (such as name calling), humiliation (being treated as a child), and intimidation (threats of isolation or placement in a nursing home) Sexual abuse. Unwanted sexual contact of any kind Financial abuse. Illegal or improper exploitation of the aging person's property or financial resources, through theft or use without consent Emotional abuse, financial abuse, and neglect are the most frequently reported types. Often several forms occur in combination (Kaplan & Pillemer, 2015). The perpetrator is usually a person the older adult trusts and depends on for care and assistance. Most abusers are family members—spouses (more often men), children of both sexes, and other relatives. Others are friends, neighbors, and people whom aging adults rely on for help and services, such as in-home caregivers and investment counselors (Roberto, 2016a). Abuse in nursing homes is a major concern: From 6 to 40 percent of caregivers admit to having committed at least one act in the previous year (Schiamberg et al., 2011). Over the past several decades, another form of neglect—referred to in the media as "granny dumping"—has risen: abandonment of older adults with severe disabilities by family caregivers, usually at hospital emergency rooms (Phelan, 2013). Overwhelmed, their caregivers seem to have concluded that they have no other option but to take this drastic step.

Agreeableness, Acceptance of Change, and Openness to Experience

During late adulthood, shifts occur in personality characteristics that, once again, defy aging stereotypes. Old age is not a time in which the personality inevitably becomes rigid and morale declines. Rather, older adults gain modestly in agreeableness into their seventies, becoming more generous, acquiescent, and good-natured. However, declines in agreeableness tend to occur after age 80 as more people face physical and cognitive challenges (Allemand, Zimprich, & Martin, 2008; Mõtus, Johnson, & Deary, 2012; Weiss et al., 2005; Wortman, Lucas, & Donellan, 2012). Agreeableness seems to characterize healthy aging adults who are resilient, accentuating the positive, despite life's imperfections. At the same time, older adults show age-related dips in extroversion, perhaps reflecting a narrowing of social contacts as people become more selective about relationships—a trend we will take up in a later section. Older people also tend to decline in openness to experience, likely due to awareness of cognitive changes (Allemand, Zimprich, & Martin, 2008; Donnellan & Lucas, 2008). But engaging in cognitively challenging activities can promote openness to experience! In one study, 60- to 94-year-olds participated in a 16-week cognitive training program in reasoning, which included experience in solving challenging but enjoyable puzzles. During the program, the trained group showed steady gains in both reasoning and openness to experience not displayed by untrained controls. Sustained intellectual engagement seemed to induce older adults to view themselves as more open (Jackson et al., 2012). Openness, in turn, predicts pursuit of intellectual stimulation, thereby contributing to enhanced cognitive functioning. Another late-life development is greater acceptance of change (Rossen, Knafl, & Flood, 2008). When asked about dissatisfactions in their lives, many older adults say they are not unhappy about anything! Acceptance of change is also evident in most older people's effective coping with the loss of loved ones. The capacity to accept life's twists and turns, many of which are beyond one's control, is vital for adaptive functioning in late adulthood. Most aging adults are resilient, bouncing back in the face of adversity—especially if they did so earlier in their lives. And their generally positive outlook contributes to their resilience by protecting them from stress and enabling them to conserve physical and mental resources needed for effective coping (Ong, Mroczek, & Riffin, 2011). The minority who are high in neuroticism—emotionally negative and dissatisfied—tend to cope poorly with stressful events and are at risk for health problems and earlier death (Mroczek, Spiro, & Turiano, 2009).

