Period 5 Test Review

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor. "We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . . "We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!" Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846 "President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . . "If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . . "When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . . ". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests." Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846 Which of the following is a similarity between how Whitman and Giddings made their arguments? A Both used examples of Mexico's behavior to support their points. B Both sought to justify their positions to international observers. C Both drew on principles from the Constitution to make claims. D Both made religious appeals to prove their assertions.

Both sought to justify their positions to international observers.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables indicate which of the following? A Confederate forces suffered more casualties than did Union forces. B The Confederacy lost more of its skilled workers than did the Union. C The Union lost a greater percentage of its population than did the Confederacy. D Confederate armies lost a greater proportion of its soldiers than did the Union.

Confederate armies lost a greater proportion of its soldiers than did the Union.

Which of the following did NOT contribute to the perception of many White Southerners that antislavery sentiment was spreading in the 1850s? A Uncle Tom's Cabin drew enthusiastic audiences of Northern readers and theatergoers. B Groups like the New England Emigrant Aid Company worked to make Kansas a free state. C Some prominent Northern intellectuals like Henry David Thoreau praised John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry. D The Republican Party attracted an increasing number of supporters. E Congress voted to end the interstate slave trade.

Congress voted to end the interstate slave trade.

In the mid-nineteenth century, the process shown in the map was advocated by supporters of which of the following ideologies? A Republicanism B Abolitionism C Progressivism D Manifest Destiny

Manifest Destiny

During Reconstruction, which of following was a change that took place in the South? A Many African Americans found manufacturing employment. B Many White Southerners supported African Americans' rights. C African Americans favored the Democratic Party. D African Americans were able to exercise political rights

African Americans were able to exercise political rights

In the late nineteenth century, state governments in the South were largely successful in restricting A African Americans' voting rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment B the power of the Democratic Party in the region C state laws allowing married women to own property D corruption in the federal government E antitrust laws regarding textile manufacturing

African Americans' voting rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify Foner's main argument in the second excerpt? A Many African Americans were elected to the United States Congress for the first time during Reconstruction. B Southern states were not permitted to rejoin the Union until they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. C After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote. D Radical Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to protect African Americans against abuses.

After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote.

The Compromise of 1877 resulted in A the withdrawal of federal troops from the South B apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives by state population C the implementation of the first income tax D government subsidies for American Indians who agreed to submit to reservation life E the establishment of stricter regulations on immigration

the withdrawal of federal troops from the South

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following is a similarity between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts? A Both highlight the use of federal force to uphold the Constitution. B Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality. C Both discuss congressional legislation to protect African American suffrage. D Both assert that Northerners cared little about the outcome of Reconstruction.

Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations? A Congressional leaders sought political compromise to resolve discord between the North and the South. B States in the Great Lakes region advocated to legalize slavery within their borders. C Senators appealed to the idea of American exceptionalism to encourage national unity. D The Supreme Court decision in the Dred Scott case reduced sectional conflict within the United States.

Congressional leaders sought political compromise to resolve discord between the North and the South.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following developments could best be used as evidence to support Stevens' claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt? A Republican candidates won most presidential electoral votes in the North in the late 1860s and 1870s. B Many Northern business leaders supported the Republican Party during Reconstruction. C Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights. D President Ulysses S. Grant used federal authority to counter voter intimidation in the South.

Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights.

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best explains the reason for the reconciliation described by Blight? A Mass immigration from abroad and internal migration of African Americans reduced racial tensions in the North and South. B The federal government established a limited social welfare state that reduced regional differences between the North and South. C Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve. D The theory of Social Darwinism encouraged political and business leaders to reduce efforts to create racial equality in the South.

Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve.

