PBS 1 - Emotion - Does affect help or hinder with regard to cognitive processing?

muscles universal, triggers not

"While the facial muscles which move when a particular affect is aroused are the same across cultures, the evoking stimuli, the linked affects, the display rules and the behavioral consequences all can vary from one culture to another" (Ekman & Friesen, 1969, p. 73)

1 - neuro evidence of cognition and emotion separate

- (a) Emotional reactions are likely to be under the control of the right brain hemisphere, whereas cognitive processes are predominantly the business of the left hemisphere (Cacioppo & Petty, 1981; Schwartz, Davidson, & Maer, 1975; Suberi & McKeever, 1977). This evidence is not strong, but it is very suggestive. In a recent review of work on lateralization, Tucker (1981) concluded that the two hemispheres do participate differentially in cognitive functions and in emotion, and that cognitive activity would not be possible without the independent neurophysiological processes that give rise to emotion -

13- limbic system

- A compromise was struck—emotions were assigned to live in the ancient parts of the brain that control the body, dubbed the "limbic system", a.k.a., our inner beast, whereas cognitions were assigned to the cortex (mistakenly called the neocortex), like a crown designed for us by evolution (e.g., [6]. Eventually, these ideas became known as the triune brain concept

1 - vision evidence of emotion independence

- A direct pathway from the retina to the hypothalamus has been demonstrated in a large number of species (Nauta & Haymaker, 1969). On the basis of an extensive review, Moore (1973) concluded that "a retinal projection to the suprachiasmatic nuclei is a regular feature of the mammalian visual system" (p. 408). - Since the hypothalamus plays a central role in the arousal and expression of emotion, the retinohypothalamic tract allows the organism to generate an emotional reaction from a purely sensory input. - No mediation by higher mental processes is apparently required. Emotions could be only one synapse away. - Thus, it is possible that rapidly changing light gradients, such as those that arise with looming objects, could generate fear reactions directly.

13 - emotions and degeneracy

- A given emotion is a category of variable instances that are tuned to the situation at hand. As situations vary so do the instances of an emotion category. People smile when sad, cry when angry, and scream when happy. A person can tremble, jump, freeze, scream, gasp, hide, attack, and even laugh all in the face of fear. Just instances of the same emotion category can vary across contexts, they can also show variability within the same contexts. This form of variation - degeneracy

13 - not set patterns for emotions

- A growing number of brain imaging studies have successfully distinguished emotion categories from one another using multivariate patterns of activity distributed across the brain (i.e., pattern classification), but again, when it comes to the observed pattern for any single emotion category, variation is the norm. The diagnostic patterns observed for anger, sadness, fear, disgust and so on, are highly variable from study to study (e.g., compare patterns reported in [35], [36], [37] and the patterns derived from meta-analyses as reported in [38]). - The circuitry for a given emotion category has yet to be consistently and specifically localized to individual neurons (e.g., see [31] for a review of intracranial recording research on humans; see [32], [33] for a review of electrical stimulation research on non-human animals), to a brain region (for a recent meta-analysis, see [21]), or to a brain network - Instead, the body of published findings gives evidence of variable patterns for each emotion category across different contexts [e.g. 128,also see 130].14 - This is not evidence that some studies support the classical view of emotion while others fail to. Instead, it is evidence that the physical correlates of emotion, be they neural or autonomic, are highly variable within an emotion category from instance to instance (and the physiological changes associated with one emotion category in one study can be similar to the changes associated with a different emotion category in a different study). It is evidence that, when it comes to the biobehavioral correlates of any emotion category, variation is the norm - studies that successfully distinguish between emotion categories using ANS measures report different patterns from one study to the next, even when those studies use the same stimuli, methods, and sample participants from the same population

9 - abstract

- ABSTRACT—Conscious feelings have traditionally been viewed as a central and necessary ingredient of emotion. - Here we argue that emotion also can be genuinely unconscious. We describe evidence that positive and negative reactions can be elicited subliminally and remain inaccessible to introspection. - Despite the absence of subjective feelings in such cases, subliminally induced affective reactions still influence people's preference judgments and even the amount of beverage they consume. - This evidence is consistent with evolutionary considerations suggesting that systems underlying basic affective reactions originated prior to systems for conscious awareness. - The idea of unconscious emotion is also supported by evidence from affective neuroscience indicating that subcortical brain systems underlie basic ''liking'' reactions. - More research is needed to clarify the relations and differences between conscious and unconscious emotion, and their underlying mechanisms. However, even under the current state of knowledge, it appears that processes underlying conscious feelings can become decoupled from processes underlying emotional reactions, resulting in genuinely unconscious emotion.

2 - affect and social interaction

- Affect dominates social interaction, and it is the major currency in which social intercourse is transacted. - The vast majority of our daily conversations entail the exchange of information about our opinions, preferences, and evaluations. - And affect in these conversations is transmitted not only by the verbal channel but by nonverbal cues as well-—cues that may, in fact, carry the principal components of information about affect. - It is much less important for us to know whether someone has just said "You are a friend" or "You are a fiend" than to know whether it was spoken in contempt or with affection. - Argyle and his colleagues (Argyle, Salter, Nicholson, Williams, & Burgess, 1970) found that 22 times more variance is accounted for by the tone of one's voice than by the content of the utterance when people are asked to interpret utterances. - In fact, even when the content of recorded utterances is nearly completely obliterated by means of electronic masking, filtering, or random splicing of the tape, subjects still can encode the emotions expressed in these utterances quite reliably (Dawes & Kramer, 1966; Scherer, Koivumaki, & Rosenthal, 1972).

2 preferences need no inferences

- Affect is considered by most contemporary theories to be postcognitive, that is, to occur only after considerable cognitive operations have been accomplished. - Yet a number of experimental results on preferences, attitudes, impression formation, and decision making, as well as some clinical phenomena, suggest that affective judgments may be fairly independent of, and precede in time, the sorts of perceptual and cognitive operations commonly assumed to be the basis of these affective judgments. - Affective reactions to stimuli are often the very first reactions of the organism, and for lower organisms they are the dominant reactions. - Affective reactions can occur without extensive perceptual and cognitive encoding, are made with greater confidence than cognitive judgments, and can be made sooner. - Experimental evidence demonstrates that reliable affective discriminations (like-dislike ratings) can be made in the total absence of recognition memory (old-new judgements). - Various differences between judgements based on affect and those based on perceptual and cognitive processes are examined. - It is concluded that affect and cognition are under the control of separate and partially independent systems that can influence each other in a variety of ways, and that both constitute independent sources of effects in information processing.

