APUSH ch 15 quiz

Which of the following achievements of the "carpetbag" governments survived the "Redeemer" administrations? A Participation by both Whites and African Americans in local government B Establishment of a public school system C Election of African American majorities to state legislatures D Establishment of a vigorous Republican Party in the South E Opening of public facilities to African Americans

Establishment of a public school system

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following describes a difference between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts? A Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time. B Rable claims that the violence during Reconstruction was unprecedented, whereas Foner claims that this violence followed earlier patterns in United States history. C Foner argues that the North lost the will to enforce Reconstruction, whereas Rable argues that the North passed laws carrying out Reconstruction. D Foner contends that the South accepted Reconstruction, whereas Rable contends that the South revolted against Reconstruction.

Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time.

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution The provision above overturned the A Alien and Sedition Acts B Chinese Exclusion Act C Supreme Court ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford D Supreme Court ruling in McCulloch v. Maryland E Supreme Court ruling in Worcester v. Georgia

Supreme Court ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford

Which of the following best describes the situation of freedom in the decade following the Civil War? A Each was given 40 acres of land and a mule by the Union government. B All were immediately granted political equality by the Emancipation Proclamation. C The majority entered sharecropping arrangements with former masters or other nearby planters. D They were required to pass a literacy test before being granted United States citizenship. E They supported the passage of Black codes to ensure their economic and political rights.

The majority entered sharecropping arrangements with former masters or other nearby planters.

The situation depicted in the image best serves as evidence of the A expansion of federal power B decline of an agrarian economy C increase in sectional divisions D institutionalization of racial segregation

expansion of federal power

In adopting the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress was primarily concerned with A protecting the powers of the southern state governments established under Andrew Johnson B protecting legislation guaranteeing civil rights to former slaves C ending slavery D guaranteeing all citizens the right to vote E establishing the Freedmen's Bureau

protecting legislation guaranteeing civil rights to former slaves

During Reconstruction, a major economic development in the South was the A creation of large commercial and banking centers B spread of sharecropping C rise of large-scale commercial farming D decline of the textile industry E emergence of the cotton economy

spread of sharecropping

Which of the following statements best summarizes the views of Andrew Johnson on Reconstruction? A He believed that Reconstruction was an executive branch matter and sought the rapid restoration of the former Confederate states to the Union. B He supported the idea of the president and Congress sharing power and believed in a stringent plan of Reconstruction. C He believed that both secession and Reconstruction should be dealt with by the Supreme Court D He slowly moved to a Radical Republican position on Reconstruction and supported increased rights for African Americans. E He refused to take a position on Reconstruction, prompting Republicans to impeach him for his irresponsibility.

He believed that Reconstruction was an executive branch matter and sought the rapid restoration of the former Confederate states to the Union.

In the 1850's, the South differed from the North in that the South had A a better-developed transportation system B a better-educated White population C less interest in evangelical religion D fewer European immigrants E more cities

fewer European immigrants

The image most strongly supports the argument that Reconstruction A led to the unfair punishment of White Southerners by the North B encouraged large-scale rebellions by former slaves C involved unconstitutional abuses of government power D temporarily altered race relations in the South

temporarily altered race relations in the South

The cartoon above is intended to express A a critique of Reconstruction B opposition to women's rights C opposition to states' rights D support for strong government E opposition to the draft

a critique of Reconstruction

After the Civil War, women reformers and former abolitionists were divided over A creation of a sharecropping system in the South B legislation that ensured the voting rights of African American males C use of military forces to keep order in the South D reliance on female workers in Northern factories E redemption of greenback dollars for gold currency

legislation that ensured the voting rights of African American males

Which of the following was a consequence of the shift to sharecropping and the crop lien system in the late nineteenth-century South? A A major redistribution of land ownership B A diversification of crops C A cycle of debt and depression for Southern tenant farmers D A rise in cotton yields per acre from antebellum production levels E The termination of the control exerted by White landowners of former slaves

A cycle of debt and depression for Southern tenant farmers

During Reconstruction, which of following was a change that took place in the South? A Many African Americans found manufacturing employment. B Many White Southerners supported African Americans' rights. C African Americans favored the Democratic Party. D African Americans were able to exercise political rights

African Americans were able to exercise political rights

In the late nineteenth century, state governments in the South were largely successful in restricting A African Americans' voting rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment B the power of the Democratic Party in the region C state laws allowing married women to own property D corruption in the federal government E antitrust laws regarding textile manufacturing

African Americans' voting rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify Foner's main argument in the second excerpt? A Many African Americans were elected to the United States Congress for the first time during Reconstruction. B Southern states were not permitted to rejoin the Union until they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. C After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote. D Radical Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to protect African Americans against abuses.

After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote.