Spirituality and Religiosity

How do older adults manage to accept declines and losses yet still feel whole, complete, and calmly composed in the face of a shrinking future? One possibility, consistent with Erikson's and Peck's emphasis on a transcendent perspective in late adulthood, is the development of a more mature sense of spirituality—an inspirational sense of life's meaning. But for many people, religion provides beliefs, symbols, and rituals that guide this quest for meaning. Older adults attach great value to religious beliefs and behaviors. In a recent survey of a large, nationally representative sample of Americans, 65 percent of those ages 65 and older said that religion is very important in their lives, and nearly half reported attending religious services at least once a week—the highest of any age group (Pew Research Center, 2016c). Similar cross-sectional trends exist in countries as diverse as Belize, Germany, India, Russia, and Togo (Deaton, 2009). Although health and transportation difficulties reduce organized religious participation in advanced old age, older people generally become more religious or spiritual as they age. The late-life increase in religiosity, however, is usually modest, and it is not universal. Longitudinal research reveals that many people show stability in religiosity throughout adulthood, while others follow diverse paths of change—gaining or declining to varying degrees (Ai, Wink, & Ardelt, 2010; Kashdan & Nezleck, 2012; Krause & Hayward, 2016; Wang et al., 2014). For example, in a British investigation following adults for two decades, one-fourth of older adults said they had become less religious, with some citing disappointment at the support they had received from their religious institution during stressful times (such as bereavement) as the reason (Coleman, Ivani-Chalian, & Robinson, 2004). Despite these variations, spirituality and faith may advance to a higher level in late adulthood—away from prescribed beliefs toward a more reflective approach that emphasizes links to others and is at ease with mystery and uncertainty (Fowler & Dell, 2006). For example, as a complement to his Catholicism, Walt became intensely interested in Buddhism, especially its focus on attaining perfect peace and happiness by mastering thoughts and feelings, never harming others, and resisting attachment to worldly objects. Involvement in both organized and informal religious activities is especially high among low-SES ethnic minority older people, including African-American, Hispanic, and Native-American groups. Aging African Americans look to religion as a powerful resource for social support beyond the family and for the inner strength to withstand daily stresses and physical impairments (Armstrong & Crowther, 2002). Compared with their European-American agemates, more African-American older adults report feeling closer to God and engaging in prayer to overcome life's problems (Krause & Hayward, 2016). As at earlier ages, older women are more likely than men to say that religion is very important to them, to participate in religious activities, and to engage in a personal quest for connectedness with a higher power (Pew Research Center, 2016c; Wang et al., 2014). Women's higher rates of poverty, widowhood, and participation in caregiving expose them to higher levels of stress and anxiety. As with ethnic minorities, they turn to religion for social support and for a larger vision of community that places life's challenges in perspective. Religious involvement is associated with diverse benefits, including better physical and psychological well-being, more time devoted to exercising and leisure activities, increased sense of closeness to family and friends, greater generativity (care for others), and deeper sense of meaning (or purpose) in life (Boswell, Kahana, & Dilworth-Anderson, 2006; Krause, 2012; Krause et al., 2013; Wink, 2006, 2007). In longitudinal research, both organized and informal religious participation predicted longer survival, after many factors known to affect mortality were controlled (Helm et al., 2000; Sullivan, 2010). But aspects of religion that make a difference in aging adults' lives are not always clear. In some research, religious activity—not religious belief—was associated with declines in distress following negative life events, such as loss of a spouse or a life-threatening illness (Kidwai et al., 2014; Lund, Caserta, & Dimond, 1993). Increased social engagement and social support brought about by religious participation were believed to be responsible. Other evidence, however, indicates that among religious older people, belief in God's powers strengthens during late adulthood and contributes to reduced distress and higher self-esteem, optimism, and life satisfaction, especially among low-SES, ethnic minorities (Hayward & Krause, 2013b; Schieman, Bierman, & Ellison, 2010, 2013). Their personal relationship with God seems to help them cope with hardships.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

How do people's social networks sustain continuity while also narrowing as they age? According to socioemotional selectivity theory, social interaction in late life extends lifelong selection processes. In middle adulthood, marital relationships deepen, siblings feel closer, and number of friendships declines. As people age, contacts with family and friends are sustained until the eighties, when they diminish gradually in favor of a few very close relationships. In contrast, as Figure 18.1 shows, relationships with people to whom one feels less close decline steeply from middle through late adulthood (Carstensen, 2006; English & Carstensen, 2014; Wrzus et al., 2013). What explains these changes? Socioemotional selectivity theory states that aging leads to changes in the functions of social interaction. Consider the reasons you interact with members of your social network. At times, you approach them to get information. At other times, you seek affirmation of your worth as a person. You also choose social partners to regulate emotion, approaching those who evoke positive feelings and avoiding those who make you feel sad, angry, or uncomfortable. For older adults, who have gathered a lifetime of information, the information-gathering function becomes less significant. Also, they realize it is risky to approach people they do not know for self-affirmation: Negative stereotypes of aging increase the odds of receiving a condescending, hostile, or indifferent response. Instead, older adults emphasize the emotion-regulating function of interaction. In one study, younger and older adults were asked to categorize their social partners. Younger people more often sorted them on the basis of information seeking and future contact, whereas older people emphasized anticipated feelings (Frederickson & Carstensen, 1990). They appeared highly motivated to approach pleasant relationships and avoid unpleasant ones. Interacting mostly with close relatives and friends increases the chances that emotional equilibrium will be preserved. Within close bonds, aging adults actively apply their emotional expertise to promote harmony. Recall from our discussion of the positivity effect that older adults are more likely than younger people to resolve interpersonal conflicts constructively (see page 492). They also reinterpret conflict in less stressful ways—often by identifying something positive in the situation (Labouvie-Vief, 2003). Consequently, despite their smaller social networks, they are happier than younger people with their number of friends and report fewer problematic relationships (Blanchard-Fields & Coats, 2008; Fingerman & Birditt, 2003). Extensive research confirms that people's perception of time is strongly linked to their social goals. When remaining time is limited, adults of all ages shift from focusing on long-term goals to emphasizing emotionally fulfilling relationships in the here and now (Charles & Carstensen, 2010). Similarly, aging adults—aware that time is "running out"—don't waste it on unlikely future payoffs but, instead, turn to close friends and family members. Furthermore, we generally take special steps to facilitate positive interaction with people dear to us whose time is limited—for example, treating older friends and relatives more kindly than younger ones, easily excusing or forgiving their social transgressions (Luong, Charles, & Fingerman, 2011). In this way, social partners contribute to older adults' gratifying relationship experiences. In sum, socioemotional selectivity theory views older adults' preference for high-quality, emotionally fulfilling relationships as largely due to their contracting future and the preciousness of time.

