EXTENDED Chapter 16 Socioemotional Development in Late Adulthood
Altruism and Volunteerism
Are older adults more altruistic than younger adults? In a recent investigation, older adults' strategies were more likely to be aimed at contributing to the public good while younger adults' strategies were more likely to focus on optimizing personal financial gain (Freund & Blanchard-Fields, 2014). Also, a recent national survey found that 24.1 percent of U.S. adults 65 years and older engaged in volunteering in 2013 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). In this survey, the highest percentage of volunteering occurred between 35 and 44 years of age (30.6 percent). Ninety-eight-year-old volunteer Iva Broadus plays cards with 10-year-old DeAngela Williams in Dallas, Texas. Iva was recognized as the oldest volunteer in the Big Sister program in the United States. Iva says that card-playing helps to keep her memory and thinking skills sharp and can help DeAngela's as well. © Dallas Morning News, photographer Jim Mahoney A common perception is that older adults need to be given help rather than give help themselves. However, a recent study found that older adults perceived their well-being as better when they provided social support to others than when they received it, except when social support was provided by a spouse or sibling (Thomas, 2010). And a 12-year longitudinal study revealed that older adults who had persistently low or declining feelings of usefulness to others had an increased risk of earlier death (Gruenewald & others, 2009). Further, researchers recently have found that when older adults engage in altruistic behavior and volunteering, they benefit from these activities (Antonucci & others, 2016; Burr, Han, & Tavares, 2016). In one analysis, rates of volunteering did not decline significantly until the mid-seventies, and older adults contributed more hours than younger volunteers (Morrow-Howell, 2010). Older adults are also more likely than any other age group to volunteer more than 100 hours annually (Burr, 2009). How Would You...? As an educator, how would you persuade the school board to sponsor a volunteer program to bring older adults into the school system to work with elementary students? Volunteering is associated with a number of positive outcomes (Kim & Konrath, 2016; Klinedinst & Resnick, 2014). For example, a study of 2,000 older adults in Japan revealed that those who gave more assistance to others had better physical health than their counterparts who gave less assistance (Dulin & others, 2012; Krause & others, 1999). Among the reasons for the positive outcomes of volunteering are its provision of constructive activities and Page 409productive roles, social integration, and enhanced meaningfulness. Further, in a recent study exploring four indices (volunteering, informally helping others through a modest time commitment, attending religious services, and going to social group meetings), the strongest predictor of lower risk for cardiovascular disease and living longer was volunteering (Han & others, 2016). In a recent meta-analysis, older adults who engaged in organizational volunteering had a lower mortality risk than those who did not (Okun, Yeung, & Brown, 2013).
SUCCESSFUL AGING
As we have discussed aging, it should be apparent that there are large individual differences in the patterns of change for older adults. The most common pattern is normal aging, which characterizes most individuals (Schaie, 2016). Their psychological functioning often peaks in early midlife, plateaus until the late fifties to early sixties, then modestly declines through the early eighties, although marked decline often occurs prior to death. Another pattern involves pathological aging, which characterizes individuals who in late adulthood show greater than average decline. These individuals may have mild cognitive impairment in early old age, develop Alzheimer disease later, or have chronic disease that impairs their daily functioning. A third pattern of change in old age is successful aging, which characterizes individuals whose physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development is maintained longer than for most individuals and declines later than for most people. For too long successful aging has been ignored (Carstensen, 2015, 2016; Carstensen, Smith, & Jaworski, 2015; Rowe & Kahn, 2015; Whitley, Popham, & Benzeval, 2016). Throughout this book, we have called attention to the positive aspects of aging. With a proper diet, an active lifestyle, mental stimulation and flexibility, positive coping skills, good social relationships and support, and the absence of disease, many abilities can be maintained or in some cases even improved as we get older (Antonucci & others, 2016; Erickson & Liu-Ambrose, 2016). Even when individuals develop a disease, improvements in medicine and lifestyle modifications mean that increasing numbers of older adults can continue to lead active, constructive lives. A recent Canadian study found that the predicted self-rated probability of aging successfully was 41 percent for those 65 to 74, 33 percent for Page 411those 75 to 84, and 22 percent for those 85+ years of age (Meng & D'Arcy, 2014). In this study, being younger, married, a regular drinker, in better health (self-perceived), and satisfied with life were associated with successful aging. Presence of disease was linked to a significant decline in successful aging. A recent study found that having multiple chronic diseases was linked to a lower level of successful aging (Hsu, 2015). Being active and engaged are especially important for successful aging (Morrow-Howell & Greenfield, 2016). Older adults who exercise regularly, attend meetings, participate in church activities, and go on trips are more satisfied with their lives than their counterparts who disengage from society (Berchicci & others, 2014). Older adults who engage in challenging cognitive activities are more likely to retain their cognitive skills for a longer period of time (Willis & Belleville, 2016). Older adults who are emotionally selective, optimize their choices, and compensate effectively for losses increase their chances of aging successfully (Carstensen, 2015, 2016). Also, a recent study of 90- to 91-year-olds found that living circumstances, especially owning one's own home and living there as long as possible; independence in various aspects of life; good health; and a good death were described as important themes of successful aging (Nosraty & others, 2015). In this study, social and cognitive aspects were thought to be more important than physical health. Successful aging also involves perceived control over the environment (Lachman, Agrigoroaei, & Hahn, 2016). In the chapter on physical and cognitive development in late adulthood, we described how perceived control over the environment had a positive effect on nursing home residents' health and longevity. In recent years, the term self-efficacy has often been used to describe perceived control over the environment and the ability to produce positive outcomes (Bandura, 2010, 2012, 2015). Researchers have found that many older adults are quite effective in maintaining a sense of control and have a positive view of themselves (Park, Elavsky, & Koo, 2014). For example, a study of centenarians found that many were very happy and that self-efficacy and an optimistic attitude were linked to their happiness (Jopp & Rott, 2006). And one study revealed that maximizing psychological resources (self-efficacy and optimism) was linked to a higher quality of life for older adults (Bowling & Lliffe, 2011). Examining the positive aspects of aging is an important trend in life-span development that is likely to benefit future generations of older adults (Reed & Carstensen, 2015, 2016). And a very important agenda is to continue to improve our understanding of how people can live longer, healthier, more productive and satisfying lives (Carstensen, 2015, 2016; Rowe & Kahn, 2015). In the "Introduction" chapter, we described Laura Carstensen's (2015) perspective on the challenges and opportunities involved in the dramatic increase in life expectancy that has been occurring and continues to occur. In her view, the remarkable increase in the number of people living to an old age has occurred in such a short time that science, technology, and behavioral adaptations have not kept pace. She proposes that the challenge is to change a world constructed mainly for young people to a world that is more compatible and supportive for the increasing number of people living to 100 and older. In further commentary, Carstensen (2015, p. 70) remarked that doing so would be no small feat: . . . parks, transportation systems, staircases, and even hospitals presume that the users have both strength and stamina; suburbs across the country are built for two parents and their young children, not single people, multiple generations or elderly people who are not able to drive. Our education system serves the needs of young children and young adults and offers little more than recreation for experienced people. Indeed, the very conception of work as a full-time endeavor ending in the early sixties is ill suited for long lives. Arguably the most troubling is that we fret about ways the older people lack the qualities of younger people rather than exploit a growing new resource right before our eyes: citizens who have deep expertise, emotional balance, and the motivation to make a difference.
