CollegeBoard PPC: Ch 8-9 Unit 5 APWH 1750-1900
Source 1: "Beloved brothers in Christ, here again, we should see and admire the boundless love of God toward us, that He has placed over us this great empire of the Ottomans. The Empire is a mighty obstacle to the Latin heretics in the West. By contrast, to us, the Orthodox people of the East, the Empire has been a means of salvation. For God has continued to put into the heart of the Sultan of these Ottomans an inclination to keep free the religious beliefs of our Orthodox faith and to protect us, even to the point of occasionally chastising Christians who deviate from their faith. Brothers, lately you would have heard a lot about this new system of 'liberty' originating in France. But let us examine the concept more carefully to see if it can be reconciled with good civil government and safety for the citizens. We see from the example of the French Republic that a national, democratic form of government can only provide 'liberty' if the word is taken to mean the freedom to simply act upon one's appetites and desires. But true Christian liberty, properly understood, means something quite different: to be free to live according to both divine and human laws. In other words, it is to live free to follow your conscience and free of any trouble with the authorities. Seen in this light, the new French system of liberty is a path leading to destruction, confusion, overturning of good government, or, simply speaking, a new ambush of the devil to lead us Orthodox Christians astray."Anthimos, Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem [then part of the Ottoman Empire], Paternal Instruction, leaflet printed in Greek for distribution among Christian communities in the Ottoman Empire, 1798. Source 2: "I address you in Hungarian today* because reviving our language is like cleansing the mirror of our history, so that the flies buzzing around may not deprive us of its light. It is a sad fate for a nation to perish—especially a nation such as ours that can boast of brilliant feats and that has only sunk to its present condition through the bitter workings of fate. It is of no use to try to accept with stern philosophy, common sense, and cold blood that all men are equal in everything, that the whole human race is a single nation. No! We are national beings and we were raised with our Hungarian selves that way so that we can never be Germans, or French, or Poles, or Spaniards. We long for glory in this life as Hungarian sons of the Hungarian nation and, in the next, we pray that the angels of the heavens may know us as Hungarians. It is time for the mind of the Hungarian nation to be clarified through a revival of our mother-tongue. How can our educated classes study the languages of Europe, if we are forgetting our own? How could we lift up our people, most of whom live in the countryside, if we cannot offer them books to read in the language they speak? What we urgently need is a group of scholars who would be paid solely to translate works from Latin, French, German, and Greek into Hungarian—this would do more good for the refinement of the country's mind than a thousand Latin and German schools."*At the time, many educated Hungarians preferred to communicate in German, the language of the Austrian Empire of which Hungary was a part. György Bessenyei, Hungarian writer, "Oration on the Subject Matter of the Nation," an essay published in 1817. What is an accurate comparison of the positions expressed by the authors of the two sources regarding the idea that existing political boundaries should be changed so that each nation has its own state?
Neither Source 1 nor Source 2 explicitly supports the idea.
Source 1: "Beloved brothers in Christ, here again, we should see and admire the boundless love of God toward us, that He has placed over us this great empire of the Ottomans. The Empire is a mighty obstacle to the Latin heretics in the West. By contrast, to us, the Orthodox people of the East, the Empire has been a means of salvation. For God has continued to put into the heart of the Sultan of these Ottomans an inclination to keep free the religious beliefs of our Orthodox faith and to protect us, even to the point of occasionally chastising Christians who deviate from their faith. Brothers, lately you would have heard a lot about this new system of 'liberty' originating in France. But let us examine the concept more carefully to see if it can be reconciled with good civil government and safety for the citizens. We see from the example of the French Republic that a national, democratic form of government can only provide 'liberty' if the word is taken to mean the freedom to simply act upon one's appetites and desires. But true Christian liberty, properly understood, means something quite different: to be free to live according to both divine and human laws. In other words, it is to live free to follow your conscience and free of any trouble with the authorities. Seen in this light, the new French system of liberty is a path leading to destruction, confusion, overturning of good government, or, simply speaking, a new ambush of the devil to lead us Orthodox Christians astray."Anthimos, Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem [then part of the Ottoman Empire], Paternal Instruction, leaflet printed in Greek for distribution among Christian communities in the Ottoman Empire, 1798. Source 2: "I address you in Hungarian today* because reviving our language is like cleansing the mirror of our history, so that the flies buzzing around may not deprive us of its light. It is a sad fate for a nation to perish—especially a nation such as ours that can boast of brilliant feats and that has only sunk to its present condition through the bitter workings of fate. It is of no use to try to accept with stern philosophy, common sense, and cold blood that all men are equal in everything, that the whole human race is a single nation. No! We are national beings and we were raised with our Hungarian selves that way so that we can never be Germans, or French, or Poles, or Spaniards. We long for glory in this life as Hungarian sons of the Hungarian nation and, in the next, we pray that the angels of the heavens may know us as Hungarians. It is time for the mind of the Hungarian nation to be clarified through a revival of our mother-tongue. How can our educated classes study the languages of Europe, if we are forgetting our own? How could we lift up our people, most of whom live in the countryside, if we cannot offer them books to read in the language they speak? What we urgently need is a group of scholars who would be paid solely to translate works from Latin, French, German, and Greek into Hungarian—this would do more good for the refinement of the country's mind than a thousand Latin and German schools."*At the time, many educated Hungarians preferred to communicate in German, the language of the Austrian Empire of which Hungary was a part. György Bessenyei, Hungarian writer, "Oration on the Subject Matter of the Nation," an essay published in 1817. What is an accurate comparison of the arguments made in the two sources regarding ideas of liberty and equality?