2 - affect is basic and innate and universal in animal kingdom

- Affect is the first link in the evolution of complex adaptive functions that eventually differentiated animals from plants. - And unlike language or cognition, affective responsiveness is universal among the animal species. - A rabbit confronted by a snake has no time to consider all the perceivable attributes of the snake in the hope that he might be able to infer from them the likelihood of the snake's attack, the timing of the attack, or its direction. The rabbit cannot stop to contemplate the length of the snake's fangs or the geometry of its markings. If the rabbit is to escape, the action must be undertaken long before the completion of even a simple cognitive process—before, in fact, the rabbit has fully established and verified that a nearby movement might reveal a snake in all its coiled glory. - The decision to run must be made on the basis of minimal cognitive engagement - The facial expressions of humans upon biting into a sour apple and their expressions of surprise, anger, delight, or serenity are remarkably similar across all cultures and are not far removed from the expressions of the great ape

10 - affect helps cognition

- Affect is, in fact, crucial for good judgment. Studies show that individuals with neurological damage involving deficits in affect show marked distortions of judgment and decision-making [16,17]. - The modern-day study of patients with damage in these regions of prefrontal cortex formed the basis for Damasio's theory that decision-making requires emotion, and suggested that psychopaths might also have dysfunction of the prefrontal cortex.

6 - trait vs state affect

- Although the current experiments are some of the first to illustrate the effects of state affect on global versus local processing, similar results have been reported for trait affect. - Basso, Schefft, Ris, and Dember (1996) found that global classification was positively associated with trait happiness and optimism, and negatively correlated with trait depression and anxiety. - Derryberry and Reed (1998) also found that attention to local details was associated with trait anxiety in threat-oriented situations. - Thus, situational and chronic affect might influence these processes via similar mechanisms. - The results suggest that positive and negative affective cues make different, but perhaps equally important, contributions to information processing

10 - abstract

- Being happy or sad influences the content and style of thought. One explanation is that affect serves as information about the value of whatever comes to mind. Thus, when a person makes evaluative judgments or engages in a task, positive affect can enhance evaluations and empower potential responses. - Rather than affect itself, the information conveyed by affect is crucial. Tests of the hypothesis find that affective influences can be made to disappear by changing the source to which the affect is attributed. In tasks, positive affect validates and negative affect invalidates accessible cognitions, leading to relational processing and item-specific processing, respectively. Positive affect is found to promote, and negative affect to inhibit, many textbook phenomena from cognitive psychology.

allostasis

- Brains evolved, in part, to efficiently ensure resources for physiological systems within an animal's body (i.e., its internal milieu) so that an animal can grow, survive, and reproduce [63]. This balancing act is called allostasis [64]. - The two interconnected intrinsic brain networks that regulate allostasis and represent interoception are also at the core of many other psychological phenomena, including memory, decision making, theory of mind, attention, and a host of others [66], and form the backbone for neural communication in the brain [70]. Such findings prompt the intriguing hypothesis that, whatever else a brain is doing - thinking, feeling, perceiving, preparing for action − it is also implementing allostasis in the service of behavior - regulating your autonomic nervous system, your immune system, and your endocrine system - as well as representing interoceptio. . - We hypothesize that emotions (as opposed to cognitions) are constructed when interoceptive sensations are intense or when the change in affect is large and foregrounded in awareness. This may help explain why, in mammals, the brain regions that are responsible for establishing and maintaining allostasis ("limbic" regions such as the amygdala, ventral striatum, insula, orbitofrontal cortex, anterior cingulate cortex, and medial prefrontal cortex) are usually assumed to contain the circuits for emotion - they are important for regulating metabolism and energy expenditures associated with intense affect; for a discussion, see [66]. In fact, many of these limbic regions happen to be some of the most highly connected regions in the cortex [81], and they exchange information with midbrain, brainstem, and spinal cord nuclei that coordinate autonomic, immune, and endocrine systems with one another, and with the systems that control skeletomotor movements [82]. - Emotions are not reactions to the world. We hypothesize that they are constructions of the world (or more specifically, they are your brain's construction of your bodily sensations and movements in the immediate context). They are a brain's explanation for bodily sensations in relation to the surrounding situation. Therefore, the biology of meaning making should figure prominently in the neuroscientific understanding of what emotions are, how they are caused and how they work.

10 - stereotyping

- Contrary to most people's intuitions, happy moods promote group stereotyping, whereas sad moods promote a focus on individuals [27,28]. - One relevant study involved a mock trial in which a Latino student was accused of a stereotype-consistent offense. The results showed that individuals in happy moods were more likely than those in sad moods to have their verdicts influenced by the stereotype [29].

8 - Darwin's view

- Darwin (1872) proposed that universal facial expressions of emotion are inherited. - He reasoned that at some early time in history certain facial movements were acquired to serve some biologically adaptive function, and that over countless generations their association with emotion became innate. - They are now vestiges of once biologically useful movements which do communicate feelings, but which do not have as their primary purpose the "expression'' of an inner state to another person