Selective Optimization with Compensation Theory
Selective optimization with compensation theory states that successful aging is linked with three main factors: selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC). The theory describes how people can produce new resources and allocate them effectively to the tasks they want to master (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006; Freund & Hennecke, 2015; Freund, Nikitin, & Riediger, 2013). Selection is based on the concept that older adults have a reduced capacity and loss of functioning, which require a reduction in performance in most life domains. Optimization suggests that it is possible to maintain performance in some areas through continued practice and the use of new technologies. Compensation becomes relevant when life tasks require a level of capacity beyond the current level of the older adult's performance potential. In a recent study of 22- to 94-year-olds, middle-aged adults had the highest daily use of SOC, although older adults also showed high SOC use if they had a high level of cognitive resources (Robinson, Rickenbach, & Lachman, 2016). Older adults especially need to compensate in circumstances involving high mental or physical demands, such as when thinking about and memorizing new material in a very short period of time, reacting quickly when driving a car, or running fast. When older adults develop an illness, the need for compensation is obvious. In the view of Paul Baltes and his colleagues (2006), the selection of domains and life priorities is an important aspect of development. Life goals and personal life investments likely vary across the life course for most people. For many individuals, it is not just the sheer attainment of goals, but rather the attainment of meaningful goals, that makes life satisfying. In one cross-sectional study, the personal life investments of 25- to 105-year-olds were assessed (Staudinger, 1996) (see Figure 1). From 25 to 34 years of age, participants said that they personally invested more time in work, friends, family, and independence, in that order. From 35 to 54 and 55 to 65 years of age, family became more important than friends in terms of their personal investment. Little changed in the rank ordering of persons 70 to 84 years old, but for participants 85 to 105 years old, health became the most important personal investment. Thinking about life showed up for the first time on the most important list for those who were 85 to 105 years old. Figure 1 Degree of Personal Life Investment at Different Points in Life Shown here are the top four domains of personal life investment at different points in life. The highest degree of investment is listed at the top (for example, work was the highest personal investment from 25 to 34 years of age, family from 35 to 84, and health from 85 to 105). Left to right © Ryan McVay/Getty Images RF; © image100/PunchStock RF; © Image Source/Getty Images RF; © Corbis RF; © Image Source/Getty Images RF
Studying is what equals
Success
Lifestyle Diversity
The lifestyles of older adults are changing. Formerly, the later years of life were likely to consist of marriage for men and widowhood for women. With demographic shifts toward marital dissolution characterized by divorce, one-third of adults can now expect to marry, divorce, and remarry during their lifetime. Married Older Adults In 2014, 58.6 percent of U.S. adults over 65 years of age were married (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). Older men were far more likely to be married than older women. In 2014, 24.7 percent of U.S. adults over 65 years of age were widowed (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). There were more than four times as many widows as widowers. Page 405 Individuals who are in a marriage or a partnership in late adulthood are usually happier, feel less distressed, and live longer than those who are single (Piazza & Charles, 2012). The following studies support the view that positive marital relationships are linked to a number of positive outcomes for older adults: Marital satisfaction helped to insulate older adults' happiness from the effects of daily fluctuations in perceived health (Waldinger & Schulz, 2010). More frequent negative (but not positive) marital experiences were linked to a slower decline in older adults' cognitive abilities over time (Xu, Thomas, & Umberson, 2016). Compared with other sources of social support, spousal support was more strongly linked to an important biomarker of cellular aging, telomere length (Barger & Cribbet, 2016). A longitudinal study of adults 75 years of age and older revealed that individuals who were married were less likely to die during a seven-year time span (Rasulo, Christensen, & Tomassini, 2005). Marital satisfaction in older adults was linked to whether an individual was depressed or not (Walker & others, 2013). For both married and cohabiting couples, negative relationship quality predicted a higher level of blood pressure when both members of the couple reported having negative relationship quality (Birditt & others, 2016). What are some adaptations that many married older adults need to make? © Thinkstock/Stockbyte/Getty Images RF In late adulthood, married individuals are more likely to find themselves having to care for a sick partner with a limiting health condition (Blieszner & Roberto, 2012a, b; Suitor, Gilligan, & Pillemer, 2016). The stress of caring for a spouse who has a chronic disease can place demands on intimacy. Divorced and Remarried Older Adults An increasing number of older adults are divorced (Suitor, Gilligan, & Pillemer, 2016). In 2012, 14 percent of women and 12 percent of men 65 years and older in the United States were divorced or separated (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Many of these individuals were divorced or separated before they entered late adulthood. The majority of divorced older adults are women, due to their greater longevity, and men are more likely to remarry, thus removing themselves from the pool of divorced older adults (Peek, 2009). Divorce is far less common among older adults than younger adults, likely reflecting cohort effects rather than age effects since divorce was somewhat rare when current cohorts of older adults were young (Peek, 2009). How Would You...? As a psychologist, how would you assist older adults in coping with the unique challenges faced by divorcées at this age? There are social, financial, and physical consequences of divorce for older adults (Butrica & Smith, 2012). Divorce can weaken kinship ties when it occurs in later life, especially in the case of older men. Divorced older women are less likely to have adequate financial resources than married older women, and divorce is linked to higher rates of health problems in older adults (Bennett, 2006). Rising divorce rates, increased longevity, and better health have led to an increase in remarriage by older adults (Ganong & Coleman, 2006; Koren & others, 2016). What happens when an older adult wants to remarry or does remarry? Researchers have found that some older adults perceive negative social pressure about their decision to remarry (McKain, 1972). These negative sanctions range from raised eyebrows to rejection by adult children (Ganong & Coleman, 2006). However, the majority of adult children support the decision of their older adult parents to remarry. Page 406Adult children can be personally affected by remarriage between older adults. Researchers have found that remarried parents and stepparents provide less support to adult stepchildren than do parents in first marriages (White, 1994). Cohabiting Older Adults An increasing number of older adults cohabit (Wu, Schimmele, & Quellet, 2015). In 2010, 3 percent of older adults were cohabiting (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012), which is expected to increase as the large cohort of baby boomers become 65 years of age and older and bring their historically more nontraditional values about love, sex, and relationships to late adulthood. In many cases, the cohabiting is more for companionship than for love. In other cases, such as when one partner faces the potential need for expensive care, a couple may decide to maintain their assets separately and thus not marry. One study found that older adults who cohabited had a more positive, stable relationship than younger adults who cohabited, although cohabiting older adults were less likely to have plans to marry their partner than younger ones were (King & Scott, 2005). Other research also has revealed that middle-aged and older adult cohabiting men and women reported higher levels of depression than their married counterparts (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2005). And one study indicated that cohabiting older adults were less likely to receive partner care than married older adults were (Noel-Miller, 2011). Attachment There has been far less research on how attachment affects aging adults than on attachment in children, adolescents, and young adults. A recent research review on attachment in older adults reached the following conclusions (Van Assche & others, 2013): Older adults have fewer attachment relationships than younger adults (Cicirelli, 2010). With increasing age, attachment