Source 1 rejects the ideas because of the threat they represent to multinational empires, whereas Source 2 rejects the ideas because of the universal and equalizing nature of their claims.
"We can agree that, in principle, it might be a good idea to permit both foreigners and Japanese to engage in coastal and seaborne shipping around and from Japan, because that would increase competition and improve efficiency. But, in practice, we know that seaborne shipping is too important a matter to be given over to foreigners. To do so would mean a loss of business and employment opportunities for our people in peacetime. And, in times of war, to not have the domestic capacity to transport goods would be tantamount to abandoning our status as an independent nation. In recent decades, Japan was forced to sign various treaties with foreign powers allowing their ships to proceed freely from one Japanese harbor to another. Some people claim that these treaty rights also allow foreigners to transport Japanese made goods, either around our country or for export to Korea or China. I am not qualified to discuss the legal merits of these positions, but I would like to point out that, unless we have a plan for developing our own domestic shipping businesses, we will never be able to compete with the foreigners in this field. In founding the Mitsubishi company,* my goal has been to help recover for Japan the right of seaborne shipping, so we no longer have to delegate it to foreigners. I regard this not only as my business interest but also as my duty as a citizen. If we don't succeed as a company, it would be useless for the government to try to renegotiate the unequal treaties or to attempt to further develop Japan's economy. The government knows this, and that is why it protects our company. And we need the government's protection to compete against foreign rivals, such as the [British] Peninsula and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. Recently, the P&O Company has been working to set up a new line between Yokohama [in Japan] and Shanghai and is attempting to claim rights over the [Japanese] ports of Nagasaki, Kobe, and Yokohama. The P&O Company is backed by its massive capital, large fleet of ships, and experience operating in Hong Kong and China. How can we compete against such a giant if we do not have the backing of our national government?" *The Mitsubishi company was established in 1870 as a maritime shipping firm. In subsequent decades, it diversified into mining, manufacturing, and other fields. Yataro Iwasaki, president of the Mitsubishi Company, letter to company managers, 1876. The debates about maritime shipping in Japan alluded to in the first paragraph were most directly connected to which of the following nineteenth-century developments?
The development of rival economic theories differing with respect to their views of free trade. Iwasaki's allusion to debates within Japan about whether allowing foreign companies to participate in Japan's maritime trade would be beneficial or harmful to Japan is most directly connected to arguments between those who argued that allowing foreign competition would increase economic competition and thereby ultimately benefit Japanese companies by making them more efficient and those—like Iwasaki—who argued that protecting Japanese companies from foreign competition was necessary because exposing Japanese companies to foreign competition would lead to a loss of jobs for Japanese citizens and endanger Japan's security.