The Positivity Effect

In Chapter 13, we discussed research on development of adults' reasoning about emotion. Recall that cognitive-affective complexity (awareness and coordination of positive and negative feelings into an organized self-description) increases from adolescence through middle adulthood and then declines as basic information-processing skills diminish in late adulthood. But older people display a compensating emotional strength, called the positivity effect: Compared with younger people, they selectively attend to and better recall emotionally positive over negative information (Hilimire et al., 2014; Mather & Carstensen, 2005). This bias toward the emotionally positive contributes to older adults' remarkable resilience. Despite physical declines, increased health problems, a restricted future, and death of loved ones, most older adults maintain a sense of optimism, gaining in enjoyment, happiness, and general psychological well-being with age (Carstensen et al., 2011; Murray & Isaacowitz, 2016). What explains this late-life rise in positivity? According to one view, aging adults' wealth of life experiences has enabled them to become expert in emotional self-regulation (Blanchard-Fields, 2007). For example, in describing interpersonal conflicts, older adults, compared with younger people, more often report using constructive strategies, such as expressing affection or disengaging to let the situation blow over, that prevent lasting negative affect (Charles et al., 2009; Luong, Charles, & Fingerman, 2011). And when they cannot avoid negative experiences, older people are especially effective at emotion-centered coping (controlling distress internally). Awareness of less time left to live also motivates older adults to accentuate positive affect (Schiebe & Carstensen, 2010). A shortened time perspective induces people to focus on gratifying, meaningful experiences in the present—a finding we will return to later in this chapter. Of course, circumstances do occur in which older people cannot take advantage of their strengths in regulating emotion. Cognitive declines or chronic stressors can overwhelm their capacity to manage negative experiences (Charles & Carstensen, 2014; Charles & Luong, 2013). When intense, persistent stress arises, it is more taxing for older adults: Age-related changes in cardiovascular and endocrine system functioning lead blood pressure and cortisol levels to remain elevated for longer periods, with negative consequences for both physical and mental health that heighten stress further. Nevertheless, the positivity effect is a significant late-life psychosocial attainment. High levels of emotional stability and well-being are the norm rather than the exception among older people.

Retirement

In Chapter 16, we noted that increased life expectancy led the period of retirement to lengthen over the twentieth century. In recent decades, however, age of retirement has risen in the United States and Western nations. The economic recession of 2007 to 2009 extended this trend, modestly raising the retirement age of the baby boomers. Irrespective of financial need, however, the majority of baby boomers say they want to work longer, with one-third indicating that devoting some time to work is important for a happy retirement (Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015). The distinction between work and retirement has blurred: Nearly 40 percent of U.S. adults ages 65 to 69, and nearly 20 percent of those in their seventies, are still working in some capacity. As these figures suggest, the contemporary retirement process is highly variable: It may include a planning period, the decision itself, diverse acts of retiring, and continuous adjustment and readjustment of activities for the rest of the life course. The majority of U.S. older adults with career jobs retire gradually by cutting down their hours and responsibilities. Many take bridge jobs (new part-time jobs or full-time jobs of shorter duration) that serve as transitions between full-time career and retirement (Rudolph & Toomey, 2016). About 15 percent leave their jobs but later return to paid work and even start new careers, desiring to introduce interest and challenge into their lives, to supplement limited financial resources, or both (Sterns & McQuown, 2015). Today, retirement is a dynamic process with multiple transitions serving different purposes. In the following sections, we examine factors that affect the decision to retire, happiness during the retirement years, and leisure and volunteer pursuits. We will see that the process of retirement and retired life reflect an increasingly diverse retired population.

A Changing Social World

In late adulthood, extroverts (like Walt and Ruth) continue to interact with a wider range of people than do introverts and people (like Dick) with poor social skills. Nevertheless, both cross-sectional and longitudinal research confirms that size of social networks and, therefore, amount of social interaction decline for virtually everyone (Antonucci, Akiyama, & Takahashi, 2004; Charles & Carstensen, 2009). This finding presents a curious paradox: If social interaction and social support are essential for mental health, how is it possible for older adults to interact less yet be generally satisfied with life and less depressed than younger adults?