anxiety decreases (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). In late adulthood, attachment security is associated with greater psychological and physical well-being than attachment anxiety (Bodner & Cohen-Fridel, 2010). Insecure attachment is linked to more perceived negative caregiver burden in caring for patients with Alzheimer disease (Karantzas, Evans, & Foddy, 2010). A recent large-scale study examined attachment anxiety and avoidance in individuals from 18 to 70 years of age (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). Attachment anxiety was highest among adults in their mid-twenties and lowest among middle-aged and older adults. Developmental changes in avoidant attachment were not as strong as in anxious attachment, although anxious attachment was highest for middle-aged adults and lowest for young adults and older adults. Also, partnered adults showed lower levels of attachment anxiety and avoidance than single adults. Older Adult Parents and Their Adult Children Approximately 80 percent of older adults have living children, many of whom are middle-aged. About 10 percent of older adults have children who are 65 years or older. Adult children are an important part of the aging parent's social network. Older adults with children have more contacts with relatives than do those without children. Increasingly, diversity characterizes older adult parents and their adult children (Antonucci & others, 2016; Fingerman, Sechrist, & Birditt, 2013). Divorce, cohabitation, and nonmarital childbearing are more common in the history of older adults today than in the past. Gender plays an important role in relationships involving older adult parents and their children (Antonucci & others, 2016). Adult daughters are more likely than adult sons to be involved in the lives of aging parents. For example, adult daughters are three times more likely than adult sons to give parents assistance with daily living activities (Dwyer & Coward, 1991). Page 407A valuable task that adult children can perform is to coordinate and monitor services for an aging parent (or other relative) who becomes disabled (Jones & others, 2011). This might involve locating a nursing home and monitoring its quality, procuring medical services, arranging public service assistance, and handling finances. In some cases, adult children provide direct assistance with daily living, including such activities as eating, bathing, and dressing. Even less severely impaired older adults may need help with shopping, housework, transportation, home maintenance, and bill paying. Also, some researchers have found that relationships between aging parents and their children are usually characterized by ambivalence (Antonucci & others, 2016). And in another recent study of 40- to 60-year-old middle-aged adults, they reported that their relationships with their children were more important than those with their parents but that their relationships with their children were more negative than with their parents (Birditt & others, 2015). Friendship In early adulthood, friendship networks expand as new social connections are made away from home. In late adulthood, new friendships are less likely to be forged, although some adults do seek out new friendships, especially following the death of a spouse (Zettel-Watson & Rook, 2009). Aging expert Laura Carstensen (2006) concluded that people choose close friends over new friends as they grow older. And as long as they have several close people in their network, they seem content, says Carstensen. How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you characterize the importance of friendships for older adults? A recent study found that activities with friends increased positive affect and life satisfaction in older adults (Huxhold, Miche, & Schuz, 2014). In another study of married older adults, women were more depressed than men if they did not have a best friend, and women who did have a friend reported lower levels of depression (Antonucci, Lansford, & Akiyama, 2001). Similarly, women who did not have a best friend were less satisfied with life than women who did have a best friend. And a longitudinal study of adults 75 years of age and older revealed that individuals who maintained close ties with friends were less likely to die across a seven-year age span (Rasulo, Christensen, & Tomassini, 2005). These findings were stronger for women than men. Social Support and Social Integration Social support and social integration play important roles in the physical and mental health of older adults (Antonucci & others, 2016; Jeon & Lubben, 2016; Lee, Kahana, & Kahana, 2016; Windsor & others, 2016). In the social convoy model of social relations, individuals go through life embedded in a personal network of individuals to whom they give, and from whom they receive, social support (Antonucci & others, 2016). Social support can help individuals of all ages cope more effectively with life's challenges. For older adults, social support is related to their physical health, mental health, and life satisfaction (Lee, Kahana, & Kahana, 2016). For example, a recent study found that a higher level of social support was associated with older adults' increased life satisfaction (Dumitrache, Rubio, & Rubio-Herrera, 2016). Social support also decreases the probability that an older adult will be institutionalized and is associated with a lower incidence of depression (Heard & others, 2011). Further, one study revealed that older adults who experienced a higher level of social support showed later cognitive decline than their counterparts with a lower level of social support (Dickinson & others, 2011). In a recent analysis, it was concluded that 80 percent of the supportive care for older adults with some form of limitation was provided by family members or other informal caregivers, which places an enormous burden on the caregiver (Antonucci & others, 2016; Sherman, Webster, & Antonucci, 2016). Social integration also plays an important role in the lives of many older adults (Antonucci & others, 2016; Li & Zhang, 2015). Remember from our earlier discussion of Page 408socioemotional selectivity theory that many older adults choose to have fewer peripheral social contacts and more emotionally positive contacts with friends and family (Carstensen & others, 2011). Thus, a decrease in the overall social activity of many older adults may reflect their greater interest in spending more time in the small circle of friends and family members where they are less likely to have negative emotional experiences. And a recent study found that increased use of the Internet by older adults was associated with making it easier for them to meet new people, feeling less isolated, and feeling more connected with friends and family (Cotten, Anderson, & McCullough, 2013). Older adults tend to report being less lonely than younger adults and less lonely than would be expected based on their circumstances (Schnittker, 2007). This likely reflects their more selective social networks and greater acceptance of loneliness in their lives (Koropeckyj-Cox, 2009). In one study, the most consistent factor that predicted loneliness in older adults at 70, 78, and 85 years of age was not being married (Stessman & others, 2014). For 60- to 80-year-olds, the partner's death was a stronger indicator of loneliness for men than for women (Nicolaisen & Thorsen, 2014). Recently, researchers also have explored the extent to which loneliness and social isolation are linked to various outcomes in elderly adults (Skingley, 2013). Both loneliness and social isolation are associated with increased health problems and mortality (Luo & others, 2012). Also, a study of elderly adults revealed that both loneliness and social isolation were associated with decreases in cognitive functioning four years later (Shankar & others, 2013). However, another study found that social isolation was a better predictor of mortality than loneliness (Steptoe & others, 2013). Altruism and Volunteerism Are older adults more altruistic than younger adults? In a recent investigation, older adults' strategies were more likely to be aimed at contributing to the public good while younger adults' strategies were more likely to focus on optimizing personal financial gain (Freund & Blanchard-Fields, 2014). Also, a recent national survey found that 24.1 percent of U.S. adults 65 years and older engaged in volunteering in 2013 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). In this survey, the highest percentage of volunteering occurred between 35 and 44 years of age (30.6 percent). Ninety-eight-year-old volunteer Iva Broadus plays cards with 10-year-old DeAngela Williams in Dallas, Texas. Iva was recognized as the oldest volunteer in the Big Sister program in the United States. Iva says that card-playing helps to keep her memory and thinking skills sharp and can help DeAngela's as well. © Dallas Morning News, photographer Jim Mahoney A common perception is that older adults need to be given help rather than give help themselves. However, a recent study found that older adults perceived their well-being as better when they provided social support to others than when they received it, except when social support was provided by a spouse or sibling (Thomas, 