4 - ability to describe emotions more complex with age

- Developmental research (e.g., Anglin, 1977; Blewitt & Durkin, 1982; Mervis & Crisafi, 1982; Rosen. Mcrvis. Gray. Johnson, & Boyes-Braem, 1976) indicates that the usual sequence of acquiring knowledge about categorization hierarchies is basiclevel first, superordinate and subordinate levels later. - As mentioned earlier, there is evidence in a recent article by Bretherton and Beeghly (1982) that what we have identified as basic-level emotion terms are acquired first. - We expect, therefore, that a more complete developmental study would reveal that the emotion lexicon grows with age as children (and possibly adults) learn to use more, and more subtly nuanced. subordinate-level terms and more abstract superordinate terms (e.g.. feeling good) but that the underlying basic-level structure remains the same. - Knowledge about emotions develops dramatically between birth and adulthood. By early childhood, children establish a rudimentary emotion vocabulary (Bretherton & Beeghly, 1982), can recognize and label emotions based on photographed facial expressions (Reichenbach & Masters, 1983), and know something about both the situational antecedents of some of the basic emotions (Harter, personal communication. 1985; Masters & Carlson, 1984) and about methods for controlling the expression of negative emotions (Masters & Carlson, 1984; Saarni, 1979, 1984). - They also know, as early as 8 years of age, how to sort emotion words in ways that produce the ubiquitous evaluation and intensity dimensions (Russell & Ridgeway, 1983). - With age, these areas of knowledge expand, and older children become capable of inferring the interpretations that a person must have made of a situation in order to have reacted emotionally in a particular way (Masters & Carlson, 1984).

1 - Affective states can be induced by noncognitive and nonperceptual procedures.

- Emotional excitation can be induced by drugs, hormones, or electrical stimulation of the brain. - Individuals who are given valium concealed in their food will change their mood, whether they know about having ingested the drug or not. - They may have all sorts of explanations for this change, and it is possible, as Schachter and Singer (1962) have shown, that some qualities of the valium-induced state may be altered by cognitive input. But in the final analysis, at least some very significant aspects of the change in the emotional state will be caused directly by the valium, regardless of what information the subjects are given and what justification they themselves offer afterwards

12- both sensory and motor

- Emotions incorporate both sensory and motor features. - Their sensory aspect derives from typically being induced by, and directed towards, some object as the stimulus: we are afraid of a bear, and angry at another person. - Their motor aspect resides in the fact that emotions motivate behavior, an observation highlighted in theories of emotion that describe them as action tendencies.

11 - abstract

- Emotions seem to come and go as they please. However, we actually hold considerable sway over our emotions: We influence which emotions we have and how we experience and express these emotions. - The process model of emotion regulation described here suggests that how we regulate our emotions matters. Regulatory strategies that act early in the emotion-generative process should have quite different outcomes than strategies that act later. - This review focuses on two widely used strategies for down-regulating emotion. The first, reappraisal, comes early in the emotion-generative process. It consists of changing how we think about a situation in order to decrease its emotional impact. - The second, suppression, comes later in the emotion-generative process. It involves inhibiting the outward signs of emotion. - Theory and research suggest that reappraisal is more effective than suppression. Reappraisal decreases the experience and behavioral expression of emotion, and has no impact on memory. By contrast, suppression decreases behavioral expression, but fails to decrease the experience of emotion, and actually impairs memory. Suppression also increases physiological responding in both the suppressors and their social partners.

10 - Sad moods decrease false memories and forgetting

- Even when motivated to be accurate, people can generate false memories, a fact of practical importance in legal testimony. - To induce false memories, participants in one experiment studied lists of words associated with other words that would never be presented, called 'critical lures' [41]. - For example, words such as bed, pillow, rest, awake and blanket all activate the word 'sleep', which might then be falsely recalled. - Such false memories are assumed to reflect relational or gist processing [42,43]. According to the affect-as-information hypothesis, positive mood should promote and negative mood should inhibit such relational processing, making false-memory studies ideal for hypothesis testing. - As predicted, individuals in happy moods do show high numbers of false memories - a tendency that is significantly reduced in sad moods [44,45] (Figure 3). As often occurs, happy and neutral participants perform similarly, because even neutral participants usually report positive resting moods.

2 perseverance phenomenon

- Experiments on the perseverance effect, the strong primacy effects in impression formation, and the fact that attitudes are virtually impervious to persuasion by communication all attest to the robust strength and permanence of affect. - Affect often persists after a complete invalidation of its original cognitive basis, as in the case of the perseverance phenomenon when a subject is told that an initial experience of success or failure has been totally fabricated by the experimenter (Ross, Lepper, & Hubbard, 1975 - Two experiments with a total of 60 female high school students and 144 female undergraduates demonstrated that self-perceptions and social perceptions may persevere after the initial basis for such perceptions has been completely discredited.). - We trust our reactions, we believe that they are "true" and that they accurately represent an internal state or condition. Perhaps the subjective validity of affective judgments and reactions and our confidence in these judgments derive from the Cartesian tradition that allows us to doubt everything except our own feelings, especially the feelings of doubt

9 - beverage study

- First, participants are subliminally exposed to several expressions of the same valence (happy, neutral, or angry). The expressions are hidden by a visible neutral face that participants classify as male or female. - Second, participants pour and drink a beverage and report their conscious feelings (in counterbalanced order). - Specifically, thirsty participants poured significantly more drink from the pitcher and drank more from their cup after happy faces than after angry faces (Study 1). - Thirsty participants were also willing to pay about twice as much for the drink after happy than after angry expressions (Study 2). - The modulating role of thirst indicates that unconscious emotional reactions acted through basic biopsychological mechanisms that determine reactions to incentives, such as a drink, rather than through cognitive mechanisms influencing interpretation of the stimulus (Berridge & Winkielman, 2003; Winkielman et al., 2002). - In both studies, conscious feelings were not influenced by subliminal presentation of emotional faces

7 - the neuro-cultural theory does not maintain that the degree of agreement will be the same for all emotions

- For example, it is typical to find higher agreement in the judgments of happy facial expressions than about the negative emotions, in every language group. There are many reasons why this might be so. - Darwin pointed out that the happiness facial expressions differ in appearance from the negative emotion facial expressions more than the negative expressions differ from each other. - There might also be less ambiguity in most languages about the single emotion labels used to represent happy feelings than there is among the single emotion labels used to represent each of the negative emotions. Even if agreement for the negative emotions was lower than for positive ones, the crucial issue in terms of my position on universality is whether agreement in the labeling of the negative emotions is better than chance, and again the answer shown in Russell's Table 2 is yes

12 - early ideas about emotion

- Hess, Bard and Cannon in the early 1900s first showed that nuclei in the brainstem and hypothalamus orchestrate coordinated emotional responses. - For instance, electrical stimulation of the hypothalamus in cats could elicit predatory aggressive behavior; and transection of the forebrain sparing the hypothalamus resulted in a phenomenon called 'sham rage', in which the animal exhibited rage-like aggression towards normally innocuous stimuli. - These findings suggested that subcortical structures can directly trigger emotional behavior, but that the cortex is required for such behavior to be appropriate to the current context. - A third set of structures was proposed to mediate between cortical appraisal and subcortical execution: the so-called limbic system, first coined by Paul Maclean in his theory of the triune brain.