Marriage

It has long been believed, on the basis of cross-sectional research, that marital satisfaction rises from middle to late adulthood. Longitudinal evidence, however, reveals that this seeming upturn in marital happiness is due to a cohort effect (Proulx, 2016; VanLaningham, Johnson, & Amato, 2001). Walt's comment to Ruth that "the last few decades have been the happiest" may have resulted in part from the time period in which they married—the 1950s. By the 1980s, an array of societal changes presented substantial challenges to marital contentment: a rise in U.S. families experiencing financial hardship, increased role overload as more married women moved into the work force, greater disagreement over gender-role expectations related to marital roles, and more individualistic attitudes toward marriage (see Chapters 14 and 16). As in early and middle adulthood, paths of late-life marital satisfaction are diverse (Proulx, 2016). In one study, 700 people who remained continuously married were first interviewed in 1980 and then reinterviewed periodically over the next two decades, enabling researchers to track satisfaction in marriages that had endured for as long as 40 to 50 years. As Figure 18.2 reveals, participants fell into five patterns: two high and stable, one lower and stable, one declining followed by a rise in late life, and one declining steadily from early into late adulthood (Anderson, Van Ryzin, & Doherty, 2010). Reported marital problems tended to parallel these paths. In addition, the steadily declining pattern had the highest percentage of individuals with financial difficulties. Notice in Figure 18.2 that two-thirds of the participants maintained stable, happy marriages throughout adulthood. Also, lower marital quality reversed in late adulthood only for individuals who early on had experienced a rewarding marriage. Perhaps the memory of former happier times created a goal for older couples to strive for once stressful responsibilities, such as rearing children and balancing the demands of career and family, had diminished. How do the majority of aging adults maintain highly satisfying marriages? Greater emphasis on regulating emotion in relationships may enable aging couples to resolve their differences in constructive ways (Hatch & Bulcroft, 2004). Even in poor-quality marriages, older adults attempt to prevent disagreements from escalating into expressions of anger and resentment (Hatch & Bulcroft, 2004). For example, when Dick complained about Goldie's cooking, Goldie tried to appease him: "All right, Dick, next birthday I won't make cheesecake." And when Goldie brought up Dick's bickering and criticism, Dick usually said, "I know, dear," and retreated to another room. As in other relationships, older people try to protect themselves from stress by molding marital ties to make them as pleasant as possible. Finally, compared to their single agemates, married older people generally have larger social networks of both family members and friends, which provide for social engagement and support from a variety of sources and are linked to higher psychological well-being (Birditt & Antonucci, 2007). These benefits, combined with a long history of caring concern from an intimate partner, may explain the strengthening association of marriage with good health in late adulthood (Holt-Lunstad, Smith, & Layton, 2010; Yorgason & Stott, 2016). Late-life marriage is linked to lower rates of chronic illness and disability and increased longevity. When marital dissatisfaction exists, however, even having close, high-quality friendships cannot reduce its profoundly negative impact on well-being. A poor marriage often takes a greater toll on women than on men (Birditt & Antonucci, 2007; Boerner et al., 2014). Recall from Chapter 14 that women more often try to work on a troubling relationship, yet in late life, expending energy in this way is especially taxing, both physically and mentally.

Contextual Influences on Psychological Well-Being

Personal and situational factors combine to affect aging adults' psychological well-being. Identifying these contextual influences is vital for designing interventions that foster positive adjustment.

Physical Health

Physical declines and chronic disease are among the strongest risk factors for late-life depression (Whitbourne & Meeks, 2011). Although fewer older than young and middle-aged adults are depressed (see Chapter 17), profound feelings of hopelessness rise with age as physical disability leads to diminished personal control and increased social isolation. But more than actual physical limitations, perceived negative physical health predicts depressive symptoms (Verhaak et al., 2014; Weinberger & Whitbourne, 2010). This helps explain the stronger physical impairment-depression relationship among higher-SES aging adults (Schieman & Plickert, 2007). Because of their lifetime of better physical health, they may experience physical limitations as more unexpected and challenging. Depression in old age is often lethal. People ages 85 and older have the highest suicide rate of all age groups (see the Social Issues: Health box on the following page). What factors enable people like Ruth to surmount the physical impairment-depression relationship, remaining content? Personal characteristics discussed in this and earlier chapters—optimism, sense of self-efficacy, and effective coping—are vitally important (Morrison, 2008). But for frail aging adults to display these attributes, families and caregivers must avoid the dependency-support script and, instead, encourage their autonomy. Unfortunately, older adults generally do not get the mental health care they need—even in nursing homes, where depression and other mental health problems are widespread (Hoeft et al., 2016; Karel, Gatz, & Smyer, 2012). More than half of U.S. nursing home residents receive no regular mental health intervention.