2010). And a 12-year longitudinal study revealed that older adults who had persistently low or declining feelings of usefulness to others had an increased risk of earlier death (Gruenewald & others, 2009). Further, researchers recently have found that when older adults engage in altruistic behavior and volunteering, they benefit from these activities (Antonucci & others, 2016; Burr, Han, & Tavares, 2016). In one analysis, rates of volunteering did not decline significantly until the mid-seventies, and older adults contributed more hours than younger volunteers (Morrow-Howell, 2010). Older adults are also more likely than any other age group to volunteer more than 100 hours annually (Burr, 2009). How Would You...? As an educator, how would you persuade the school board to sponsor a volunteer program to bring older adults into the school system to work with elementary students? Volunteering is associated with a number of positive outcomes (Kim & Konrath, 2016; Klinedinst & Resnick, 2014). For example, a study of 2,000 older adults in Japan revealed that those who gave more assistance to others had better physical health than their counterparts who gave less assistance (Dulin & others, 2012; Krause & others, 1999). Among the reasons for the positive outcomes of volunteering are its provision of constructive activities and Page 409productive roles, social integration, and enhanced meaningfulness. Further, in a recent study exploring four indices (volunteering, informally helping others through a modest time commitment, attending religious services, and going to social group meetings), the strongest predictor of lower risk for cardiovascular disease and living longer was volunteering (Han & others, 2016). In a recent meta-analysis, older adults who engaged in organizational volunteering had a lower mortality risk than those who did not (Okun, Yeung, & Brown, 2013).
FAMILIES AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS
Are the close relationships of older adults different from those of younger adults? What are the lifestyles of older adults like? What characterizes the relationships of older adult parents and their adult children? What do friendships and social networks contribute to the lives of older adults? How might older adults' altruism and volunteerism contribute to positive outcomes?
Chapter 16 Almost Done????
Chapter 16 Almost Done????
Older Adults in Society
Does society negatively stereotype older adults? What are some social policy issues in an aging society? What role does technology play in the lives of older adults? How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you design a public awareness campaign to reduce ageism? Stereotyping of Older Adults Social participation by older adults is often discouraged by ageism, which is prejudice against others because of their age, especially prejudice against older adults (Allen, 2016; Lawler & others, 2014; Sims, 2016). They are often perceived as incapable of thinking clearly, learning new things, enjoying Page 403sex, contributing to the community, or holding responsible jobs. Many older adults face painful discrimination and might be too polite and timid to attack it. Because of their age, older adults might not be hired for new jobs or might be eased out of old ones; they might be shunned socially; and they might be edged out of their family life. Ageism is widespread (Band-Winterstein, 2015). One study found that men were more likely to negatively stereotype older adults than were women (Rupp, Vodanovich, & Crede, 2005). The most frequent form of ageism is disrespect for older adults, followed by assumptions about ailments or frailty caused by age (Palmore, 2004). Policy Issues in an Aging Society The aging society and older persons' status in this society raise policy issues about the well-being of older adults (George & Farrell, 2016; Moon, 2016; Quesnel-Vallée, Willson, & Reiter-Campeau, 2016). These include the status of the economy and income, provision of health care, and eldercare, each of which we consider in turn. Status of the Economy and Income Many older adults are concerned about their ability to have enough money to live a good life as older adults (Cahill, Giandrea, & Quinn, 2016; Tse & others, 2014). An important issue is whether our economy can bear the burden of so many older persons, who by reason of their age alone are usually consumers rather than producers. Especially troublesome is the low rate of savings among U.S. adults, which has contributed to the financial problems of older adults in the recent economic downturn (Williamson & Beland, 2016). Surveys indicate that Americans' confidence in their ability to retire comfortably has reached all-time lows in recent years (Helman, Copeland, & VanDerhei, 2012). Of special concern are older adults who are poor (George & Farrell, 2016; Quesnell-Vallée, Willson, & Reiter-Campeau, 2016). A recent study found that cognitive processing speed was slower in older adults living in poverty (Zhang & others, 2015). Researchers also have found that poverty in late adulthood is linked to an increase in physical and mental health problems (George & Farrell, 2016). Also, one study revealed that low SES increases the risk of earlier death in older adults (Krueger & Chang, 2008). Census data suggest that the overall number of older people living in poverty has declined since the 1960s, but in 2013, 9.5 percent of older adults in the United States still were living in poverty (Gabe, 2015). In 2013, U.S. women 65 years and older (12 percent; up from 10.5 percent in 2010) were much more likely to live in poverty than their male counterparts (7 percent; up from 6.2 percent in 2010) (Cubanski, Casillas, & Damice, 2015). Nineteen percent of single, divorced, or widowed women 65 years and older lived in poverty. There is a special concern about poverty among older women and considerable discussion about the role of Social Security in providing a broad economic safety net for them (Cahill, Giandrea, & Quinn, 2016; Moon, 2016). Poverty rates among older adults who belong to ethnic minorities are much higher than the rate for non-Latino Whites. In 2013, 20 percent of Latino White older adults and 18 percent of African American older adults lived in poverty, compared with 7 percent of non-Latino Whites (Cubanski, Casillas, & Damice, 2015). Health Care An aging society also brings with it various problems involving health care (Gaugler, 2016; Moon, 2016), including escalating costs (Hudson, 2016). Approximately one-third of total health-care expenses in the United States involve the care of adults 65 and over, who comprise only 12 percent of the population. Medicare is the program that provides health-care insurance to adults over 65 under the Social Security system (Moon, 2016; Trivedi, 2016; Trivedi & others, 2016). Until the Affordable Care Act was enacted, the United States was the only developed country that did not have a national health care system. How Would You...? As a health-care professional, how would you recommend addressing the medical community's emphasis on "cure" rather than "care" when treating chronic illness in older adults? Technology The Internet plays an increasingly important role in providing access to information and communication for adults as well as youth (Charness & Boot, 2016; Cook & others, Page 4042015; Shahrokni & others, 2015; Willis & Belleville, 2016). A 2013 national survey conducted by the Pew Research Center found that 59 percent of U.S. older adults reported that they use the Internet (in 2000, only 13 percent of older adults said they use the Internet) (Smith, 2014). Two distinct groups of older adult Internet users were identified: (1) those who are younger, more highly educated, and more affluent; and (2) those who are older, less affluent, and who have significant health or disability challenges. Also in this recent survey, once older adults begin using the Internet, it becomes an integral part of their daily lives. Among those 65 years and older who use the Internet, 71 percent report going online every day or almost every day (compared with 88 percent of 18- to 29-year-olds, 84 percent of 30- to 49-year-olds, and 79 percent of 50- to 64-year-olds). At approximately 75 years of age, Internet use drops off considerably. Are older adults keeping up with changes in technology? © Peter Dazeley/Photographer's Choice/Getty Images One study found that frequent computer use was linked to higher performance on cognitive tasks in older adults (Tun & Lachman, 2010). Another study revealed that older adults' increased use of the Internet was associated with greater ease in meeting new people, feeling less isolated, and feeling more connected with friends and family (Cotten, Anderson, & McCullough, 2013). A longitudinal study also revealed that Internet use by older adults was associated with a reduction of one-third in their likelihood of being depressed (Cotten & others, 2014). And in a recent study of older adults, having an iPad increased their family ties and sense of having a greater overall connection to society (Delello & McWhorter, 2016). As with children and younger adults, cautions about the accuracy of information on the Internet—especially in areas such as health care—should always be kept in mind (Miller & Bell, 2012).
