Women and Politics Final

How does women's presence in local office impact the perspective of the public and their overall confidence in government? Does this perspective seem to make the case for more women in government? Why or why not?

Among citizens with a moderate awareness of politics and government, women exhibited higher levels of political trust as their city councils gained more women members, while the opposite happened for men, demonstrating that legitimacy in one's government can be related to the gender of who is serving in office and illustrates why having diversity in government is important.

1992 Year of the Woman vs. 2018 Year of the Woman (similarities, differences)

Anita Hill-1992 was a redistricting year, and rather than facing election under new district lines, some incumbents decided to retire-not apart of the establishment- Christine Ford/MeToo-

"Growth" of women in state legislatures and reasons why we haven't seen more of an increased presence.

By 1993 women made up 21 percent of the membership of state legislatures. However, in the decade from 1994 to 2004, women's representation stagnated, hovering around 22 percent. The number of women serving state legislatures actually dropped between 2009 and 2011, declining from 24.3% to 23.7% after the Republican wave election of 2010. Currently, 24.8 percent of state legislators are women The incumbency advantage and the high cost of campaigns make it difficult for new groups to make progress (Herrnson 2012; Jacob- son 2013). Additionally, the elimination of multimember districts by many states, and the adoption of term limits, present further obstacles.

"Critical mass" theory (Kanter) vs. Critical Actors

Feeling pressure to conform to male norms, these women will not feel comfortable representing and advocating for the concerns of women. Once these women constitute a "critical mass," at least 20-30 percent, they will feel more comfortable pursuing policy preferences based on gender These critical actors can be legislators with key committee or party leadership positions or individuals outside of the legislatures such as interest group and social movement leaders

Numbers (or lack thereof) of women in the executive at all levels and reasons why. ○ Public expectations of the office as "male" ○ Glass ceiling ○ Glass wall

Glass walls, on the other hand, keep women segregated in particularly feminine occupations or within agencies whose functions are most consistent with feminine gender stereotypes such as health care and education and underrepresented in agencies with masculine foci such as defense, foreign affairs, and law enforcement

How the TYPE of electoral district impacts elections of women. (single-member vs. at-large)

Having a larger council improves the chances that at least one woman will serve on a city council Racial and ethnic minorities have long argued that single-member districts are more beneficial to their groups because waging a campaign in a single district is less expensive than running at large, in which candidates have to compete citywide for the position as opposed to a smaller district. The thinking is that women would do better in citywide races because voters would not be faced with a zero-sum choice as they would in a single-district race that elected just one member, in which voting for a woman would mean not choosing a man. When voters can make several choices (as opposed to one choice in a single-member district), they are more likely to want to balance and diver- sify the ticket (Thomas 1998). Turning to women, their work confirms previous research that women do better on larger city councils: the more council seats, the better the odds that women will be elected.

Impact of women outside of government-- grassroots organizations-- importance of mothers/"motherhood" in legitimizing their role in these movements

Historically, women's presence as urban reformers during the Progressive Era shows that women have always played a part in pressuring local government to address issues of special concern to women and families, whether that meant improving city schools, pursuing labor reform, or spearheading hunger and homelessness efforts Poor or working-class women engage in much local political activism in communities.

School board trends and how they are different from other trends of women serving at the local level

In the late 1860s, several women were elected to school boards in Massachusetts (where they are known as school committees), marking the first elected political position held by women in the nation Historically, education has been viewed as a special prerogative of women, given many women's status as mothers. Even today, women devote more of their civic activism to education than to other political issues As pitched battles over sex education, censorship, and school prayer demonstrate, the school district is one arena in which moral values often intersect with education ( more Republican women run at this level than at other levels of government and women school board candidates are more likely to describe themselves as moderate-to-conservative ideologically.

Volden, Wiseman and Wittmer findings about minority party women vs. majority party women and their legislative impact

Majority party leaders determine what proposals will be included in bills and which bills will be considered on the floor. Majority party members chair the committees and determine what issues the committee will consider. both Democrats and Republicans, were more active on social welfare issues such as health care and education only when their party controlled the majority. women are only more successful than men in passing legislation when they are in the minority party and their consensus building skills are an asset. However, they are less effective than men at keeping their bills alive when they serve in the majority.

How are female school board members somewhat different from female politicians at other levels? What might help explain some of these differences?

More Republican women than in other forms of government "At best, women [school board members] demonstrate an informed interest in the topic [of gender equality] but frequently fail to pursue measures that would help girls in their system.

Impact of "intersectionality" on minority women in Congress and the types of legislation they pursue.

Research demonstrates that women of color bring a different perspective to legislating, as they must confront both racism and sexism in their life experiences.