2 - affect not a result of cognition, as trying to predict outcomes based on cognition unreliable

- If overall preferences were simply a matter of calculating the combination of weighted component preferences, and if component preferences were nothing more than cognitive representations of object features marked with affect, then the problems of predicting attitudes, decisions, aesthetic judgments, or first impressions would have been solved long ago. - After all, these problems have been around for nearly a century. Yet except for trivial cases or cases in which the responses are highly cognitive (e.g., Yntema & Torgerson's [1961] study of judgments of ellipses), the cognition-based solutions to these problems have rarely predicted more than 20% of the total variance

7 - Russell raised the unlikely possibility that the truly appropriate emotion label might never have been included in the list of forced-choice options presented to subjects

- If that really did occur and the "correct" choices were not provided, is it not remarkable that all of these subjects across all of these studies, in all of these cultures, still agreed about what term was the best among those they were offered? - This is clear evidence of universality, strong and consistent agreement across cultures. - However, if Russell is right and the best words for each expression were not included in the lists given to the subjects, we would have to add a qualification to our interpretation of the findings. - We would still conclude that there was significant cross-cultural agreement about the emotions shown by facial expressions, but we would have to acknowledge uncertainty about whether the specific words for the emotions used in these studies were the very best ones. - As I have explained, the specifics of which exact word is chosen is not the issue. Agreement across cultures is!

7 - statistically significant agreement in facial expression

- In the Western groups, the agreement obtained was 40 to 50 percentage points higher than what was required for statistical significance. - In the non-Western cultures, the agreement was 28 to 43 points higher than what was required for statistical significance. - To summarize the discussion of this section, agreement was extraordinarily high, far greater than what was required to establish statistical significance.

2 - thoughts vs feelings

- In the pure case, the analysis of feelings attends primarily to energy transformations, for example, the transformation of chemical or physical energy at the sensory level into autonomic or motor output. - In contrast, the analysis of thoughts focuses principally on information transformations. - In nearly all cases, however, feeling is not free of thought, nor is thought free of feelings. - Considerable cognitive activity most often accompanies affect, and Schachter and Singer (1962) consider it a necessary factor of the emotional experience. - Thoughts enter feelings at various stages of the affective sequence, and the converse is true for cognitions. Feelings may be aroused at any point of the cognitive process: registration, encoding, retrieval, inference, etc. But this converse relation is not totally symmetrical. - argue that affect is always present as a companion to thought, whereas the converse is not true for cognition.

7 - mass media influencing universality of facial expression?

- It is possible that subjects in all of the literate cultures who were studied, including the non-Western cultures, learned these emotional facial expressions from intercultural contact or from a common source, such as movies or television. If that is so, then people without such shared input should interpret facial expressions quite differently than did the literate culture subjects. - This was the argument made by the cultural relativist Birdwhistell (personal communication, March 1967) to challenge my claim that our findings on literate cultures indicated there are some universal facial expressions of emotion.

2 - decision making and affect

- It is therefore not without merit to suppose that in many decisions affect plays a more important role than we are willing to admit. - We sometimes delude ourselves that we proceed in a rational manner and weigh all the pros and cons of the various alternatives. - But this is probably seldom the actual case. Quite often "I decided in favor of X" is no more than "I liked X." Most of the time, information collected about alternatives serves us less for making a decision than for justifying it afterward. Dissonance is prevalent just because complete and thorough computation is not performed before the decision (Festinger, 1964). - We buy the cars we "like," choose the jobs and houses that we find "attractive," and then justify those choices by various reasons that might appear convincing to others who never fail to ask us, "Why this car?" or "Why this house?" We need not convince ourselves, we know what we like

7 - issues with russells opinion

- J. A. Russell (1994) misrepresents what universality means, misinterprets the evidence from past studies, and fails to consider or report findings that disagree with his position. - New data are introduced that decisively answer the central question that Russell raises about the use of a forced-choice format in many of the past studies. - This article also shows that his many other qualms about other aspects of the design of the studies of literate cultures have no merit. Russell's critique of the preliterate cultures is inaccurate; he does not fully disclose what those who studied preliterate subjects did or what they concluded that they had found. - Taking account of all of Russell's qualms, my analysis shows that the evidence from both literate and preliterate cultures is overwhelming in support of universals in facial expressions.

1 - Lazarus - definitions and unfalsifiability

- Lazarus (1982) takes a very strong issue with all of this and almost categorically rejects the likelihood of the independence of affect of cognition, let alone the possibility of an affective primacy

12 - anger

- Orbital and ventromedial sectors of the prefrontal cortex have been implicated in emotional aspects of social behavior by the famous accident of Phineas Gage in 1848 - Aggression and anger have been most specifically associated with the prefrontal cortex, and regulation of these and other emotions fits with the known inhibitory projections from here to other brain structures such as the amygdala.

13 - amygdala and degeneracy

- Patient S.M., who lost both her amygdalae to Urbach-Wiethe disease (for a review of findings and relevant references, see an excellent review by [22]).9 S.M. has difficulty experiencing fear in many normative circumstances (e.g. horror movies, haunted houses), but she experiences intense fear during experiments where she is asked to breathe air with higher concentrations of CO2. - ntact amygdala does not appear to be necessary to organize defensive responses to perceived threats in all contexts. This pattern of findings is consistent with the existence of degenerate circuitry for fear [3]: degeneracy exists when structurally distinct mechanisms perform the same function [24].