Erikson's Theory
Earlier we described Erik Erikson's (1968) eight stages of the human life span and, as we explored different periods of development, we examined the stages in more detail. Integrity versus despair is Erikson's eighth and final stage of development, which individuals experience during late adulthood. This stage involves reflecting on the past and either piecing together a positive review or concluding that one's life has not been well spent. Through many different routes, the older adult may have developed a positive outlook in each of the preceding periods. If so, retrospective glances and reminiscences will reveal a picture of a life well spent, and the older adult will be satisfied (integrity). But if the older adult resolved one or more of the earlier stages in a negative way (being socially isolated in early adulthood or stagnating in middle adulthood, for example), retrospective glances about the total worth of his or her life might be negative (despair). Life review is prominent in this final stage. It involves looking back at one's life experiences and evaluating, interpreting, and often reinterpreting them (Ros & others, 2016; Thorgrimsdottir & Bjornsdottir, 2016). Distinguished aging researcher Robert Butler (2007) argues that the life review is set in motion by looking forward to death. Sometimes the life review proceeds quietly; at other times it is intense, requiring considerable work to achieve some sense of personality integration. The life review may be observed initially in stray and insignificant thoughts about oneself and one's life history. Page 399These thoughts may continue to emerge in brief intermittent spurts or become essentially continuous. One aspect of life review involves identifying and reflecting on not only the positive aspects of one's life but also regrets as part of developing a mature wisdom and self-understanding (Korte & others, 2014; Randall, 2013). The hope is that by examining both the positive aspects and what an individual has regretted doing, a more accurate vision of the complexity of one's life and possibly increased life satisfaction will be attained (King & Hicks, 2007). What characterizes a life review in late adulthood? © Owen Franken/Corbis Although thinking about regrets can be helpful as part of a life review, research indicates that older adults should not dwell on regrets, especially since opportunities to undo regrettable actions decline with age (Suri & Gross, 2012). One study revealed that an important factor in the outlook of older adults who showed a higher level of emotion regulation and successful aging was reduced responsiveness to regrets (Brassen & others, 2012). How Would You...? As a psychologist, how would you explain to an older adult the benefits of engaging in a life review? In working with older clients, some clinicians use reminiscence therapy, which involves discussing past activities and experiences with another individual or group (Allen & others, 2016; Djukanovic, Carlsson, & Peterson, 2016). Therapy may include the use of photographs, familiar items, and video/audio recordings. Reminiscence therapy can improve the mood of older adults, including those with dementia (Subramaniam & Woods, 2012). In a recent study with older adults who had dementia, reminiscence therapy reduced their depressive symptoms and improved their self-acceptance and positive relations with others (Gonzalez & others, 2015). Further, in a version of reminiscence therapy, attachment-focused reminiscence therapy reduced depressive symptoms, perceived stress, and emergency room visits in older African Americans (Sabir & others, 2016).
ETHNICITY, GENDER, AND CULTURE
How is ethnicity linked to aging? Do gender roles change in late adulthood? What are some of the social aspects of aging in different cultures?
Gender
Many older women face the burden of both ageism and sexism (Angel, Mudrazija, & Benson, 2016) and also racism for female ethnic minorities (Hinze, Lin, & Andersson, 2012). The poverty rate for older adult females is almost double that of older adult males.
Social Support and Social Integration
Social support and social integration play important roles in the physical and mental health of older adults (Antonucci & others, 2016; Jeon & Lubben, 2016; Lee, Kahana, & Kahana, 2016; Windsor & others, 2016). In the social convoy model of social relations, individuals go through life embedded in a personal network of individuals to whom they give, and from whom they receive, social support (Antonucci & others, 2016). Social support can help individuals of all ages cope more effectively with life's challenges. For older adults, social support is related to their physical health, mental health, and life satisfaction (Lee, Kahana, & Kahana, 2016). For example, a recent study found that a higher level of social support was associated with older adults' increased life satisfaction (Dumitrache, Rubio, & Rubio-Herrera, 2016). Social support also decreases the probability that an older adult will be institutionalized and is associated with a lower incidence of depression (Heard & others, 2011). Further, one study revealed that older adults who experienced a higher level of social support showed later cognitive decline than their counterparts with a lower level of social support (Dickinson & others, 2011). In a recent analysis, it was concluded that 80 percent of the supportive care for older adults with some form of limitation was provided by family members or other informal caregivers, which places an enormous burden on the caregiver (Antonucci & others, 2016; Sherman, Webster, & Antonucci, 2016). Social integration also plays an important role in the lives of many older adults (Antonucci & others, 2016; Li & Zhang, 2015). Remember from our earlier discussion of Page 408socioemotional selectivity theory that many older adults choose to have fewer peripheral social contacts and more emotionally positive contacts with friends and family (Carstensen & others, 2011). Thus, a decrease in the overall social activity of many older adults may reflect their greater interest in spending more time in the small circle of friends and family members where they are less likely to have negative emotional experiences. And a recent study found that increased use of the Internet by older adults was associated with making it easier for them to meet new people, feeling less isolated, and feeling more connected with friends and family (Cotten, Anderson, & McCullough, 2013). Older adults tend to report being less lonely than younger adults and less lonely than would be expected based on their circumstances (Schnittker, 2007). This likely reflects their more selective social networks and greater acceptance of loneliness in their lives (Koropeckyj-Cox, 2009). In one study, the most consistent factor that predicted loneliness in older adults at 70, 78, and 85 years of age was not being married (Stessman & others, 2014). For 60- to 80-year-olds, the partner's death was a stronger indicator of loneliness for men than for women (Nicolaisen & Thorsen, 2014). Recently, researchers also have explored the extent to which loneliness and social isolation are linked to various outcomes in elderly adults (Skingley, 2013). Both loneliness and social isolation are associated with increased health problems and mortality (Luo & others, 2012). Also, a study of elderly adults revealed that both loneliness and social isolation were associated with decreases in cognitive functioning four years later (Shankar & others, 2013). However, another study found that social isolation was a better predictor of mortality than loneliness (Steptoe & others, 2013).
