APUSH MCQ Unit 5
"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican C
A
"Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected
A
"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederac
A
People who shared the views expressed in the image most likely supported which of the following? A The extension of political opportunities to formerly enslaved people B The rejection of suffrage rights for women C The expansion of the power of Southern Democrats D The enforcement of temperance laws in the North
A
Which of the following claims is supported by the arguments made by both Levine and Langguth? A Local political tactics served to deny African Americans their rights. B White southerners accepted racial and political equality. C Republicans permanently changed the balance of political power in the South. D African Americans gained property rights while becoming self-sufficient.
A
Which of the following developments was most directly connected to the collapse of the Whig Party in United States politics during the 1850s? A The escalation of tensions between proslavery and antislavery factions B Abraham Lincoln's debates with Stephen Douglas over popular sovereignty C The rejection of Manifest Destiny by a growing percentage of American people D Disagreement over the constitutionality of federal internal improvements funding
A
"I know not how to thank you for the deep and lively interest you have been pleased to take in the cause of . . . the emancipation of a people, who, for two long centuries, have endured, with the utmost patience, a bondage, one hour of which . . . is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. "It is such indications on the part of the press—which, happily, are multiplying throughout all the land—that kindle up within me an ardent hope that the curse of slavery will not much longer be permitted to make its iron foot-prints in the lacerated [deeply cut] hearts of my . . . brethren. . . . I am called, by way of reproach, a runaway slave. As if it were a crime—an unpardonable crime—for a man to take his inalienable rights! "But why [you,] a New-York editor, born and reared in the State of Maine, far removed from the contaminated . . . atmosphere of slavery, should pursue such a course
B
"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican C
B
"Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected
B
"No roads marked the way to the traveler in California then: but, guided by the sun and well-known mountain peaks, we proceeded on our journey. . . . Some forty or fifty men were at work with the cradle machines, and were averaging about eight ounces [of gold] per day to the man. But a few moments passed before I was knee deep in water, with my wash-basin full of dirt, plunging it about endeavoring to separate the dirt from the gold. After washing some fifty pans of dirt, I found I had realized about four bits' worth of gold. Reader, do you know how [one] feels when the gold fever heat has suddenly fallen to about zero? I do. . . . The Indians who were working for Capts. Sutter and Weber gave them leading information, so that they were enabled to know the direction in which new discoveries were to be made. . . . "The morals of the miners of '48 should here be noticed. No person worked on Sunday at digging for gold. .
B
"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederac
B
(chart on AP Classroom) Which of the following differences between the North and the South during the Civil War is depicted in the graph? A The South engaged in more international trade than the North. B The South relied more on plantation agriculture than the North. C The North had less developed transportation infrastructure than the South. D The North had fewer people available for labor and the military than the South.
B
The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was intended to resolve debates about which of the following issues in the 1850s? A The increase in immigration B The expansion of slavery C The fate of the Second Party system D The growth of low-wage factory labor
B
Which of the following arguments about Reconstruction policies would both authors most likely disagree with? A White Southerners across all economic classes rejected Reconstruction policies. B With Republicans in retreat, Southern Democrats grew more supportive of Reconstruction policies. C Reconstruction policies failed to prevent the spread of violence against formerly enslaved people. D Unfair labor conditions in the South persisted despite Reconstruction policies.
B
"It was not automatically apparent how any of the filibustering targets of the post-1848 period could 'fit' into an American republic, or even into an American empire. . . . While it seemed only logical to some to simply take all of Mexico as booty [spoils] of the war, cut Mexico up, and turn it into new territories and states, most Americans rejected this idea. They did so because central Mexico was densely populated. . . . Many Americans feared the result of the integration of Mexico's people into the United States. Critics also doubted whether Americans could be happy in the alien landscape of central and southern Mexico." Amy Greenberg, historian, Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire, 2005 "American settlers had eclipsed the Mexicans in Texas and, with ample aid from southern Whites, had rebelled and won their independence. . . . A small band of Americans, many of them merchants, lived in Mexican C
C
"No roads marked the way to the traveler in California then: but, guided by the sun and well-known mountain peaks, we proceeded on our journey. . . . Some forty or fifty men were at work with the cradle machines, and were averaging about eight ounces [of gold] per day to the man. But a few moments passed before I was knee deep in water, with my wash-basin full of dirt, plunging it about endeavoring to separate the dirt from the gold. After washing some fifty pans of dirt, I found I had realized about four bits' worth of gold. Reader, do you know how [one] feels when the gold fever heat has suddenly fallen to about zero? I do. . . . The Indians who were working for Capts. Sutter and Weber gave them leading information, so that they were enabled to know the direction in which new discoveries were to be made. . . . "The morals of the miners of '48 should here be noticed. No person worked on Sunday at digging for gold. .