"We can agree that, in principle, it might be a good idea to permit both foreigners and Japanese to engage in coastal and seaborne shipping around and from Japan, because that would increase competition and improve efficiency. But, in practice, we know that seaborne shipping is too important a matter to be given over to foreigners. To do so would mean a loss of business and employment opportunities for our people in peacetime. And, in times of war, to not have the domestic capacity to transport goods would be tantamount to abandoning our status as an independent nation. In recent decades, Japan was forced to sign various treaties with foreign powers allowing their ships to proceed freely from one Japanese harbor to another. Some people claim that these treaty rights also allow foreigners to transport Japanese made goods, either around our country or for export to Korea or China. I am not qualified to discuss the legal merits of these positions, but I would like to point out that, unless we have a plan for developing our own domestic shipping businesses, we will never be able to compete with the foreigners in this field. In founding the Mitsubishi company,* my goal has been to help recover for Japan the right of seaborne shipping, so we no longer have to delegate it to foreigners. I regard this not only as my business interest but also as my duty as a citizen. If we don't succeed as a company, it would be useless for the government to try to renegotiate the unequal treaties or to attempt to further develop Japan's economy. The government knows this, and that is why it protects our company. And we need the government's protection to compete against foreign rivals, such as the [British] Peninsula and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. Recently, the P&O Company has been working to set up a new line between Yokohama [in Japan] and Shanghai and is attempting to claim rights over the [Japanese] ports of Nagasaki, Kobe, and Yokohama. The P&O Company is backed by its massive capital, a large fleet of ships, and experience operating in Hong Kong and China. How can we compete against such a giant if we do not have the backing of our national government?" *The Mitsubishi company was established in 1870 as a maritime shipping firm. In subsequent decades, it diversified into mining, manufacturing, and other fields. Yataro Iwasaki, president of the Mitsubishi Company, letter to company managers, 1876. Iwasaki's position in the letter on the relationship between the Mitsubishi Company and the Japanese government is most clearly a response to-
Western governments gaining access to Japan's markets by imposing laissez-faire economic regimes. In the third paragraph, Iwasaki claims that the Mitsubishi company needs government assistance to be able to compete with Western companies such as the British Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company, which Iwasaki clearly saw as a threat. Iwasaki's concern about the threat of the P&O Company to his business is directly related to his remarks in the second paragraph that Japan had been forced to sign treaties with foreign powers that granted them access to Japanese ports and allowed them to transport Japanese goods to other regions, which is a reference to the treaties that the Tokugawa government was forced to sign by the United States and other Western states that imposed free-trade regimes on Japan.
What best describes the comparative change in kilometers of railroad lines in Britain and France from 1830 to 1850?
Britain possessed more railway lines in 1830 and expanded its lead significantly over France by 1850. Britain increased its railway lines from 157 kilometers to 9,787 kilometers, while France increased its railway lines from 31 kilometers to 2,915 kilometers.
Together with access to coal deposits, which environmental factor most directly contributed to Great Britain's early industrialization?
Its abundance of Iron Ore. Great Britain had plentiful deposits of iron ore, which were critical for creating the industrial machinery in factories.
IMAGE: https://docs.google.com/document/d/11x23CIRj4-stZDF4BgAnLdToAfvxVP4uzI0P73aKv-I/edit?usp=sharing (copy and paste the link to get the image). Unlike the four scenes in the top two rows of the lithograph, the inclusion of the two scenes in the bottom row is best explained by-
the technological innovations of the second industrial revolution. The top two rows show the transition to steamships and railways from sailing vessels and animal-powered transportation as part of the First Industrial Revolution, while the bottom row shows electric lighting in major cities, which was a product of the second industrial revolution. The First Industrial Revolution, which lasted from the mid-eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century, was characterized by new forms of transportation like steam power and railways. The spread of electricity, telecommunications, improvements made to steel manufacturing, and the invention of interchangeable parts all characterized the second industrial revolution of circa 1870-1914.
Which of the following best summarizes the way in which the development of the factory system and the development of new transportation infrastructure such as railways worked together as factors facilitating British industrialization?
The factory system concentrated production in relatively few locations, and the new transportation infrastructure allowed more goods and people to reach these locations in less time.