Socioemotional Selectivity Theory
Socioemotional selectivity theory states that older adults become more selective about their social networks. Because they place a high value on emotional satisfaction, older adults spend more time with familiar individuals with whom they have had rewarding relationships. Developed by Laura Carstensen (1998, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2014, 2015; Carstensen & others, 2015), this theory argues that older adults deliberately withdraw from social contact with individuals peripheral to their lives while they maintain or increase contact with close friends and family members with whom they have had enjoyable relationships. This selective narrowing of social interaction maximizes positive emotional experiences and minimizes emotional risks as individuals become older. Laura Carstensen (right), in a caring relationship with an older woman. Her theory of socioemotional selectivity is gaining recognition as an explanation for changes in social networks as people age. © Dr. Laura Carstensen Socioemotional selectivity theory challenges the stereotype that the majority of older adults are in emotional despair because of their social isolation (Carstensen, 2014, 2015; Carstensen & others, 2015). Rather, older adults consciously choose to decrease the total number of their social contacts in favor of spending increased time in emotionally rewarding moments with friends and family. That is, they systematically prune their social networks so that available social partners satisfy their emotional needs (Carstensen & others, 2015; Sims, Hogan, & Carstensen, 2015). Not surprising, older adults have far smaller social networks than younger adults do (Carstensen & Fried, 2012). In a recent study of individuals from 18 to 94 years of age, as they grew older they had fewer peripheral social contacts but retained close relationships with people who provided them with emotional support (English & Carstensen, 2014). However, in a recent large-scale examination of healthy living in different age groups by the Stanford Center on Longevity called the Sightlines Project, social engagement with individuals and communities appeared to be weaker today than it was 15 years ago for 55- to 64-year-olds (Parker, 2016). Many of these individuals, who are about to reach retirement age, had weaker relationships with spouses, partners, family, friends, and neighbors than their counterparts of 15 years ago. How Would You...? As a health-care professional, how would you assess whether an older adult's limited social contacts signal unhealthy social isolation or healthy socioemotional selectivity? Socioemotional selectivity theory also focuses on the types of goals that individuals are motivated to achieve (Sims, Hogan, & Carstensen, 2015). Two important classes of goals are (1) knowledge-related and (2) emotion-related. The trajectory of motivation for knowledge-related goals starts relatively high in the early years of life, peaks in adolescence and early adulthood, and then declines in middle and late adulthood. The emotion-related trajectory is high during infancy and early childhood, declines from middle childhood through early adulthood, and increases in middle and late adulthood. In general, compared with younger adults, the feelings of older adults mellow. Emotional life is on a more even keel, with fewer highs and lows. It may be that although older adults have less extreme joy, they have more contentment, especially when they are connected in positive ways with friends and family. Older adults react less strongly to negative circumstances, are better at ignoring irrelevant negative information, and remember more positive than negative information (Mather, 2012). A study revealed that positive emotion increased and negative emotion (except for sadness) decreased from 50 years of age through the mid-eighties (Stone & others, 2010). Page 401A pronounced decline in anger occurred from the early twenties and sadness was essentially unchanged from the early twenties through the mid-eighties. Older adults reported experiencing more positive emotions than younger adults did. Other research also indicates that happier people live longer (Frey, 2011). In sum, the emotional life of older adults is more positive than stereotypes suggest (Sims, Hogan, & Carstensen, 2015).
Activity Theory
Activity theory states that the more active and involved older adults are, the more likely they are to be satisfied with their lives. Researchers have found that when older adults are active, energetic, and productive, they age more successfully and are happier than they are if they disengage from society (Bielak & others, 2014; Jones & others, 2016; Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1968; Soares-Miranda & others, 2016). A recent study found that older adults who increased their leisure-time activity levels were three times more likely to have a slower progression to having a functional disability (Chen & others, 2016). Also, a study of Canadian older adults revealed that those who were more physically active had higher life satisfaction and greater social interaction than their physically inactive counterparts (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014). Another study in which individuals kept daily diaries of their activities found that middle-aged and older adults who were more physically active were more satisfied with their lives than their less physically active counterparts (Maher & others, 2015). On days when the aging adults were physically active they reported higher life satisfaction than on the days when they were not active. Should adults stay active or become more disengaged as they become older? Explain. © Chuck Savage/Getty Images Page 400Activity theory suggests that many individuals will achieve greater life satisfaction if they continue their middle-adulthood roles into late adulthood. If these roles are stripped from them (as in early retirement), it is important for them to find substitute roles that keep them active and involved.
activity theory
Activity theory states that the more active and involved older adults are, the more likely they are to be satisfied with their lives. Researchers have found that when older adults are active, energetic, and productive, they age more successfully and are happier than they are if they disengage from society (Bielak & others, 2014; Jones & others, 2016; Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1968; Soares-Miranda & others, 2016). A recent study found that older adults who increased their leisure-time activity levels were three times more likely to have a slower progression to having a functional disability (Chen & others, 2016). Also, a study of Canadian older adults revealed that those who were more physically active had higher life satisfaction and greater social interaction than their physically inactive counterparts (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014). Another study in which individuals kept daily diaries of their activities found that middle-aged and older adults who were more physically active were more satisfied with their lives than their less physically active counterparts (Maher & others, 2015). On days when the aging adults were physically active they reported higher life satisfaction than on the days when they were not active. Should adults stay active or become more disengaged as they become older? Explain. © Chuck Savage/Getty Images Page 400Activity theory suggests that many individuals will achieve greater life satisfaction if they continue their middle-adulthood roles into late adulthood. If these roles are stripped from them (as in early retirement), it is important for them to find substitute roles that keep them active and involved.