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Douglass' rhetoric in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following? A The need for more soldiers in the Union Army B His advocacy for African American equal rights C His support for Abraham Lincoln's reelection in 1864 D Criticism of the limits of the Emancipation Proclamation

His advocacy for African American equal rights

The trend shown in the map led most directly to which of the following? A A decreasing gap in wealth because land ownership increased among White citizens B Decreasing tensions between White settlers and Native Americans because expanded United States territory undercut competition C Increasing divisions between North and South because of questions about the status of slavery in new territories D Increasing legal immigration for Asians because the United States became a Pacific Rim country

Increasing divisions between North and South because of questions about the status of slavery in new territories

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The issuing of documents such as the proclamation generally had which of the following effects? A Accumulating support for the theory of slavery as a positive good B Encouraging armed rebellions by enslaved people in the South C Increasing the visibility of organized opposition to slavery D Improving relations between native-born residents and recent Catholic immigrants

Increasing the visibility of organized opposition to slavery

The United States Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) represented a departure from earlier practices in which of the following ways? A It established the principle of judicial review, the practice in which the Supreme Court has the authority to evaluate whether laws are consistent with the Constitution. B It introduced the idea of popular sovereignty, the arrangement in which residents of a federal territory could vote whether that territory would allow slavery. C It expanded fugitive slave laws that permitted slaveholders to recover formerly enslaved people even if they had escaped to free states. D It held that the federal government had no power to regulate slavery in federal territories acquired after the creation of the United States.

It held that the federal government had no power to regulate slavery in federal territories acquired after the creation of the United States.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments? A Abraham Lincoln attempted to increase the size of the army to regain Southern states. B Lincoln rejected allowing any additional states to join the United States. C Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country. D Lincoln intended to enforce the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country.

Which of the following ideas contributed most directly to the territorial changes shown in the map? A Abolitionism B Manifest Destiny C Popular sovereignty D Containment

Manifest Destiny

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following describes a difference between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts? A Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time. B Rable claims that the violence during Reconstruction was unprecedented, whereas Foner claims that this violence followed earlier patterns in United States history. C Foner argues that the North lost the will to enforce Reconstruction, whereas Rable argues that the North passed laws carrying out Reconstruction. D Foner contends that the South accepted Reconstruction, whereas Rable contends that the South revolted against Reconstruction.

Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time.

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Which of the following best explains Douglass' point of view in the excerpt? A African American enlistment would enable the Union Army to prevail in the Civil War. B Once African American men enlisted, Northern White soldiers would accept them as equals. C Shared sacrifice would help advance African American men's claims to United States citizenship. D Northern politicians overwhelmingly favored enlistment of African Americans in the Union Army.

Shared sacrifice would help advance African American men's claims to United States citizenship.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Based on their arguments in the excerpts, both Rable and Foner would most likely agree with which of the following claims? A The North achieved its aims for Reconstruction. B Federal policy during Reconstruction was inconsistent. C Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction. D Republicans dominated the South after Reconstruction.

Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts? A Expanded trade between the East and West Coasts and with Asia divided the country in new ways. B Abolitionist activity undermined the ability of new territories to achieve statehood. C Southern states sought more proslavery seats in the United States Congress. D New political parties such as the Know-Nothings threatened the system of slavery.

Southern states sought more proslavery seats in the United States Congress.

Which of the following factors contributed most directly to the end of slavery in the United States? A The movement of settlers to the West created new economic opportunities. B The arrival of immigrants from Europe and Asia provided an expanded labor force. C The advocacy of slavery as central to the South's economy fostered a unique regional culture. D The Union victory in the Civil War led to the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment.

The Union victory in the Civil War led to the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment.

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor. "We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . . "We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!" Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846 "President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . . "If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . . "When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . . ". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests." Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846 Based on their arguments in the excerpts, Giddings would likely agree with and Whitman would likely disagree with which of the following claims about the causes of the Mexican-American War? A The United States sought the repayment of Mexican debts. B Mexico had killed Americans during a previous conflict in Texas. C The United States desired to expand slavery to Mexican territory. D Mexico had sent soldiers across the southern border of the United States.

The United States desired to expand slavery to Mexican territory.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 The excerpt most likely reflects which of the following historical situations? A Abraham Lincoln won all of the electoral college votes in the presidential election. B Formerly enslaved people were given the right to vote in presidential elections. C Southern states refused to participate in the presidential election. D States in the South had begun seceding after the presidential election.

States in the South had begun seceding after the presidential election.