"Writing now, at an age beyond sixty, I must admit that we do not understand the operations of God's wisdom and are, therefore, unable to tell the causes of the terrible inequalities that we see around us,—why so many people should have so little to make life enjoyable, while a few others, not through their own merit, have had gifts poured out to them from a full hand. We acknowledge the hand of God and His wisdom, but still, we feel horror at the misery of many of our brethren. We who have been born in a more fortunate condition—we to whom wealth, education, and liberty have been given—can not, I think, look upon the unintellectual and toil-bound life of those who cannot even feed themselves sufficiently by the meager wages they have earned with so much sweat, without experiencing some feeling of injustice, some sting of pain. This consciousness of wrong has produced in many enthusiastic but unbalanced minds a desire to make all things right by pursuing equality. But any careful observer of our society or any student of our history has to admit that, as unjust as it may seem, inequality is part of the natural order of things. You can make all men equal today, but God has so created them that they shall become unequal again tomorrow. The very word 'equality' presents to the imaginations of men's ideas of communism, of ruin, and insane democracy. Instead of obsessing about equality, we should be working toward reducing inequalities—provided, of course, that we do so gradually and without any sudden disruption of society." Anthony Trollope, British novelist, an autobiography written during the 1870s and published after his death in 1882. Trollope's characterization of democracy in the second paragraph can best be seen as a direct reference to which aspect of the historical situation in the late nineteenth century?
The movements to reform countries' political systems by expanding the franchise. Political reform movements in nineteenth-century European states had their roots in Enlightenment thought and, therefore, often advocated for the rapid expansion of the franchise. Demands for the expansion of the franchise frequently led to violence and political unrest, such as in Great Britain during the Chartist movement and across Europe during the revolutions of 1848.
Waterways such as canals and rivers were important in the process of early industrialization because they provided-
A means for integrating economic activities in regional and national markets. Easy access to rivers and canals in Great Britain provided the ability for industrial factories to acquire supplies from and ship their products to regional and national markets, which helped lower production costs and increase profits.
What best describes the railroads in Europe from 1830 to 1850?
Areas in northwestern Europe adopted railroads more extensively than areas in other parts of Europe. Northwestern European countries of Great Britain, France, and the German states adopted railroads more extensively than did other areas of Europe.
What best describes the expansion in total railway line kilometers by 1850 in countries that possessed zero kilometers of railroad lines in 1830?
Germany had the second-greatest growth in kilometers while also possessing zero kilometers of railroad line in 1830.
"Writing now, at an age beyond sixty, I must admit that we do not understand the operations of God's wisdom and are, therefore, unable to tell the causes of the terrible inequalities that we see around us,—why so many people should have so little to make life enjoyable, while a few others, not through their own merit, have had gifts poured out to them from a full hand. We acknowledge the hand of God and His wisdom, but still, we feel horror at the misery of many of our brethren. We who have been born in a more fortunate condition—we to whom wealth, education, and liberty have been given—can not, I think, look upon the unintellectual and toil-bound life of those who cannot even feed themselves sufficiently by the meager wages they have earned with so much sweat, without experiencing some feeling of injustice, some sting of pain. This consciousness of wrong has produced in many enthusiastic but unbalanced minds a desire to make all things right by pursuing equality. But any careful observer of our society or any student of our history has to admit that, as unjust as it may seem, inequality is part of the natural order of things. You can make all men equal today, but God has so created them that they shall become unequal again tomorrow. The very word 'equality' presents to the imaginations of men's ideas of communism, of ruin, and insane democracy. Instead of obsessing about equality, we should be working toward reducing inequalities—provided, of course, that we do so gradually and without any sudden disruption of society." Anthony Trollope, British novelist, an autobiography written during the 1870s and published after his death in 1882. Which of the following pieces of information that Trollope reveals about himself in the passage might best explain his contention that economic inequalities ought to be addressed "gradually and without any sudden disruption of society"?
His admission that he was born into a fortunate condition. In the passage, Trollope states that those like him who have been "born in a more fortunate condition" should be "working toward reducing inequalities" in a gradual way that does not erode societal stability and order. It is reasonable to assume that Trollope feared that a sudden or revolutionary change might undermine his own privileged position in society.