Older Adult Parents and Their Adult Children
Approximately 80 percent of older adults have living children, many of whom are middle-aged. About 10 percent of older adults have children who are 65 years or older. Adult children are an important part of the aging parent's social network. Older adults with children have more contacts with relatives than do those without children. Increasingly, diversity characterizes older adult parents and their adult children (Antonucci & others, 2016; Fingerman, Sechrist, & Birditt, 2013). Divorce, cohabitation, and nonmarital childbearing are more common in the history of older adults today than in the past. Gender plays an important role in relationships involving older adult parents and their children (Antonucci & others, 2016). Adult daughters are more likely than adult sons to be involved in the lives of aging parents. For example, adult daughters are three times more likely than adult sons to give parents assistance with daily living activities (Dwyer & Coward, 1991). Page 407A valuable task that adult children can perform is to coordinate and monitor services for an aging parent (or other relative) who becomes disabled (Jones & others, 2011). This might involve locating a nursing home and monitoring its quality, procuring medical services, arranging public service assistance, and handling finances. In some cases, adult children provide direct assistance with daily living, including such activities as eating, bathing, and dressing. Even less severely impaired older adults may need help with shopping, housework, transportation, home maintenance, and bill paying. Also, some researchers have found that relationships between aging parents and their children are usually characterized by ambivalence (Antonucci & others, 2016). And in another recent study of 40- to 60-year-old middle-aged adults, they reported that their relationships with their children were more important than those with their parents but that their relationships with their children were more negative than with their parents (Birditt & others, 2015).
integrity versus despair
Earlier we described Erik Erikson's (1968) eight stages of the human life span and, as we explored different periods of development, we examined the stages in more detail. Integrity versus despair is Erikson's eighth and final stage of development, which individuals experience during late adulthood. This stage involves reflecting on the past and either piecing together a positive review or concluding that one's life has not been well spent. Through many different routes, the older adult may have developed a positive outlook in each of the preceding periods. If so, retrospective glances and reminiscences will reveal a picture of a life well spent, and the older adult will be satisfied (integrity). But if the older adult resolved one or more of the earlier stages in a negative way (being socially isolated in early adulthood or stagnating in middle adulthood, for example), retrospective glances about the total worth of his or her life might be negative (despair). Life review is prominent in this final stage. It involves looking back at one's life experiences and evaluating, interpreting, and often reinterpreting them (Ros & others, 2016; Thorgrimsdottir & Bjornsdottir, 2016). Distinguished aging researcher Robert Butler (2007) argues that the life review is set in motion by looking forward to death. Sometimes the life review proceeds quietly; at other times it is intense, requiring considerable work to achieve some sense of personality integration. The life review may be observed initially in stray and insignificant thoughts about oneself and one's life history. Page 399These thoughts may continue to emerge in brief intermittent spurts or become essentially continuous. One aspect of life review involves identifying and reflecting on not only the positive aspects of one's life but also regrets as part of developing a mature wisdom and self-understanding (Korte & others, 2014; Randall, 2013). The hope is that by examining both the positive aspects and what an individual has regretted doing, a more accurate vision of the complexity of one's life and possibly increased life satisfaction will be attained (King & Hicks, 2007).
Ethnicity
Ethnic minority older adults, especially African Americans and Latinos, are overrepresented in poverty statistics (Antonucci & others, 2016; Jackson, Govia, & Sellers, 2011). Comparative information about African Americans, Latinos, and non-Latino Whites indicates a possible double jeopardy for elderly ethnic minority individuals, facing problems related to both ageism and racism (Allen, 2016; Nadimpalli & others, 2015). They also are more likely to have a history of less education, longer periods of unemployment, worse housing conditions, and shorter life expectancies (Treas & Gubernskaya, 2016). In recent analyses, non-Latino White men and women with 16 years or more of schooling had a life expectancy that was 14 years higher than that of African Americans with fewer than 12 years of education (Antonucci & others, 2016; Olshansky & others, 2012). Despite the stress and discrimination older ethnic minority individuals face, many of these older adults have developed coping mechanisms that allow them to survive in the dominant non-Latino White world. Extension of family networks helps older minority group individuals cope with the bare essentials of living and gives them a sense of being loved. Churches in African American and Latino communities provide avenues for meaningful social participation, feelings of power, and a sense of internal satisfaction (Hill & others, 2005). To read about one individual who is providing help for aging minorities, see Careers in Life-Span Development. Careers in life-span development Norma Thomas, Social Work Professor and Administrator Dr. Norma Thomas has worked for more than three decades in the field of aging. She obtained her undergraduate degree in social work from Pennsylvania State University and her doctoral degree in social work from the University of Pennsylvania. Thomas' activities are varied. Earlier in her career when she was a social work practitioner, she provided services to older adults of color in an effort to improve their lives. She currently is a professor and academic administrator at Widener University in Chester, Pennsylvania, a fellow of the Institute of Aging at the University of Pennsylvania, and the chief executive officer and co-founder of the Center on Ethnic and Minority Aging (CEMA). CEMA was formed to provide research, consultation, training, and services to benefit aging individuals of color, their families, and their communities. Thomas has created numerous community service events that benefit older adults of color, especially African Americans and Latinos. She has also been a consultant to various national, regional, and state agencies in her effort to improve the lives of aging adults of color.
Friendship
In early adulthood, friendship networks expand as new social connections are made away from home. In late adulthood, new friendships are less likely to be forged, although some adults do seek out new friendships, especially following the death of a spouse (Zettel-Watson & Rook, 2009). Aging expert Laura Carstensen (2006) concluded that people choose close friends over new friends as they grow older. And as long as they have several close people in their network, they seem content, says Carstensen. How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you characterize the importance of friendships for older adults? A recent study found that activities with friends increased positive affect and life satisfaction in older adults (Huxhold, Miche, & Schuz, 2014). In another study of married older adults, women were more depressed than men if they did not have a best friend, and women who did have a friend reported lower levels of depression (Antonucci, Lansford, & Akiyama, 2001). Similarly, women who did not have a best friend were less satisfied with life than women who did have a best friend. And a longitudinal study of adults 75 years of age and older revealed that individuals who maintained close ties with friends were less likely to die across a seven-year age span (Rasulo, Christensen, & Tomassini, 2005). These findings were stronger for women than men.