Which of the following occurred during Radical Reconstruction? A The passage of the Black Codes B A permanent shift of Southern voters to the Republican Party C The creation of a new industrial base in a majority of Southern states D The formation of the Ku Klux Klan E Widespread redistribution of confiscated land to former slaves

The formation of the Ku Klux Klan

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following is a similarity between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts? A Both highlight the use of federal force to uphold the Constitution. B Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality. C Both discuss congressional legislation to protect African American suffrage. D Both assert that Northerners cared little about the outcome of Reconstruction.

Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following developments could best be used as evidence to support Stevens' claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt? A Republican candidates won most presidential electoral votes in the North in the late 1860s and 1870s. B Many Northern business leaders supported the Republican Party during Reconstruction. C Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights. D President Ulysses S. Grant used federal authority to counter voter intimidation in the South.

Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights.

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best explains the reason for the reconciliation described by Blight? A Mass immigration from abroad and internal migration of African Americans reduced racial tensions in the North and South. B The federal government established a limited social welfare state that reduced regional differences between the North and South. C Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve. D The theory of Social Darwinism encouraged political and business leaders to reduce efforts to create racial equality in the South.

Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Based on their arguments in the excerpts, both Rable and Foner would most likely agree with which of the following claims? A The North achieved its aims for Reconstruction. B Federal policy during Reconstruction was inconsistent. C Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction. D Republicans dominated the South after Reconstruction.

Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction.

Why did Congressional Reconstruction end in 1877? A The freed slaves had been successfully integrated into Southern society. B The treaty ending the Civil War had set such a time limit. C Most of the politically active Black people had left the South for Northern cities. D The Republican and Democratic parties effected a compromise agreement after the 1876 presidential election. E The United States needed the troops stationed in the South to confront the French in Mexico

The Republican and Democratic parties effected a compromise agreement after the 1876 presidential election.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867? A The assistance granted to formerly enslaved people to seek work in Northern factories B The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people C The widespread redistribution of land from former Confederates to formerly enslaved people D The adoption of work as sharecroppers by many formerly enslaved people

The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best characterizes the "sectional reunion" Blight describes? A Gilded Age financial policies encouraged economic growth in the North and the South. B The federal government removed troops from the South and eliminated aid for former slaves. C New political alliances united northern and southern members of the Democratic Party to win control of both houses in Congress. D White laborers in the North and African American farmers in the South joined together in the Populist movement.

The federal government removed troops from the South and eliminated aid for former slaves.

Which of the following was a serious constitutional question after the Civil War? A The restoration of the power of the federal judiciary B The legality of the national banking system C The political and legal status of the former Confederate states D The relationship between the United States and Britain E The proposed annexation of Columbia

The political and legal status of the former Confederate states

Which of the following was true of the 1873 Slaughterhouse Cases and the 1883 Civil Rights cases? A They weakened the protections given to African Americans under the Fourteenth Amendment. B They weakened the protections given to women under the Fourteenth Amendment. C They were reversed in Plessy v. Ferguson. D They were concerned with the constitutionality of the Emancipation Proclamation. E They were deplored by President Grant.

They weakened the protections given to African Americans under the Fourteenth Amendment.

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 One key change immediately following the Civil War aimed at achieving the "racial justice" that Blight describes was the A establishment of a constitutional basis for citizenship and voting rights B creation of new agencies to ensure racial integration in employment C campaign by the federal government to eliminate poverty D desegregation of the United States armed forces

establishment of a constitutional basis for citizenship and voting rights

All of the following led Congress to impose Radical Reconstruction measured EXCEPT the A enactment of Black Codes by southern legislatures B outbreak of race riots in New Orleans and Memphis C massive exodus of former slaves from the South D election of former Confederates to Congress E response of southern legislatures to the Fourteenth Amendment

massive exodus of former slaves from the South

The Black Codes passed in a number of southern states after the Civil War were intended to A close public schools to the children of former slaves B promote the return of former slaves to Africa C enable Black citizens to vote in federal elections D place limits on the socioeconomic opportunities open to Black people E further the integration of southern society

place limits on the socioeconomic opportunities open to Black people

The Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution established A the freedom of all slaves not emancipated under Abraham Lincoln's proclamation B federal protection for African Americans from Ku Klux Klan terrorism C the right of citizenship for any person born in the United States D that suffrage cannot be denied based on race, color, or previous servitude E the power of the federal government to intervene in state affairs to protect individual liberties

that suffrage cannot be denied based on race, color, or previous servitude

The Compromise of 1877 resulted in A the withdrawal of federal troops from the South B apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives by state population C the implementation of the first income tax D government subsidies for American Indians who agreed to submit to reservation life E the establishment of stricter regulations on immigration

the withdrawal of federal troops from the South