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution The provision above overturned the A Alien and Sedition Acts B Chinese Exclusion Act C Supreme Court ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford D Supreme Court ruling in McCulloch v. Maryland E Supreme Court ruling in Worcester v. Georgia

Supreme Court ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the first table most directly indicate which of the following about the professions of soldiers in the Civil War? A The Confederacy enlisted more factory workers to fill its armies than did the Union. B The Confederacy relied more heavily on agricultural workers to fill its armies than did the Union. C The majority of soldiers in both Confederate and Union forces were sharecroppers. D The Confederacy enlisted more skilled workers than did the Union.

The Confederacy relied more heavily on agricultural workers to fill its armies than did the Union.

Which of the following factors best explains the territorial expansion of slavery in the middle of the nineteenth century? A The belief in Manifest Destiny encouraged settlers to move to the West. B The Mexican-American War incorporated extensive new lands into the United States. C The rise of industry in the North created more demand for raw materials such as cotton. D The growing nativist movement sought to place restrictions on new immigrants.

The Mexican-American War incorporated extensive new lands into the United States.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables most likely indicate which of the following? A The Union had more educated leadership in its army than did the Confederacy. B The Confederacy more typically enlisted enslaved African Americans to fill its army. C The Union had a larger and more diverse population of workers to enlist from than did the Confederacy. D The Confederacy had more wealthy people in its armed forces than did the Union.

The Union had a larger and more diverse population of workers to enlist from than did the Confederacy.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 The position expressed by Clay in the excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following? A Northern politicians showed less interest in California than Southern politicians. B The United States Senate could not agree on treaty terms with Mexico. C The acquisition of new territories created disputes over the expansion of slavery. D Nativist groups opposed incorporating new states into the Union.

The acquisition of new territories created disputes over the expansion of slavery.

Which of the following was a common justification in the United States for the trend depicted in the map? A The interest in greater access to trade with the British colonies in the Americas B The desire for better relations with Mexico C The intention to assimilate Plains Indians into White society D The belief in White cultural and political superiority

The belief in White cultural and political superiority

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867? A The assistance granted to formerly enslaved people to seek work in Northern factories B The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people C The widespread redistribution of land from former Confederates to formerly enslaved people D The adoption of work as sharecroppers by many formerly enslaved people

The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The proclamation most clearly provides evidence for which of the following? A The spreading of violence associated with the Kansas-Nebraska Act B The failure of the Compromise of 1850 to lessen sectional tensions C The abolitionist roots of the Republican Party D The absence of racism in antebellum New England

The failure of the Compromise of 1850 to lessen sectional tensions

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best characterizes the "sectional reunion" Blight describes? A Gilded Age financial policies encouraged economic growth in the North and the South. B The federal government removed troops from the South and eliminated aid for former slaves. C New political alliances united northern and southern members of the Democratic Party to win control of both houses in Congress. D White laborers in the North and African American farmers in the South joined together in the Populist movement.

The federal government removed troops from the South and eliminated aid for former slaves.

Anti-immigrant nativism of the 1840s and 1850s had the most in common with which of the following earlier developments? A The passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798), which limited rights for foreign-born residents B The conflict between Patriots and Loyalists during the American Revolution C The persecution of religious dissenters in the Massachusetts Bay Colony D The signing of the Treaty of Greenville (1794) that ended wars between the United States and Native Americans in the Northwest Territory

The passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798), which limited rights for foreign-born residents

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Ideas expressed by Douglass in the excerpt were most likely interpreted as supporting which of the following arguments? A The war would make African Americans feel free. B The war was the product of years of injustice against African Americans. C The war would take enormous sacrifice of military combat to achieve victory. D The war was no longer just about preserving the union of the states.

The war was no longer just about preserving the union of the states.