"In late nineteenth-century Tsarist Russia, the state participated directly in the nation's economy to an extent unequaled in any Western country. For example, in 1899 the state bought almost two-thirds of all metallurgical production in Russia. By 1900, the state-controlled some 70 percent of the railways and owned vast tracts of land, numerous mines and oil fields, and extensive forests. The economic well-being of Russian private entrepreneurs thus depended on large measures on decisions made by the state authorities in St. Petersburg. This was a major reason why a large portion of the Russian middle class took a very timid approach to politics in this period. Russia's economic progress, particularly in the last decade of the nineteenth century, was remarkable by every standard. Railway trackage virtually doubled, coal output in southern Russia jumped from just under 3 million tons in 1890 to almost 11 million tons in 1900. In the same region, the production of iron and steel rose from about 140,000 tons in 1890 to almost 1,250,000 in 1900. Also, between 1890 and 1900 Russian production of cotton thread almost doubled and that of cotton cloth increased by about two-thirds. By 1914 the Russian Empire was the fifth-largest industrial power in the world, though its labor productivity and per-capita income still lagged behind those in Western Europe." Abraham Ascher, historian, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History, book published in 2004. The rapid growth of industrial output in Russia during the 1890s was most likely comparable to the growth of industrial output in which other states during the same period?
Meiji Japan. Meiji Japan industrialized its economy by studying and modeling Western economies and through close cooperation between the Meiji government and private conglomerate companies called zaibatsus. These efforts allowed Japan to become an industrial power by the end of the nineteenth century.
"After long periods of error, philosophers have at last discovered the true rights of man and how they can all be deduced from the single truth: that man is a perceptive being capable of reason and acquiring moral ideas. At last, man could proclaim his rights out loud, rights that for so long had been ignored. He could submit all opinions to his own reason and use that reason to search for truth. Every man learned with pride that nature had not forever condemned him to base his beliefs on the opinions of others or the superstitions of antiquity. Thus developed an understanding that the natural rights of man are inalienable and cannot be forfeited and a strongly expressed desire for freedom of thought, trade, and profession. There also developed a desire to alleviate people's suffering, to eliminate all criminal laws against political dissenters, and to abolish torture. A desire arose for a milder system of criminal legislation that could give complete security to the innocent. All of these principles gradually filtered down from philosophical works to every class of society whose education went beyond basic literacy. These principles became the common faith of all people." Marquis de Condorcet, French nobleman, and philosopher. Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind, published in 1794. What is the main claim the author makes in the passage?
People have natural rights that can be established through rational inquiry.
"After long periods of error, philosophers have at last discovered the true rights of man and how they can all be deduced from the single truth: that man is a perceptive being capable of reason and acquiring moral ideas. At last, man could proclaim his rights out loud, rights that for so long had been ignored. He could submit all opinions to his own reason and use that reason to search for truth. Every man learned with pride that nature had not forever condemned him to base his beliefs on the opinions of others or the superstitions of antiquity. Thus developed an understanding that the natural rights of man are inalienable and cannot be forfeited and a strongly expressed desire for freedom of thought, trade, and profession. There also developed a desire to alleviate people's suffering, to eliminate all criminal laws against political dissenters, and to abolish torture. A desire arose for a milder system of criminal legislation that could give complete security to the innocent. All of these principles gradually filtered down from philosophical works to every class of society whose education went beyond basic literacy. These principles became the common faith of all people." Marquis de Condorcet, French nobleman, and philosopher. Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind, published in 1794. What is an implicit claim that the author makes in the 2nd paragraph?
Religion has been a force holding back the progress of humanity.
"Writing now, at an age beyond sixty, I must admit that we do not understand the operations of God's wisdom and are, therefore, unable to tell the causes of the terrible inequalities that we see around us,—why so many people should have so little to make life enjoyable, while a few others, not through their own merit, have had gifts poured out to them from a full hand. We acknowledge the hand of God and His wisdom, but still, we feel horror at the misery of many of our brethren. We who have been born in a more fortunate condition—we to whom wealth, education, and liberty have been given—can not, I think, look upon the unintellectual and toil-bound life of those who cannot even feed themselves sufficiently by the meager wages they have earned with so much sweat, without experiencing some feeling of injustice, some sting of pain. This consciousness of wrong has produced in many enthusiastic but unbalanced minds a desire to make all things right by pursuing equality. But any careful observer of our society or any student of our history has to admit that, as unjust as it may seem, inequality is part of the natural order of things. You can make all men equal today, but God has so created them that they shall become unequal again tomorrow. The very word 'equality' presents to the imaginations of men's ideas of communism, of ruin, and insane democracy. Instead of obsessing about equality, we should be working toward reducing inequalities—provided, of course, that we do so gradually and without any sudden disruption of society." Anthony Trollope, British novelist, an autobiography written during the 1870s and published after his death in 1882. Trollope's arguments in the second paragraph are most clearly intended to offer an alternative to the arguments made by which late-nineteenth-century group?