Ekman, P. (1970). Universal facial expressions of emotion. California Mental Health Research Digest, 8(4), 151-158

- Presents a theoretical framework reconciling the controversy between culture specific and universal elements of facial behavior. - 2 experiments are described which firmly establish pan-cultural elements in facial expressions of emotion. - The 1st experiment involved p's from brazil, the united states, argentina, chile, and japan who were shown photographs of 30 facial expressions and asked to identify the emotion associated with the expression. - Responses were rated on the facial affect scoring technique. The majority of ps chose the same emotion for 29 of the expressions. - Because these ps had probably been exposed to mass media portrayals of facial behavior, a 2nd group of 189 adults and 130 children from a preliterate culture in new guinea were shown 3 photographs, told a story about a particular emotion, and asked to pick the picture which fitted the story. Results conformed to those of the 1st group. - A study is also described of japanese and american college students monitored for facial response to videotapes showing stress and neutral stimuli. Correlation between groups for frequency of expressions of anger, fear, disgust, surprise, sadness, and happiness was .88. (23 ref.)

7 - russells universality definition

- Russell listed four propositions as relevant to what he called the "universality thesis." - Russell accepts the first of these: "specific patterns of facial muscle movement occur in all human beings" (Russell, 1994, p. 106). - By accepting this definition, does Russell simply mean that all humans have the same musculature and can therefore produce the same range of expressions? - That does not grant anything beyond our anatomy, which was the position of the extreme cultural relativist Birdwhistell(1970). - Russell's second and third statements of the universality position I do endorse, but they do not give the entire and necessary picture of what that position is. - In Russell'sown words, "(b) ... certain facial patterns are manifestations of the same emotions in all human beings, (c)... observers everywhere attribute the same emotional meaning to those facial patterns" (Russell, 1994,p. 106). - By limiting the universality position just to these two points, the first related to how emotions are shown in the face and the second related to how the emotional meaning of an expression is judged, and by failing to include how and why facial expressions also vary with culture, Russell created a false basis for what to expect in cross-cultural studies of the judgment of facial expressions. - A reader might expect perfect agreement within each culture and perfect correspondence across cultures, with no exceptions or deviations. - In fact, that is the standard by which Russell evaluated the cross-cultural research he reviewed. He considered any deviation from this standard as evidence against universality. Perhaps such astandard would be appropriate if we were considering spinal cord reflexes, but it is inappropriate for emotional expressions

7 - overall summary on literate culture studies

- Significant agreement in the judgment of facial expressions was found with two response formats less widely used than the forcedchoice format: (a) quantitative ratings on each of six or seven unipolar emotion-rating scales and (b) free response, in which the subjects gave their own emotion label - Findings in which facial behavior itself was measured, rather than measuring observers' judgments effaces, provided consistent evidence in support of universality, and this study examined spontaneously occurring facial behavior. - One more legitimate question remains about the literate culture studies. It is not about whether there was significant agreement, but how to explain that agreement. I turn next to a consideration of the evidence from preliterate cultures that is relevant to that issue

1 - smell/taste evidence of emotion independence

- Some olfactory and gustatory stimuli, when of sufficient amplitude, produce clear overt emotional reactions, and they produce them immediately and directly (Steincr, 1974). - These responses are universal across cultures and require no learning. - New affective reactions can be established without an apparent participation of appraisal. (a) Taste aversion can be established even when the possible association between food (CS) and the delayed nauseous UCS is obliterated by anesthesia (Garcia & Rusiniak, 1980). The UCS is administered and takes its effect when the animal is unconscious. Therefore, the appraisal, if it takes place at all, must make a rather remote connection between the ingested food and the nausea that occurred during anesthesia (and has probably been only vaguely registered). It is highly unlikely that any sort of appraisal process, even unconscious, could have been involved when the animal rejected the CS food following conditioning.

9 - : Can one be unconscious not only of the causes of emotion, but also of one's own emotional reaction itself—even if that emotional reaction is intense enough to alter one's behavior?

- Studies from our lab suggest that the answer is yes. Under some conditions, people can have subliminally triggered emotional reactions that drive judgment and behavior, even in the absence of any conscious feelings accompanying these reactions.

Bridges, L. (1996). Age and context influences on emotion regulation strategy use in infancy and early childhood. Infant Behavior and Development, 19, p.355.

- Subjects for this study were 137 infants and toddlers, each of whom were seen with their mothers on two occasions in a laboratory playroom. Children were approximately equally distributed across four ages: 12, 18, 24, and 32 months. - Among the age effects found, active engagement, particularly with a social partner, increased from 12 to 32 months of age, while passive engagement decreased. As expected, symbolic self-soothing also increased with age, and nonplayful focus on the adult tended to decrease. Among the findings pertaining to context effects, physical self-soothing was found to be significantly more common in separation episodes than in delay episodes, while nonplayful focus on the adult was most common in the delay episode during which the parent was asked to remain passive. Additional preliminary results indicated that context effects were more evident than were cross-contextually consistent individual differences in strategy use at all ages. The results of this study are supportive of a model of early emotion regulation development in which children increasingly rely on strategies for emotion regulation that are active and self-initiated.

1 - Zajonc's argument

- The argument began with the general hypothesis that affect and cognition are separate and partially independent systems and that although they ordinarily function conjointly, affect could be generated without a prior cognitive process. - It could, therefore, at times precede cognition in a behavioral chain

12 - emotion key areas

- The literature offers something of a litany of piecemeal findings — with the hope that these will eventually be assembled into a coherent framework. - A literature search quickly highlights some of the key pieces, at least in terms of citation counts: amygdala, prefrontal cortex and insula. - Neurons in all these regions can respond to the emotional value of a stimulus independently of its sensory discriminative properties. - The same touch, taste or smell will elicit different responses depending on whether it is judged to feel pleasant or unpleasant. A broad notion of emotion will include many other neural structures, such as the anterior cingulate cortex in motivating behavior, and the ventral striatum in reward learning.

9 - support from neuroscience

- The neurocircuitry needed for basic affective responses, such as a ''liking'' reaction to a pleasant sensation or a fear reaction to a threatening stimulus, is largely contained in emotional brain structures that lie below the cortex, such as the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, hypothalamus, and even lower brain stem (Berridge, 2003; LeDoux, 1996). - These subcortical structures evolved early and may carry out limited operations that are essentially preconscious, compared with the elaborate human cortex at the top of the brain, which is more involved in conscious emotional feelings

8 - how do facial expressions arise?