"Yes: Mexico must be thoroughly chastised! . . . The news of yesterday [at the southern border] has added the last argument wanted to prove the necessity of an immediate Declaration of War by our government toward its southern neighbor. "We are justified in the face of the world, in having treated Mexico with more forbearance [tolerance] than we have ever yet treated an enemy. . . . We have . . . submitted thus far to a most offensive rejection of an Ambassador personifying the American nation, and waited for years without payment of the claims of our injured merchants. We have sought peace through every avenue, and shut our eyes to many things, which, had they come from England or France, the President would not have dared to pass over without stern and speedy resentment. We have dammed up our memory, of what had passed in the South [Texas] years ago—of devilish massacres of some of our bravest and noblest sons . . . in violation of all the rules of war. . . . "We think there can be no doubt of the truth of yesterday's news; and we are sure the people here, ten to one, are for prompt and hostilities. . . . Let our arms now be carried with a spirit which shall teach the world that, while we are not forward for a quarrel, America knows how to crush, as well as how to expand!" Walt Whitman, journalist and poet, editorial in the Brooklyn Eagle, 1846 "President [James K. Polk] in his message, as a pretext for sending our army to invade and conquer the country upon the Rio Grande, says: "Texas by its [legislative] act of December 19, 1836, had declared the [Rio Grande] to be the boundary of that [formerly independent] republic.' . . . The truth is that Texas had agreed upon the Nueces [River] as her boundary. . . . "If [Mexico] be ours, why does he seek to justify the taking possession of it by references to the fact that Mexico is indebted to some of our people? If it be not ours, and he has taken possession of it in order to compel Mexico to pay those debts, why not say so? The fact that Mexico has not paid the debts due to our citizens can have no legitimate connection with taking possession of [it as] our own soil. But [the president] was obviously conscious that this invasion of the Mexican territory could not be justified. . . . "When the Executive and Congress openly and avowedly took upon themselves the responsibility of extending and perpetuating slavery by the annexation of Texas, and by the total overthrow and subversion of the Constitution, . . . my confidence in the stability of our institutions was shaken, destroyed. . . . Our Union continues, but our Constitution is gone. . . . ". . . No man regards this war as just. We know, the country knows, and the civilized world are conscious, that it has resulted from a desire to extend and sustain an institution on which the curse of the Almighty most visibly rests." Joshua Giddings, congressman from Ohio, speech in the United States House of Representatives, 1846 Which of the following comparisons best describes Whitman's and Giddings' arguments about the Mexican-American War? A Whitman believed the United States should show patience before war, while Giddings believed the country had tolerated abuses for too long without war. B Whitman argued that the war was intended to deter bad behavior, while Giddings argued that the war represented aggression by the United States. C Giddings asserted that the nation entered the war as a last resort, while Whitman asserted that the war was unnecessary to achieve the goals of the United States. D Giddings claimed that the war had popular support in the United States, while Whitman claimed that most Americans opposed the war.

Whitman argued that the war was intended to deter bad behavior, while Giddings argued that the war represented aggression by the United States.

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The sentiments expressed in the proclamation would have been most widely condemned by White residents of A coastal South Carolina B northern California C western New York D western Virginia

coastal South Carolina

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 One key change immediately following the Civil War aimed at achieving the "racial justice" that Blight describes was the A establishment of a constitutional basis for citizenship and voting rights B creation of new agencies to ensure racial integration in employment C campaign by the federal government to eliminate poverty D desegregation of the United States armed forces

establishment of a constitutional basis for citizenship and voting rights

The situation depicted in the image best serves as evidence of the A expansion of federal power B decline of an agrarian economy C increase in sectional divisions D institutionalization of racial segregation

expansion of federal power

The image most strongly supports the argument that Reconstruction A led to the unfair punishment of White Southerners by the North B encouraged large-scale rebellions by former slaves C involved unconstitutional abuses of government power D temporarily altered race relations in the South

temporarily altered race relations in the South

The Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution established A the freedom of all slaves not emancipated under Abraham Lincoln's proclamation B federal protection for African Americans from Ku Klux Klan terrorism C the right of citizenship for any person born in the United States D that suffrage cannot be denied based on race, color, or previous servitude E the power of the federal government to intervene in state affairs to protect individual liberties

that suffrage cannot be denied based on race, color, or previous servitude

In 1860 Abraham Lincoln was elected president on a Republican platform that advocated all of the following EXCEPT A higher protective tariffs B government subsidies for a transcontinental railroad C free western land for settlers who would live and work on it D the exclusion of slavery from United States territorial possessions E the abolition of slavery throughout the United States

the abolition of slavery throughout the United States