Socialists
Source 1: "Beloved brothers in Christ, here again, we should see and admire the boundless love of God toward us, that He has placed over us this great empire of the Ottomans. The Empire is a mighty obstacle to the Latin heretics in the West. By contrast, to us, the Orthodox people of the East, the Empire has been a means of salvation. For God has continued to put into the heart of the Sultan of these Ottomans an inclination to keep free the religious beliefs of our Orthodox faith and to protect us, even to the point of occasionally chastising Christians who deviate from their faith. Brothers, lately you would have heard a lot about this new system of 'liberty' originating in France. But let us examine the concept more carefully to see if it can be reconciled with good civil government and safety for the citizens. We see from the example of the French Republic that a national, democratic form of government can only provide 'liberty' if the word is taken to mean the freedom to simply act upon one's appetites and desires. But true Christian liberty, properly understood, means something quite different: to be free to live according to both divine and human laws. In other words, it is to live free to follow your conscience and free of any trouble with the authorities. Seen in this light, the new French system of liberty is a path leading to destruction, confusion, overturning of good government, or, simply speaking, a new ambush of the devil to lead us Orthodox Christians astray."Anthimos, Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem [then part of the Ottoman Empire], Paternal Instruction, leaflet printed in Greek for distribution among Christian communities in the Ottoman Empire, 1798. Source 2: "I address you in Hungarian today* because reviving our language is like cleansing the mirror of our history, so that the flies buzzing around may not deprive us of its light. It is a sad fate for a nation to perish—especially a nation such as ours that can boast of brilliant feats and that has only sunk to its present condition through the bitter workings of fate. It is of no use to try to accept with stern philosophy, common sense, and cold blood that all men are equal in everything, that the whole human race is a single nation. No! We are national beings and we were raised with our Hungarian selves that way so that we can never be Germans, or French, or Poles, or Spaniards. We long for glory in this life as Hungarian sons of the Hungarian nation and, in the next, we pray that the angels of the heavens may know us as Hungarians. It is time for the mind of the Hungarian nation to be clarified through a revival of our mother-tongue. How can our educated classes study the languages of Europe, if we are forgetting our own? How could we lift up our people, most of whom live in the countryside, if we cannot offer them books to read in the language they speak? What we urgently need is a group of scholars who would be paid solely to translate works from Latin, French, German, and Greek into Hungarian—this would do more good for the refinement of the country's mind than a thousand Latin and German schools."*At the time, many educated Hungarians preferred to communicate in German, the language of the Austrian Empire of which Hungary was a part. György Bessenyei, Hungarian writer, "Oration on the Subject Matter of the Nation," an essay published in 1817. What is an accurate comparison between the views expressed in the two sources?
Source 1 emphasizes the importance of religious identities and solidarities as drivers of human behavior, whereas Source 2 emphasizes the importance of ethno-linguistic identities and solidarities as drivers of human behavior.
"After long periods of error, philosophers have at last discovered the true rights of man and how they can all be deduced from the single truth: that man is a perceptive being capable of reason and acquiring moral ideas. At last, man could proclaim his rights out loud, rights that for so long had been ignored. He could submit all opinions to his own reason and use that reason to search for truth. Every man learned with pride that nature had not forever condemned him to base his beliefs on the opinions of others or the superstitions of antiquity. Thus developed an understanding that the natural rights of man are inalienable and cannot be forfeited and a strongly expressed desire for freedom of thought, trade, and profession. There also developed a desire to alleviate people's suffering, to eliminate all criminal laws against political dissenters, and to abolish torture. A desire arose for a milder system of criminal legislation that could give complete security to the innocent. All of these principles gradually filtered down from philosophical works to every class of society whose education went beyond basic literacy. These principles became the common faith of all people." Marquis de Condorcet, French nobleman, and philosopher. Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind, published in 1794. What is an implicit claim that the author makes in the 3rd paragraph?
The French Revolution has advanced the principles of Enlightenment.
IMAGE: https://docs.google.com/document/d/11x23CIRj4-stZDF4BgAnLdToAfvxVP4uzI0P73aKv-I/edit?usp=sharing (copy and paste the link to get the image). What contributed directly to Great Britain's ability to consolidate or expand its colonial control of interior regions of Asia and Africa in the late nineteenth century?