- The physiological-anatomical construction of the human organism requires certain movements of the facial musculature in response to certain stimuli in order to perform actions necessary for life. - The facial movement is part or all of a specific adaptive pattern, and that pattern itself could be considered the emotion or its proto-type. - Let us take the example of the facial muscular movements anatomically required to regurgitate matter from the oral cavity. A specific event, some trouble with matter in the oral cavity, is followed by regurgitation and there is a facial muscular movement which is part of regurgitation. - Some theorists would call that facial muscular movement during regurgitation the emotion of disgust. For others it is the prototype for disgust; it is the basis for the development of disgust. - In the next step in the development of the emotion, some stimuli will become anticipatory cues for the total action pattern in question, and after a period of learning, these anticipatory events will regularly elicit all or part of the facial muscular action without performance of the total adaptive pattern. Returning to our example of disgust, bad tastes or bad smells or strange-looking food will, through learning, become elicitors of the disgust face, without any regurgitation occurring.

2 - preferenda

- The stimulus features that serve us so well in discriminating, recognizing, and categorizing objects and events may not be useful at all in evaluating these objects. If this is indeed the case, then there must exist a class of features that can combine more readily with affect and thereby allow us to make these evaluations, to experience attraction, repulsion, pleasure, conflict, and other forms of affect, and to allow us to have these affective reactions quite early after the onset of the sensory input. - These features might be quite gross, vague, and global. Thus, they might be insufficient as a basis for most cognitive judgments—judgments even as primitive as recognition, for example. In order to distinguish this class of features from simple discriminanda, I call them preferenda

10 - Emotions can make mountains out of molehills

- The studies described so far involve judgment tasks with no right or wrong answers. Other studies have examined judgments of physical reality (C.Riener, PhD thesis, University of Virginia, 2007). - In these experiments, sad music heard while standing at the bottom of a steep hill led participants to overestimate the incline of the hill. - The overestimations were similar to those made by participants wearing a heavy backpack [15]. - This tendency to make mountains out of molehills has also been shown for participants experiencing mild fear from standing at the top of the hill on a skateboard. - They overestimated the incline significantly more that others standing on a stable platform of the same height (J. Stefanucci, PhD thesis, University of Virginia, 2006).

13 - new approach to emotions

- The weight of evidence across different neuroscientific domains suggests the need for a contextually sensitive, constructionist approach to understanding the neurobiological basis of emotion - a new breed of constructionist approaches is working to integrate social and psychological construction with neural construction (research that focuses on how experience-driven brain development wires a brain that can create emotions - Rather than starting with emotion categories and searching for their physical basis in the brain and the rest of the nervous system, the theory of constructed emotion begins with what is known about the structural and functional organization of nervous systems more generally and asks how they create emotions (i.e. a reverse engineering approach). Ultimately, this approach is revealing that emotional events are constructed by domain general processes, meaning that the category of emotion is not a natural kind

8 - elicitors and universality

- There are certainly some events which universally elicit a particular facial expression; e.g., tissue damage, a sudden loud noise, a bad smell, etc. - For example, the nose and mouth movements in response to a bad smell or bad taste are universal. - However, the disgust face is also elicited by interpersonal actions which do not involve taste or smell, and whether such a particular interpersonal action is disgusting depends upon social learning. - Similarly, the startle-surprise face is elicited universally by a sudden loud sound, but which interpersonal actions are surprising depends upon social learning.

2 - some aspects affect independent

- This article is confined to those aspects of affect and feeling that are generally involved in preferences. These aspects are reflected in the answers to such questions as "Do you like this person?" "How do you feel about capital punishment?" "Which do you prefer, Brie or Camembert?" - The class of feelings considered here is that involved in the general quality of behavior that underlies the approach-avoidance distinction. Thus, for the present purposes, other emotions such as surprise, anger, guilt, or shame, which have been identified in the literature and extensively analyzed by Tomkins (1962, 1963), Izard (1977), and others, are ignored.

7 - universal facial responses

- This experiment [in which we measured the actual facial behavior] has answered that question. - We have found great similarity in the facial expressions shown during the stress films in both of these cultures. - Whether measurements of separate facial areas or of combined activity of the total face were considered, and whether the measurements were considered on the level of specific behavioral description or integrated into emotion categories on the basis of theory, the results were the same: strikingly similar facial responses in these two cultures. (Ekman, 1972, p. 259) - This is important evidence of universality. - It is important because a different method was used—directly scoring facial muscular movements—than the method used in all the other literate culture studies, in which observers made inferences about what emotion was shown in an expression. - It is also important because it is the only study in which spontaneous facial behavior shown by members of two cultures was directly measured. - In support of universality, this study found that the specific facial actions that signal the emotions of fear, sadness, disgust, surprise, and happiness occurred with virtually the same frequency by Japanese and American subjects.

3 - mood affects evaluations

- Two experiments investigated whether judgments of happiness and satisfaction with one's life are influenced by mood at the time of judgment. - In Experiment 1, moods were induced by asking for vivid descriptions of a recent happy or sad event in respondents' lives; - in Experiment 2, moods were induced by interviewing participants on sunny or rainy days. In both experiments, subjects reported more happiness and satisfaction with their life as a whole when in a good mood than when in a bad mood. - However, the negative impact of bad moods was eliminated when subjects were induced to attribute their present feelings to transient external sources, irrelevant to the evaluation of their lives. - Subjects who were in a good mood, on the other hand, were not affected by misattribution manipulations. - The data suggest (a) that people use their momentary affective states as information in making judgments of how happy and satisfied they are with their lives in general and (b) that people in unpleasant affective states are more likely to search for and use information to explain their state than are people in pleasant affective states. - Thus the data demonstrate informative and directive functions of affective states.