Preventing Elder Maltreatment

Preventing elder maltreatment by family members is especially challenging. Victims may fear retribution, wish to protect abusers who are spouses or adult children, be intimidated into silence, or not know where to turn for help (Roberto et al., 2015). Once abuse is discovered, intervention involves immediate protection and provision of unmet needs for the older adult and of mental health services and social support for the spouse or caregiver. Prevention programs offer caregivers counseling, education, and respite services, such as day care and in-home help. Trained volunteer "buddies" who make visits to the home can relieve social isolation and assist older people with problem solving to avoid further harm. Support groups help them identify abusive acts, practice appropriate responses, and form new relationships. And agencies that provide informal financial services to older people who are unable to manage on their own, such as writing and cashing checks and holding valuables in a safe, reduce financial abuse. When elder abuse is extreme, legal action offers the best protection, yet it is rare. Many victims are reluctant to initiate court procedures or, because of mental impairments, cannot do so. In these instances, social service professionals must induce caregivers to rethink their role and assist in finding alternatives. In nursing homes, improving staff selection, training, and working conditions can greatly reduce abuse and neglect. Combating elder maltreatment also requires efforts at the level of the larger society, including public education to encourage reporting of suspected cases and improved understanding of the needs of older people. As part of this effort, aging adults benefit from information on where to go for help (National Center on Elder Abuse, 2016). Finally, countering negative stereotypes of aging reduces maltreatment because recognizing older adults' dignity, individuality, and autonomy is incompatible with acts of physical and psychological harm.

Negative Life Changes

Ruth lost Walt to a heart attack, cared for her sister Ida as her Alzheimer's symptoms worsened, and faced health problems of her own—all within a span of a few years. Older people are at risk for a variety of negative life changes—death of loved ones, illness and physical disabilities, declining income, and greater dependency. Negative life changes are difficult for everyone but may actually evoke less stress and depression in older than in younger adults (Charles, 2011). Many older people have learned to cope with hard times and to appraise negative changes as common and expected in late life. Still, when negative changes pile up, they test the coping skills of older adults. In very old age, such changes are greater for women than for men. Women over age 75 are far less likely to be married, more often have lower incomes, and suffer from more illnesses—especially ones that restrict mobility. Furthermore, older women (as at younger ages) more often say that others depend on them for caregiving and emotional support. Consequently, their social relations, even in very old age, are more often a source of stress (Antonucci, Ajrouch, & Birditt, 2008). And because of their own declining health, older women may not be able to meet others' needs for care—circumstances associated with chronic, high distress (Charles, 2010). Not surprisingly, women of advanced age tend to report lower psychological well-being than do men (Henning-Smith, 2016).

Fostering Adaptation to Widowhood in Late Adulthood

Self-- Mastery of new skills of daily living: Especially for men, learning how to perform household tasks such as shopping and cooking, to sustain existing family and friendship ties, and to build new relationships is vital for positive adaptation. Family and Friends-- Social support and interaction: Social support and interaction must extend beyond the grieving period to ongoing assistance and caring relationships. Family members and friends can help most by making support available while encouraging the widowed older adult to use effective coping strategies. Community-- Senior centers: Senior centers offer communal meals and other social activities, enabling widowed and other older adults to connect with people in similar circumstances and to gain access to other community resources. Support groups: Support groups can be found in senior centers, religious institutions, and other agencies. Besides new relationships, they offer an accepting atmosphere for coming to terms with loss and assistance with developing skills for daily living. Religious activities: Involvement in a religious institution can help relieve the loneliness associated with loss of a spouse and offer social support, new relationships, and meaningful roles. Volunteer activities: One of the best ways for widowed older adults to find meaningful roles is through volunteer activities. Some are sponsored by formal service organizations, such as the Red Cross or the U.S. Senior Corps. Other volunteer programs exist in hospitals, senior centers, schools, and charitable organizations.

Erikson's Theory: Ego Integrity versus Despair

The final psychological conflict of Erikson's (1950) theory, ego integrity versus despair, involves coming to terms with one's life. Adults who arrive at a sense of integrity feel whole, complete, and satisfied with their achievements. They have adapted to the inevitable mix of triumphs and disappointments and realize that the paths they followed, abandoned, and never selected were necessary for fashioning a meaningful life course. The capacity to view one's life in the larger context of all humanity—as the chance combination of one person and one segment in history—contributes to the serenity and contentment that accompany integrity. "These last few decades have been the happiest," Walt murmured, clasping Ruth's hand—only weeks before the heart attack that would end his life. At peace with himself, his wife, and his children, Walt had accepted his life course as something that had to be the way it was. In a study that followed a sample of women diverse in SES throughout adulthood, midlife generativity predicted ego integrity in late adulthood. Ego integrity, in turn, was associated with more favorable psychological well-being—a more upbeat mood, greater self-acceptance, higher marital satisfaction, closer relationships with adult children, greater community involvement, and increased ease in accepting help from others when it is needed (James & Zarrett, 2007). Scanning the newspaper, Walt pondered, "I keep reading these percentages: One out of five people will get heart disease, one out of three will get cancer. But the truth is, one out of one will die. We are all mortal and must accept this fate." With the realization that the integrity of one's own life is part of an extended chain of human existence, Erikson suggested, death loses its sting (Vaillant, 2002, 2012). In support of this view, older adults who report having attained intrinsic (personally gratifying) life goals typically express acceptance of their own death (Van Hiel & Vansteenkiste, 2009). Those who emphasize attainment of extrinsic goals (such as money or prestige) more often fear life's end. The negative outcome of this stage, despair, occurs when aging adults feel they have made many wrong decisions, yet time is too short to find an alternate route to integrity. Without another chance, the despairing person is overwhelmed with bitterness, defeat, and hopelessness. According to Erikson, these attitudes are often expressed as anger and contempt for others, which disguise contempt for oneself. Dick's argumentative, fault-finding behavior, tendency to blame others for his personal failures, and regretful view of his own life reflect this deep sense of despair.