The changes illustrated in the top two rows of the image. Railroads and steam-powered vessels were critical factors in allowing British troops, officials, and companies to access interior regions of Africa and Asia that had been previously inaccessible and consolidate their power.
"In late nineteenth-century Tsarist Russia, the state participated directly in the nation's economy to an extent unequaled in any Western country. For example, in 1899 the state bought almost two-thirds of all metallurgical production in Russia. By 1900, the state-controlled some 70 percent of the railways and owned vast tracts of land, numerous mines and oil fields, and extensive forests. The economic well-being of Russian private entrepreneurs thus depended on large measures on decisions made by the state authorities in St. Petersburg. This was a major reason why a large portion of the Russian middle class took a very timid approach to politics in this period. Russia's economic progress, particularly in the last decade of the nineteenth century, was remarkable by every standard. Railway trackage virtually doubled, coal output in southern Russia jumped from just under 3 million tons in 1890 to almost 11 million tons in 1900. In the same region, the production of iron and steel rose from about 140,000 tons in 1890 to almost 1,250,000 in 1900. Also, between 1890 and 1900 Russian production of cotton thread almost doubled and that of cotton cloth increased by about two-thirds. By 1914 the Russian Empire was the fifth-largest industrial power in the world, though its labor productivity and per-capita income still lagged behind those in Western Europe." Abraham Ascher, historian, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History, book published in 2004. The economic changes in rapidly industrializing countries such as the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth century led most directly to which of the following social or intellectual changes during the same period?
The creation of new social classes and class consciousness.
"There is no town in the world where the distance between the rich and the poor is so great, or the barrier between them so difficult to be crossed. The separation between the different classes, and the consequent ignorance of each other's habits and condition, are far more complete in this place than in any other country in Europe, or even in the rural areas of Britain. There is a far less personal communication between the master cotton spinner and his workmen and between the master tailor and his apprentices than there is between the Duke of Wellington and the humblest laborer of his estate, or than there was between King George III and the lowliest errand boy in his palace. I mean this not as a matter of blame, but I state it simply as a fact." Richard Parkinson, English clergyman of the Anglican Church, "On the Present Condition of the Laboring Poor in Manchester," paper published in London, 1841. The rapid growth of nineteenth-century industrial cities such as Manchester is best understood in the context of which of the following economic developments?
The increases in agricultural productivity that freed up laborers for work in factories.
"In late nineteenth-century Tsarist Russia, the state participated directly in the nation's economy to an extent unequaled in any Western country. For example, in 1899 the state bought almost two-thirds of all metallurgical production in Russia. By 1900, the state-controlled some 70 percent of the railways and owned vast tracts of land, numerous mines and oil fields, and extensive forests. The economic well-being of Russian private entrepreneurs thus depended on large measures on decisions made by the state authorities in St. Petersburg. This was a major reason why a large portion of the Russian middle class took a very timid approach to politics in this period. Russia's economic progress, particularly in the last decade of the nineteenth century, was remarkable by every standard. Railway trackage virtually doubled, coal output in southern Russia jumped from just under 3 million tons in 1890 to almost 11 million tons in 1900. In the same region, the production of iron and steel rose from about 140,000 tons in 1890 to almost 1,250,000 in 1900. Also, between 1890 and 1900 Russian production of cotton thread almost doubled and that of cotton cloth increased by about two-thirds. By 1914 the Russian Empire was the fifth-largest industrial power in the world, though its labor productivity and per-capita income still lagged behind those in Western Europe." Abraham Ascher, historian, The Revolution of 1905: A Short History, book published in 2004. As described in the passage, the pattern of economic development in Russia in the nineteenth century differed most strongly from which other patterns of economic development during the same period?
The transition from preindustrial to industrial production through the actions of private entrepreneurs or companies. The pattern of transitioning from a preindustrial to an industrial economy through private entrepreneurs and investment, as was the typical pattern in the West, was most different from the pattern of industrialization in Russia, which was largely dictated, managed, and financed by the state.