Personality
In the Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood chapter, we described the Big Five factors of personality. (Recall that the first letter of each factor spells OCEAN.) Several of the Big Five factors of personality continue to change in late adulthood (Donnellan, Hill, & Roberts, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016; Jackson & Roberts, 2016; Roberts, Donnellan, & Hill, 2013). For example, in one study, older adults were more conscientious and agreeable than middle-aged and younger adults (Allemand, Zimprich, & Hendriks, 2008). Another study examined developmental changes in the components of conscientiousness (Jackson & others, 2009). In this study, the transition into late adulthood was characterized by increases in the following aspects of conscientiousness: impulse control, reliability, and conventionality. In another study, perceived social support predicted increased conscientiousness in older adults (Hill & others, 2014). And in another study, more severe depression in older adults was associated with higher neuroticism and lower extraversion and conscientiousness (Koorevaar & others, 2013). Some personality traits are associated with the mortality of older adults (Donnellan, Hill, & Roberts, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016; Roberts, Donnellan, & Hill, 2013). A longitudinal study of more than 1,200 individuals across seven decades revealed that a higher score on the Big Five personality factor of conscientiousness predicted a lower risk of earlier death from childhood through late adulthood (Martin, Friedman, & Schwartz, 2007). A higher level of conscientiousness has been linked to living a longer life than the other four factors (Donnellan, Hill, & Roberts, 2015; Hill & others, 2011; Jackson & Roberts, 2016; Wilson & others, 2015). Affect and outlook on life are also linked to mortality in older adults (Carstensen, 2014, 2015; Carstensen & others, 2015). Older adults characterized by negative affect don't live as long as those who display more positive affect, and optimistic older adults who have a positive outlook on life live longer than their pessimistic and negative counterparts (Mosing & others, 2012; Reed & Carstensen, 2015).
THEORIES OF SOCIOEMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
In this section, we explore four main theories of socioemotional development that focus on late adulthood: Erikson's theory, activity theory, socioemotional selectivity theory, and selective optimization with compensation theory.
PERSONALITY AND SOCIETY
Is personality linked to mortality in older adults? How are older adults perceived and treated by society?
selective optimization with compensation theory
Selective optimization with compensation theory states that successful aging is linked with three main factors: selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC). The theory describes how people can produce new resources and allocate them effectively to the tasks they want to master (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006; Freund & Hennecke, 2015; Freund, Nikitin, & Riediger, 2013). Selection is based on the concept that older adults have a reduced capacity and loss of functioning, which require a reduction in performance in most life domains. Optimization suggests that it is possible to maintain performance in some areas through continued practice and the use of new technologies. Compensation becomes relevant when life tasks require a level of capacity beyond the current level of the older adult's performance potential. In a recent study of 22- to 94-year-olds, middle-aged adults had the highest daily use of SOC, although older adults also showed high SOC use if they had a high level of cognitive resources (Robinson, Rickenbach, & Lachman, 2016). Older adults especially need to compensate in circumstances involving high mental or physical demands, such as when thinking about and memorizing new material in a very short period of time, reacting quickly when driving a car, or running fast. When older adults develop an illness, the need for compensation is obvious. In the view of Paul Baltes and his colleagues (2006), the selection of domains and life priorities is an important aspect of development. Life goals and personal life investments likely vary across the life course for most people. For many individuals, it is not just the sheer attainment of goals, but rather the attainment of meaningful goals, that makes life satisfying. In one cross-sectional study, the personal life investments of 25- to 105-year-olds were assessed (Staudinger, 1996) (see Figure 1). From 25 to 34 years of age, participants said that they personally invested more time in work, friends, family, and independence, in that order. From 35 to 54 and 55 to 65 years of age, family became more important than friends in terms of their personal investment. Little changed in the rank ordering of persons 70 to 84 years old, but for participants 85 to 105 years old, health became the most important personal investment. Thinking about life showed up for the first time on the most important list for those who were 85 to 105 years old.
Culture
Six factors are most likely to predict high status for older adults in a culture (Sangree, 1989): Older persons have valuable knowledge. Older persons control key family/community resources. Older persons are permitted to engage in useful and valued functions as long as possible. Age-related role changes involve greater responsibility, authority, and advisory capacity. The extended family is a common family arrangement in the culture, and the older person is integrated into the extended family. In general, respect for older adults is greater in collectivistic cultures (such as China and Japan) than in individualistic cultures (such as the United States). However, some researchers are finding that this collectivistic/individualistic difference in respect for older adults is not as strong as it used to be and that, in some cases, older adults in individualistic cultures receive considerable respect (Antonucci, Vandewater, & Lansford, 2000). Cultures vary in the prestige they give to older adults. In the Navajo culture, older adults are especially treated with respect because of their wisdom and extensive life experiences. What are some other factors that are linked with respect for older adults in a culture?
ageism
Social participation by older adults is often discouraged by ageism, which is prejudice against others because of their age, especially prejudice against older adults (Allen, 2016; Lawler & others, 2014; Sims, 2016). They are often perceived as incapable of thinking clearly, learning new things, enjoying Page 403sex, contributing to the community, or holding responsible jobs. Many older adults face painful discrimination and might be too polite and timid to attack it. Because of their age, older adults might not be hired for new jobs or might be eased out of old ones; they might be shunned socially; and they might be edged out of their family life. Ageism is widespread (Band-Winterstein, 2015). One study found that men were more likely to negatively stereotype older adults than were women (Rupp, Vodanovich, & Crede, 2005). The most frequent form of ageism is disrespect for older adults, followed by assumptions about ailments or frailty caused by age (Palmore, 2004).
socioemotional selectivity theory
Socioemotional selectivity theory states that older adults become more selective about their social networks. Because they place a high value on emotional satisfaction, older adults spend more time with familiar individuals with whom they have had rewarding relationships. Developed by Laura Carstensen (1998, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2014, 2015; Carstensen & others, 2015), this theory argues that older adults deliberately withdraw from social contact with individuals peripheral to their lives while they maintain or increase contact with close friends and family members with whom they have had enjoyable relationships. This selective narrowing of social interaction maximizes positive emotional experiences and minimizes emotional risks as individuals become older.
Attachment
There has been far less research on how attachment affects aging adults than on attachment in children, adolescents, and young adults. A recent research review on attachment in older adults reached the following conclusions (Van Assche & others, 2013): Older adults have fewer attachment relationships than younger adults (Cicirelli, 2010). With increasing age, attachment anxiety decreases (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). In late adulthood, attachment security is associated with greater psychological and physical well-being than attachment anxiety (Bodner & Cohen-Fridel, 2010). Insecure attachment is linked to more perceived negative caregiver burden in caring for patients with Alzheimer disease (Karantzas, Evans, & Foddy, 2010). A recent large-scale study examined attachment anxiety and avoidance in individuals from 18 to 70 years of age (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). Attachment anxiety was highest among adults in their mid-twenties and lowest among middle-aged and older adults. Developmental changes in avoidant attachment were not as strong as in anxious attachment, although anxious attachment was highest for middle-aged adults and lowest for young adults and older adults. Also, partnered adults showed lower levels of attachment anxiety and avoidance than single adults.