Social Theories of Aging

Social theories of aging offer explanations for changes in aging adults' social activity. Two dominant contemporary approaches—continuity theory and socioemotional selectivity theory—view older adults' social engagement as jointly influenced by late-life psychological changes and social contexts.

Functions of Late-Life Friendships

The diverse functions of friendship in late adulthood clarify its profound significance: Intimacy and companionship. As Ida and her best friend, Rosie, took walks, went shopping, or visited each other, they disclosed their deepest sources of happiness and worry. Mutual interests, feelings of belongingness, and opportunities to confide in each other sustain these bonds over time (Field, 1999). A shield against negative judgments stemming from stereotypes of aging. "Where's your cane, Rosie?" Ida asked when the two women were about to leave for a restaurant. "Come on, don't be self-conscious!" Ida reminded Rosie that in the Greek village where her mother grew up, there was no separation between generations, so young people got used to wrinkled skin and weak knees and recognized older women as the wise ones (Deveson, 1994). A link to the larger community. For those unable to go out as often, interactions with friends can keep them abreast of events in the wider world. "Rosie," Ida reported, "did you know there's going to be a new branch of the public library in the train station?" Friends can also open up new experiences, such as travel or participation in community activities. Protection from the psychological consequences of loss. Older people in declining health who remain in contact with friends through phone calls and visits show improved psychological well-being (Fiori, Smith, & Antonucci, 2007). Similarly, when close relatives die, friends offer compensating social supports.

Siblings

The majority of Americans ages 65 and older have at least one living sibling. Typically, aging siblings live within 100 miles of each other, communicate regularly, and visit at least several times a year. Both men and women describe closer bonds with sisters than with brothers. Perhaps because of women's greater emotional expressiveness and nurturance, the closer the tie to a sister, the higher older people's psychological well-being (Van Volkom, 2006). Aging siblings in industrialized nations are more likely to socialize than to provide each other with direct assistance because most turn first to their spouse and children. Nevertheless, siblings seem to be an important "insurance policy." After age 70, exchanges of support rise between siblings with a warm relationship (Bedford & Avioli, 2016). Widowed and never-married older people have more contacts with siblings, perhaps because of fewer competing family relationships, and they also are more likely to receive sibling support when their health declines (Connidis, 2010). For example, when Ida's Alzheimer's symptoms worsened, Ruth came to her aid. Although Ida had many friends, Ruth was her only living relative.

Social Contexts of Aging: Communities, Neighborhoods, and Housing

The physical and social contexts in which aging adults live affect their social experiences and, consequently, their development and adjustment. Communities, neighborhoods, and housing arrangements vary in the extent to which they enable older residents to satisfy their social needs.

Relationships in Late Adulthood

The social convoy is an influential model of changes in our social networks as we move through life. Picture yourself in the midst of a cluster of ships traveling together, granting one another safety and support. Ships in the inner circle represent people closest to you, such as a spouse, best friend, parent, or child. Those less close, but still important, travel on the outside. With age, ships exchange places in the convoy, and some drift off while others join the procession (Antonucci, Birditt, & Ajrouch, 2011; Antonucci, Birditt, & Akiyama, 2009). As long as the convoy continues to exist, you adapt positively. In the following sections, we examine the ways older adults with diverse lifestyles sustain social networks of family members and friends. As ties are lost, older adults draw others closer, and most cultivate new network members, though not at the rate they did at younger ages (Cornwell & Laumann, 2015). Although size of the convoy decreases as agemates die, most aging adults sustain an inner circle of gratifying relationships (Fiori, Smith, & Antonucci, 2007). But for some, tragically, the social convoy breaks down. We will also explore the circumstances in which older people experience abuse and neglect at the hands of those close to them.