The neuro-cultural theory of expression

- We have called our theory neurocultural because it emphases two very different sets of determinants of facial expressions, one which is responsible for universals and the other for cultural differences. - neuro refers to the facial affect program-the relationships between particular emotions and the firing of a particular pattern of facial muscles . - This program, as we will explain, is at least partly innate, and can sometimes be activated with relatively little prior cognitive processing or evaluation. - cultural refers to the other set of determinants-most of the events which elicit emotion, the rules about controlling the appearance of emotion, and most of the consequences of emotion. - These, we hold, are learned and vary with culture.

8 - what is universal in facial expression?

- What is universal in facial expressions of emotion is the particular set of facial muscular movements triggered when a given emotion is elicited, - We refer to "triggering a set of muscular movements," or a " patterned set of neural impulses to the facial muscles," rather than "movement of facial muscles," or "changes in facial appearance," because we will presently postulate that learned habits about controlling the appearance of the face (display rules) can and often do intervene between the triggering of the facial muscles by the facial affect program and a visible change in facial appearance.

7 Ekman, Levenson, and Friesen (1983) discovered a new role for expression: as an instigator of changes in emotion physiology.

- When subjects followed muscle-by-muscle instructions to make the facial expressions universally associated with emotion, different patterns of autonomic nervous system activity occurred. These findings have been replicated a number of times with young and old American subjects (Levenson, Carstensen, Friesen, & Ekman, 1991; Levenson, Ekman, & Friesen, 1990) and also with subjects in a matrilineal, Muslim culture in Indonesia (Levenson, Ekman, Heider, & Friesen, 1992). - Ekman and Davidson also found that different patterns of central nervous system activity accompany different emotional expressions, both when emotions occur spontaneously (Davidson, Ekman, Saron, Senulis, & Friesen, 1990; Ekman, Davidson, & Friesen, 1990) and when an expression is deliberately made (Ekman & Davidson, 1993).

12 - amygdala

- Work on the amygdala's role in emotion has dual roots, 1- one springing from Kluver and Bucy's seminal work in the 1930s on the emotional and social behavior of monkeys with amygdala lesions (although Kluver and Bucy did not localize their findings to the amygdala), 2 - the second springing from more recent work on reward learning in rodents. - A common thread running through all these varied studies has been some relation to processing threat or danger, leading to the idea that the amygdala is most important for fear.

10 - affect as information hypothesis

- affect-as-information' hypothesis [4] proposes that affective cues of mood and emotion influence judgments directly by serving as experiential and bodily information regarding how one feels about the object of judgment. - Such experiential information can be more compelling than thoughts about the object of judgment, and can also be reported faster than thoughts [11]. - The initial evidence on which this view was based involved a telephone survey of life satisfaction [4]. - Calls were made on either warm and sunny or cold and rainy spring days. The results demonstrated that mood affects judgment because rainy days depressed both moods and ratings of life satisfaction. In one crucial condition, however, interviewers first asked respondents about the weather before asking about life satisfaction. - By subtly linking people's feelings to the weather in this way, the effects of mood on rating life satisfaction disappeared. The effect of the weather question was not to change people's feelings, but to alter what the feelings seemed to signify

2 - cognition is first

- contemporary psychology regards feelings as last. - Affect is postcognitive. It is elicited only after considerable processing of information has been accomplished (see Figure 1). - An affective reaction, such as liking, disliking, preference, evaluation, or the experience of pleasure or displeasure, is based on a prior cognitive process in which a variety of content discriminations are made and features are identified, examined for their value, and weighted for their contributions. - Once this analytic task has been completed, a computation of the components can generate an overall affective judgment. - Before I can like something I must have some knowledge about it and in the very least, I must have identified some of its discriminant features. Objects must be cognized before they can be evaluated

7 emotion and language

- even cultures that share the same language (e.g., the United States and England) may have different attitudes about emotion, which may cause the same emotion word to have very different connotations. - They may even use very different metaphors and colloquialisms when referring to an emotion. These problems, which work against finding agreement within cultures and across cultures that share a common language, should be further magnified when studying cultures that have different languages and when using translations of emotion labels when asking subjects to judge emotions. - Because language problems work against finding agreement, such findings must be considered even more strongly when they are obtained.

6 - affect affects way you view world

- focus. Experiment 1 examined this issue by varying mood in a replication of Bartlett's (1932) classic study of constructive memory. - The details of an ambiguous drawing were assimilated to the global schema of a human face more by people in happier than by those in sadder moods. - This pattern was confirmed in a second experiment in which geometric figures were categorized by their global shape more by people in manipulated and resting happy moods than by those in sad - It should be noted that participants in the neutral-mood condition of Experiment 2 rated their mood as quite positive and showed a global focus similar to that of participants in the positive

10 - affect

- representations of personal value (i.e. the goodness or badness of things). - Such representations can be neurological, physiological, experiential, cognitive, expressive and behavioral, among others.

2 - The first indication that affect may not require extensive participation of cold cognitive processes appeared in studies of the exposure effect, that is,

- the phenomenon of increasing preference for objects that can be induced by virtue of mere repeated exposure (Harrison, 1977; Zajonc, 1968). - While the path coefficient from stimulus exposure to subjective recognition is substantial (.53), indicating that recognition improves with exposure, there also is a hot effect: There is a strong path from stimulus exposure to subjective affect that is independent of recognition (.66). - - We can compare model that explains exposure effect by involving role of affect with one that is entirely cold, that is, with one that requires the entire process to be mediated by cognitive factors, by the discriminanda - statistical analysis of mathematical models of exposure effect: The x 2 in the previous model was 39.0 (df - 5) and in this model is 83.6 (df = 6), generating a significant (p < .01) difference between the two models of x 2 (l) = 44.6.

2 - affect can occur with or without cognition

- when we try to recall, recognize, or retrieve an episode, a person, a piece of music, a story, a name, in fact, anything at all, the affective quality of the original input is the first element to emerge. - To be sure, the early affective reaction is gross and vague. Nevertheless, it is capable of influencing the ensuing cognitive process to a significant degree. - Needless to say, after some cognitive activity has been executed, there may be new feeling to the stimulus. But the fact that cognitions can produce feelings—as in listening to a joke, for example, where affect comes at the end with a punch line or as a result of postdecision dissonance—need not imply that cognitions are necessary components of affect. - What I want to argue is that the form of experience that we came to call feeling accompanies all cognitions, that it arises early in the process of registration and retrieval, albeit weakly and vaguely, and that it derives from a parallel, separate, and partly independent system in the organism.