"We can agree that, in principle, it might be a good idea to permit both foreigners and Japanese to engage in coastal and seaborne shipping around and from Japan, because that would increase competition and improve efficiency. But, in practice, we know that seaborne shipping is too important a matter to be given over to foreigners. To do so would mean a loss of business and employment opportunities for our people in peacetime. And, in times of war, to not have the domestic capacity to transport goods would be tantamount to abandoning our status as an independent nation. In recent decades, Japan was forced to sign various treaties with foreign powers allowing their ships to proceed freely from one Japanese harbor to another. Some people claim that these treaty rights also allow foreigners to transport Japanese made goods, either around our country or for export to Korea or China. I am not qualified to discuss the legal merits of these positions, but I would like to point out that, unless we have a plan for developing our own domestic shipping businesses, we will never be able to compete with the foreigners in this field. In founding the Mitsubishi company,* my goal has been to help recover for Japan the right of seaborne shipping, so we no longer have to delegate it to foreigners. I regard this not only as my business interest but also as my duty as a citizen. If we don't succeed as a company, it would be useless for the government to try to renegotiate the unequal treaties or to attempt to further develop Japan's economy. The government knows this, and that is why it protects our company. And we need the government's protection to compete against foreign rivals, such as the [British] Peninsula and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. Recently, the P&O Company has been working to set up a new line between Yokohama [in Japan] and Shanghai and is attempting to claim rights over the [Japanese] ports of Nagasaki, Kobe, and Yokohama. The P&O Company is backed by its massive capital, a large fleet of ships, and experience operating in Hong Kong and China. How can we compete against such a giant if we do not have the backing of our national government?" *The Mitsubishi company was established in 1870 as a maritime shipping firm. In subsequent decades, it diversified into mining, manufacturing, and other fields. Yataro Iwasaki, president of the Mitsubishi Company, letter to company managers, 1876. The commercial rivalries discussed in the third paragraph best illustrate the interplay between nineteenth-century economic development in Japan and the development of-
Western-dominated large-scale transnational businesses. The British Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company that Iwasaki refers to in his letter was a transnational business that operated across the world and was seeking to acquire greater dominance in East Asia. These companies began emerging in the nineteenth century, primarily with the aim of acquiring natural resources from Asia, Africa, and Latin America for industrial factories in Western states.
"There is no town in the world where the distance between the rich and the poor is so great, or the barrier between them so difficult to be crossed. The separation between the different classes, and the consequent ignorance of each other's habits and condition, are far more complete in this place than in any other country in Europe, or even in the rural areas of Britain. There is a far less personal communication between the master cotton spinner and his workmen and between the master tailor and his apprentices than there is between the Duke of Wellington and the humblest laborer of his estate, or than there was between King George III and the lowliest errand boy in his palace. I mean this not as a matter of blame, but I state it simply as a fact." Richard Parkinson, English clergyman of the Anglican Church, "On the Present Condition of the Laboring Poor in Manchester," paper published in London, 1841. The class relationships in Manchester described by Parkinson are best explained in the context of the-
continuous migration of new workers to industrial towns and the high job turnover
"There is no town in the world where the distance between the rich and the poor is so great, or the barrier between them so difficult to be crossed. The separation between the different classes, and the consequent ignorance of each other's habits and condition, are far more complete in this place than in any other country in Europe, or even in the rural areas of Britain. There is a far less personal communication between the master cotton spinner and his workmen and between the master tailor and his apprentices than there is between the Duke of Wellington and the humblest laborer of his estate, or than there was between King George III and the lowliest errand boy in his palace. I mean this not as a matter of blame, but I state it simply as a fact." Richard Parkinson, English clergyman of the Anglican Church, "On the Present Condition of the Laboring Poor in Manchester," paper published in London, 1841. The disparities of wealth mentioned by Parkinson in the passage are best explained in the context of the-
high profits and low wages associated with manufacturing industries in the nineteenth century. The high profits acquired by the rich and low wages paid to the industrial workers led to the disparities of wealth between the social classes.
IMAGE: https://docs.google.com/document/d/11x23CIRj4-stZDF4BgAnLdToAfvxVP4uzI0P73aKv-I/edit?usp=sharing (copy and paste the link to get the image). In the period circa 1750-1900, the historical process illustrated by the image led directly to all of the following major global transformations EXCEPT-
the outbreak of the Atlantic revolutions and the emergence of new states in the Americas. Although the Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain in the mid-eighteenth century, it was not a factor that led to the Atlantic revolutions and the emergence of new states in the Americas. Since this option does not illustrate a direct connection between the process illustrated in the image and a major global transformation in the period 1750-1900, it is the correct answer.