The Decision to Retire

Walt and Ruth's retirement was preceded by extensive planning (see Chapter 16, pages 453-454), including a projected date for leaving the work force and financial preparation. In contrast, Walt's brother Dick was forced to retire as the operating costs of his bakery rose while his clientele declined. He looked for temporary employment in sales while his wife, Goldie, kept her part-time job as a bookkeeper to help cover living expenses. Affordability of retirement is usually the first consideration in the decision to retire. Yet despite financial concerns, many preretirees decide to let go of a steady work life in favor of alternative, personally meaningful work, leisure, or volunteer activities. Exceptions to this positive outlook are people like Dick—forced into retirement or earning very low wages—who reluctantly take bridge jobs in another field to make ends meet. Bridge employment seems to have a favorable impact on psychological well-being only when people engage in work related to their former career (Wang & Shultz, 2010). Preservation of vocational interests, roles, and expertise is key to older adults taking a phased approach to retirement. Figure 18.4 on page 512 summarizes personal and workplace factors in addition to income that influence the decision to retire. People in good health, for whom vocational life is central to self-esteem, and whose work environments are pleasant and interesting are likely to keep on working. For these reasons, individuals in high-earning professional occupations usually retire later than those in blue-collar or clerical positions. And when they do retire, they more often shift to stimulating bridge jobs, with some retiring and returning to the work force multiple times (Feldman & Beehr, 2011; Wang, Olson, & Shultz, 2013). Self-employed older adults also work longer, probably because they can flexibly adapt their job's demands to fit their changing needs (Feldman & Vogel, 2009). In contrast, people in declining health, who are engaged in routine, boring work or who have pleasurable leisure or family pursuits often opt for retirement. In most Western nations, generous social security benefits make retirement feasible for the economically disadvantaged and sustain the standard of living of most workers after they retire. The United States is an exception: Many U.S. retirees, especially those who held low-income jobs without benefits, experience falling living standards. Denmark, France, Germany, Finland, and Sweden have gradual retirement programs in which older employees reduce their work hours, receive a partial pension to make up income loss, and continue to accrue pension benefits. Besides strengthening financial security, this approach introduces a transitional phase that fosters retirement planning and well-being (Peiró, Tordera, & Potocnik, 2012). And some countries' retirement policies are sensitive to women's more interrupted work lives. In Canada, France, and Germany, for example, time devoted to child rearing is given some credit when figuring retirement benefits. In sum, individual preferences shape retirement decisions. At the same time, older adults' opportunities and limitations greatly affect their choices.

Widowhood

Walt died shortly after Ruth turned 80. Ruth, like the majority of widowed aging adults, described the loss of her spouse as the most stressful event of her life. Being widowed means losing "the role and identity of being a spouse" (being married and doing things as a couple), which is "potentially one of the most pervasive, intense, intimate, and personal roles" in life (Lund & Caserta, 2004, p. 29). Because women live longer than men and are less likely to remarry, 34 percent of U.S. women ages 65 and older are widowed, compared with just 12 percent of men. At the same time, widowhood rates have declined over the past several decades as divorce among aging adults rose (Mather, Jacobsen, & Pollard, 2015). Ethnic minorities with high rates of poverty and chronic disease are more likely to be widowed. The greatest problem for recently widowed older people is profound loneliness (Connidis, 2010). But adaptation varies widely. Aging adults have fewer lasting problems than younger individuals who are widowed, probably because death in later life is viewed as less unfair (Bennett & Soulsby, 2012). And most widowed older people—especially those with outgoing personalities and high self-esteem—are resilient in the face of loneliness (Moore & Stratton, 2002; van Baarsen, 2002). Social support is vital for favorable adjustment: Greater ease of contact with family and friends, and satisfaction with the support they provide, are associated with a reduction in symptoms of grief and depression and higher sense of self-efficacy in handling tasks of daily living (de Vries et al., 2014). Widowed individuals must reorganize their lives, reconstructing an identity that is separate from the deceased spouse. Men show more physical and mental health problems and greater risk of mortality than women, especially when the death was unexpected (Shor et al., 2012; Sullivan & Fenelon, 2014). First, because most men relied on their wives for social connectedness, household tasks, promotion of healthy behaviors, and coping with stressors, they are less prepared than women for the challenges of widowhood. A wife's sudden death heightens this unpreparedness. Second, gender-role expectations lead men to feel less free to express their emotions or to ask for help with meals, housework, and social relationships (Bennett, 2007). Finally, men tend to be less involved in religious activities—a vital source of social support and inner strength. African-American widowers, however, show no elevated risk of mortality over their married agemates, and they report less depression than European-American widowers (Elwert & Christakis, 2006). Perhaps greater support from extended family and religious community is responsible. Gender differences in the experience of widowhood contribute to men's higher remarriage rate. Women's kinkeeper role (see Chapter 16, page 445) and ability to form close friendships may lead them to feel less need to remarry. In addition, because many women share the widowed state, they probably offer one another helpful advice and sympathy. In contrast, men often lack skills for maintaining family relationships, forming emotionally satisfying ties outside marriage, and handling the chores of their deceased wives. Still, most widowed older adults who participated in several months of weekly classes providing information and support in acquiring daily living skills felt better prepared to manage the challenges of widowed life (Caserta, Lund, & Obray, 2004). Those who emerge from this traumatic event with a sense of purpose in life and with confidence in their ability to meet everyday challenges often experience stress-related personal growth (Caserta et al., 2009). Many report a newfound sense of inner strength, greater appreciation of close relationships, and reevaluation of life priorities. Applying What We Know above suggests a variety of ways to foster adaptation to widowhood in late adulthood.