12 - emotion more complicated

-Unsurprisingly, these earlier studies, while still useful in many respects as a framework, have given way to the realization that emotion processing is much more complicated, and more distributed.

12 - emotion and decision making

According to Damasio, reasoning requires emotion, and many of the complex decisions we make in everyday life become impossible without emotions to guide us. The role of emotion in decision-making is now a very prominent theme not only in cognitive neuroscience, but also in branches of economics.

12

Adolphs, R. (2010). Emotion. Current Biology, 20(13), pp.R549-R552.

13

Barrett, L. and Satpute, A. (2019). Historical pitfalls and new directions in the neuroscience of emotion. Neuroscience Letters, 693, pp.9-18.

10

Clore, G. L. & Huntsinger, J. R. (2007). How emotions inform judgment and regulate thought. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 11, 393-399.

8 - https://www.scribd.com/doc/308255392/Universals-and-Cultural-Differences-in-Facial-Expressions-of-Emotion-Paul-Ekman

Ekman, P. (1972). Universals and cultural differences in facial expressions of emotion. In J. Cole (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 1971 (Vol. 19, pp. 207-282). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press

7

Ekman, P. (1994). Strong evidence for universals in facial expressions: A reply to Russell's mistaken critique. Psychological Bulletin, 115(2), pp.268-287.

13 - emotion 1950s/60s

Emotion categories remained ontologically reduced to behaviors, not because experience was irrelevant, but in the name of evolution; non-human animals clearly have emotions, the argument went, but they do not necessarily have emotional experiences. And scientists wanted a species-general explanation of emotion to generalize their findings from rats to humans

6

Gasper, K. and Clore, G. (2002). Attending to the Big Picture: Mood and Global Versus Local Processing of Visual Information. Psychological Science, 13(1), pp.34-40.

11

Gross, J.J. (2001). Emotion regulation in adulthood: Timing is everything. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 10, 214-219.

hot cognition

Hot cognition is a hypothesis on motivated reasoning in which a person's thinking is influenced by their emotional state. Put simply, hot cognition is cognition coloured by emotion

2 - How fully and completely must objects be cognized before they can be evaluated?

I argue, along with Wundt and Cummings, that to arouse affect, objects need to be cognized very little—in fact, minimally

2 affective reactions are inescapable

It is for this very reason that law, science, sports, education, and other institutions of society keep devising ever new means of making judgments "objective." We wish some decisions to be more independent of these virtually inescapable reactions.

1 - affect develops first

Izard (1984) reviewed the evidence on ontogenetic primacy of emotion, and the picture that emerges from his extensive examination of the literature is quite convincing. Thus, if emotion precedes cognition at some level of the individual's development, then at that level of development no cognitive appraisal is necessary (or even possible) for the arousal of an affective reaction.

1 - Lazarus's argument

Lazarus (1982) takes a very strong issue with all of this and almost categorically rejects the likelihood of the independence of affect of cognition, let alone the possibility of an affective primacy

5

Russell, J. A. (1994). Is there universal recognition of emotion from facial expressions? A review of the cross-cultural studies. Psychological Bulletin, 115, 102-141.

3

Schwarz, N., & Clore, G. L. (1983). Mood, misattribution, and judgments of well-being: Informative and directive functions of affective states. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 45, 513-523.

4

Shaver, P., Schwartz, J., Kirson, D., & O'Connor, C. (1987). Emotion knowledge: Further exploration of a prototype approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 1061-1086

7 - culture findings summary

Statistically significant agreement was obtained for five to six emotions in each of those three studies. There were, of course, also variations in what was found, which may be due to difference in methods, to genuine cultural differences in the representation of emotion, or to error. The possibility that there are no universals in facial expressions, that common expressions occur only when people have observed each other or the media, surely can be ruled out.

1 - preferences need no inferences depends on definition

The question of affective primacy must be settled on empirical grounds. If one insists that cognitive appraisal is always a precondition to emotion, one is forced to allow cognition to be reduced to such minimal processes as the firing of the retinal cells. Thus, if we accept, Lazarus's position, all distinctions between cognition, perception, and sensation disappear

5 - shouldn't seek universality

The universality thesis is an idea that we Western psychologists find plausible, especially given randomness as the alternative. We speakers of English find it plausible that our concepts of anger, fear, contempt, and the like are universal categories, exposing nature at the joints. One way to overcome the influence of such implicit assumptions is to emphasize alternative conceptualizations. And, I believe, the most interesting means to this end is to take seriously the conceptualizations (ethnotheories, cultural models) found in other cultures. Rather than ask whether a given culture agrees with one preformulated hypothesis, we might more usefully ask how members of that culture conceptualize emotions and facial behavior. There may be no short cut to obtaining the needed information. Although the task is great, what we know about the peoples of different cultures suggests that carrying it out will be fascinating.

12 - body comprehensive

There is no question that emotions depend on the brain, but this should not detract from the fact that they also depend on the body and the environment, and that a full understanding of their nature will require a functional explanation of how they evolved, how they develop, and how they are adaptive.

9

Winkielman, P. & Berridge, K. C. (2004). Unconscious Emotion. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 13, 120-123.

2

Zajonc, R. (1980). Feeling and thinking: Preferences need no inferences. American Psychologist, 35(2), pp.151-175.

1

Zajonc, R. B. (1984) On the primacy of affect. American Psychologist, 39, 117-123.

10 - The stereotyping research illustrates the 'affective processing principle' [5], which proposes that

positive affect promotes, whereas negative affect inhibits, the use of accessible cognitions and responses

10 relational processing -

relating incoming information to what is already known.

4 - emotions not universal: culture

some social scientists have argued that emotions are "socially constructed" (Averill, 1982) or, at least, that conceptions of emotion differ substantially across cultures (Lutz, 1982). Kagan (1984), for example, reasoned that

10 - affective state

the co-occurrence of several such reactions constitutes an affective state.