General demographic/professional changes of women in Congress overtime (1970s to now)

States also vary in political culture. Research demonstrates that fewer women are elected in southern states with traditional political cultures. Indeed, women's voting participation in southern states lagged behind men's into the early 1970s (Norrander and Wilcox 2014). Women have also had difficulty breaking into politics in Mid-Atlantic states like New Jersey and Pennsylvania that have a history of strong political parties that con- trolled candidate recruitment. For most of the twentieth century, the Republicans did a better job of electing women to public office than did Democrats By the 1970s, most women serving in Congress were professional politicians elected in their own right. However, their occupational backgrounds and paths to politics continued to differ from those of men. For example, women were more likely than men to have begun their political careers as community activists spurred to activism for or against a particular local project or as members of the PTA, the local school board, or other community groups. Today, the educational and occupational backgrounds of male and female members of Congress continue to converge with more and more women entering Congress through the traditional pathways of law, busi- ness, or prior political office such as state legislator or city council member. However, elected women remain older and more likely to wait until their children are grown up before running for office

Difference between men and women when it comes to serving/connecting with constituents

Studies also find that women in local government are more likely than their male counterparts to seek input from community actors, bring neglected groups into the decision making pro- cess, spend more time on their jobs than men, and believe that their constituents place greater trust in them than they would in men

Does having more women in Congress necessarily mean better representation of women's issues? Why or why not?

Studies of bill sponsorship and cosponsorship demonstrate that women offer more bills on issues related to women, children, and families.

Women mayors: common characteristics/findings

Their study finds that most mayors, both women (64.3 percent) and men (68.7 percent), come into office through direct election and that the vast majority of these offices are nonpartisan. Before being elected to office, most women mayors were very active in women's organizations such as the League of Women Voters and other civic groups such as religious organizations, local service organizations, and business/professional groups. Politically, women mayors also engaged in more partisan and electoral activities than men prior to their time before serving as mayor, including holding previous elective or appointment positions before becoming mayor. In short, women mayors "have had as much or more experience than their male counterparts before becoming mayors"

Representation (percentages) of women in Congress and State legislatures

Today women are drastically underrepresented in Congress and the state legislatures, holding just under 20 percent of the seats in Congress and less than one quarter of state legislative seats

City/Town council trends

Traditionally, counties per- formed state-mandated duties such as record keeping, assessing property, maintaining and building local roads, administering local elections, law enforcement, and judicial functions—tasks that still make up the bulk of what county governments do. But counties have increasingly taken on more responsibilities in the wake of the "devolution revolution" that has been occurring in American politics since the late 1980s. Devolution involves shifting policy responsibilities from the federal government to the state and local levels.

Swers findings on impact of women in modern partisan politics

While early studies of voting in Congress suggested that female representatives are more liberal than their male colleagues, the voting records of male and female Democrats and Republicans in the House of Representatives converged by the early 2000s (Frederick 2009). Much of the gender difference in voting behavior stemmed from the more liberal voting records of moderate Republican women. However, there are few moderates left in Congress and the new women being elected from the South and West are just as conservative as their male counterparts (

Women city managers (few in numbers), but connect to Fox & Schuhmann reading)

Women currently make up about 13 percent of city managers or CAOs—a number that has not changed in 30 years

Social/economic/political conditions that are prime for electing women

Women's representation across the states ebbed and flowed as social attitudes about women's participation in the public sphere changed, with more support for electing women during periods of social and economic prosperity and less during times of national crisis. Some scholars find that certain types of districts are more likely to elect women. These districts are generally more diverse, more urban, and have a higher median income.

Institutional barriers that inhibit women's impact in Congress

by not being incumbents and not being the head of chairs this limits their ability to bring forth legislation

Hannah Pitkin (descriptive vs. substantive representation)

descriptive representatives as individuals who mirror certain social characteristics of their constituents such as race, class, or sex and thus are able to "stand for" those constituents. Meanwhile, substantive representatives "act for" the interests of the repre- sented.

Characteristics of a distinct "female voice" in local office (Fox & Schuhmann)

incorporate community input, facilitate communication, and encourage citizen involvement in the decision-making process

Jane Mansbridge (impact of women/minorities)

the election of minority group members will improve the representation of group interests by strengthening the relationship between legislators and their constituents electing descriptive representatives will build trust between underrepresented groups and the government allowing policies to gain legitimacy in the eyes of minority group members.

How does the organization of Congress impact women's ability to shape and influence legislative outcomes in Congress? Can these institutional barriers change?

where voters choose a single candi- date rather than multiple candidates. The US system is candidate-centered rather than party-centered, meaning that instead of running as part of a party list in which the candidate's fate is tied to the performance of the party as a whole, American candidates must build their own campaigns, relying on their own networks to raise funds and canvass for votes. US system favors incumbents who have already established these networks of donors and supporters. These incumbents, who are mostly men, are reelected at rates above 90 percent, making it difficult for new groups to break into politics

Overall, describe some of the major conclusions we can draw about women in local politics?

women have made great strides in terms of their representation in local government from the 1970s, and they are better represented at this level of government than in higher state offices or Congressional office, women still do not hold office in numbers that match their presence in the US population.

General trends

women serving at the local level tend to be more Democrat and liberal than their male counterparts (with the exception of at the school board level) women are more likely to serve at the local level of government than at the state or national level. Among women executives in municipalities, 41 per- cent identify as Democrats, 29 percent identify as Republicans, and 29 per- cent identify as Independents.