Successful Aging

Walt, Ruth, Dick, Goldie, and Ida, and the research findings they illustrate, reveal great diversity in development during the final decades of life. Walt and Ruth fit contemporary experts' view of successful aging, in which gains are maximized and losses minimized, enabling realization of individual potential. Both were actively engaged with their families and communities, coped well with negative life changes, enjoyed a happy intimate partnership and other close relationships, and led daily lives filled with gratifying activities. Ida, too, aged successfully until the onset of Alzheimer's symptoms overwhelmed her ability to manage life's challenges. As a single adult, she built a rich social network that sustained her into old age. People age well when their growth, vitality, and strivings limit and, at times, overcome physical, cognitive, and social declines. Researchers want to know more about factors that contribute to successful aging so they can help more people experience it. Yet theorists disagree on the precise ingredients of a satisfying old age. Some focus on easily measurable outcomes, such as excellent cardiovascular functioning, absence of disability, superior cognitive performance, and creative achievements. But this view has been heavily criticized (Brown, 2016a). Not everyone can become an outstanding athlete, an innovative scientist, or a talented artist. And many older adults do not want to keep on accomplishing and producing—the main markers of success in Western nations. Perspectives on successful aging have turned away from specific achievements toward processes people use to reach personally valued goals (Freund & Baltes, 1998; Kahana et al., 2005; Lang, Rohr, & Williger, 2011). From this vantage point, optimal aging might be a better descriptor than the commonly used term successful aging. Optimal aging reflects the reality that aging well involves not only achievement of desirable outcomes but also effective coping with life's challenges and losses. In research on diverse samples of adults followed over the lifespan, George Vaillant found that factors people can control to some degree (such as health habits, coping strategies, marital stability, and years of education) far outweighed uncontrollable factors (parental SES, family warmth in childhood, early physical health, and longevity of family members) in predicting a satisfying, active old age (Vaillant & Mukamal, 2001). Consider one participant, who in childhood had experienced low SES, parental discord, a depressed mother, and seven siblings crowded into a tenement apartment. Despite these early perils, he became happily married and, through the GI bill, earned an accounting degree. At 70, he was aging well: Anthony Pirelli may have been ill considering his heart attack and open-heart surgery, but he did not feel sick. He was as physically active as ever, and he continued to play tennis. Asked what he missed about his work, he exulted, "I'm so busy doing other things that I don't have time to miss work. . . . Life is not boring for me." He did not smoke or abuse alcohol; he loved his wife; he used mature [coping strategies]; he obtained 14 years of education; he watched his waistline; and he exercised regularly. (Adapted from Vaillant, 2002, pp. 12, 305.) Vaillant concluded, "The past often predicts but never determines our old age" (p. 12). Successful aging is an expression of remarkable resilience during this final period of the lifespan. In this and the previous chapter, we have considered many ways that older adults realize their goals. Look back and review the most important ones: Optimism and sense of self-efficacy in improving health and physical functioning (page 469) Selective optimization with compensation to make the most of limited physical energies and cognitive resources (pages 479 and 496) Strengthening of self-concept, which promotes self-acceptance and pursuit of hoped-for possible selves (page 494) Enhanced emotional self-regulation and emotional positivity, which support meaningful, rewarding social ties (pages 492-493) Acceptance of change, which contributes to effective coping and life satisfaction (page 494) A mature sense of spirituality and faith, permitting anticipation of death with calm composure (pages 494-495) Personal control over domains of dependency and independence, enabling investment in self-chosen, highly valued activities (pages 495-496, 498) High-quality relationships, which offer pleasurable companionship and social support (page 500) Personally meaningful leisure and volunteer pursuits, which contribute to physical, cognitive, and social well-being (page 513) Aging well is facilitated by societal contexts that promote effective person-environment fit, enabling older people to manage life changes. Older adults need well-funded social security plans, good health care, safe housing, and diverse social services. (See, for example, the description of the U.S. Area Agencies on Aging in Chapter 2.) Yet because of inadequate funding and difficulties reaching rural communities, many older adults' needs remain unmet. Isolated aging adults with little education may not know how to gain access to available assistance. Furthermore, the U.S. Medicare system of sharing health-care costs with older adults strains the financial resources of many. And housing that adjusts to changes in older people's capacities, permitting them to age in place without disruptive and disorienting moves, is available only to the economically well-off. Besides improving policies that meet older adults' basic needs, new future-oriented approaches must prepare for increased aging of the population. More emphasis on lifelong learning for workers of all ages would help people maintain and expand their skills as they grow older. Also, reforms that prepare for expected growth in the number of frail aging adults are vital, including affordable help for family caregivers, adapted housing, and sensitive nursing home care. All these changes involve recognizing, supporting, and enhancing the contributions that older adults make to society. A nation that takes care of its aging citizens maximizes the chances that each of us, when our time comes to be old, will age optimally.