C
"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? . . . "But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional—I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? . . . "You say you will not fight to free Negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you. . . . I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. . . . Why should they do a
C
"What fault has there been on the part of the General Government of the United States? Why break up this Union? Will any gentleman be so kind as to particularize a single instance worthy of debate, in which the Federal Government has been derelict [negligent] in the discharge of its duty, or has failed to accomplish the purposes of its organization? . . . "I am not here . . . to defend the election of Abraham Lincoln. I believe that his election was virtually a fraud upon the people of the United States . . . nominated, as he was, by a sectional party, and upon a sectional platform, with no representation in the body which nominated him from the South; but he was nominated and elected according to the forms of law. . . . "Let us look . . . at the evils that must result from secession. The first, in my opinion, would be that our country would not only be divided into a Northern Confederacy and into Southern Confederac
C
(chart on ap classroom) Which of the following describes a trend in sectional development by 1860 reflected in the data in the graph? A The South was becoming less dependent on exports to foreign markets than the North. B The North and the South were becoming more connected through railroads. C The North was becoming more diverse in its economic activities than the South. D The North and the South were becoming less reliant on agricultural products.
C
Levine's argument about Reconstruction in the excerpt differs from that of Langguth in that Levine argues A African Americans were held in a perpetual state of slavery B White Southerners willingly worked alongside the emancipated population C Northern Republicans gradually withdrew their support for Reconstruction policies D White plantation owners conceded to Republican policies in the South
C
The Fourteenth Amendment emerged from which of the following contexts? A Abolitionists' fears that African Americans would be barred from voting B Expectations that formerly enslaved people would run for political office C Republican concerns that African Americans would be denied citizenship rights D Former Confederate leaders' support for multiple new amendments to the Constitution
C
The artist who created the image would have most likely opposed which of the following developments? A The creation of the Republican Party B The construction of canals and railroads C The ending of Reconstruction D The passage of laws promoting economic development in the West
C
Which of the following developments most likely influenced the argument expressed in the image? A The Mexican-American War resulted in the expansion of United States territories. B The continued westward movement of settlers increased agricultural production. C The conclusion of the Civil War stirred debates over citizenship. D The invention of new sailing technologies made international trade easier.
C
Which of the following groups would most likely have supported secession from the United States after the 1860 presidential election? A Northern abolitionists B Members of the Free Soil Party C Southern Democrats D Northern Democrats
C
"I know not how to thank you for the deep and lively interest you have been pleased to take in the cause of . . . the emancipation of a people, who, for two long centuries, have endured, with the utmost patience, a bondage, one hour of which . . . is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose. "It is such indications on the part of the press—which, happily, are multiplying throughout all the land—that kindle up within me an ardent hope that the curse of slavery will not much longer be permitted to make its iron foot-prints in the lacerated [deeply cut] hearts of my . . . brethren. . . . I am called, by way of reproach, a runaway slave. As if it were a crime—an unpardonable crime—for a man to take his inalienable rights! "But why [you,] a New-York editor, born and reared in the State of Maine, far removed from the contaminated . . . atmosphere of slavery, should pursue such a course
D
"Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted, by their constitutions, the existence of slavery; and the other was that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States, the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain. . . . The subject has been agitated in the other House [of Congress], and they have sent up a bill 'prohibiting the extension of slavery . . . to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter.' At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected
D
"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? . . . "But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional—I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? . . . "You say you will not fight to free Negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you. . . . I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. . . . Why should they do a
D
(chart on ap classroom) Which of the following developments in labor systems in the United States before the Civil War is reflected by the data in the graph? A Indentured servants replaced wage laborers in the North. B Women laborers performed less industrial work in the North. C Large numbers of immigrants moved to urban areas in the South. D An internal trade in enslaved people spread throughout the South.
D
The industrial resources of the North during the Civil War most likely accounted for which of the following? A The Southern reliance on cotton production and export, along with the system of enslaved labor B The Confederate strategy that focused on the western theater of operations during the war C The willingness of African Americans to fight for the Union cause in the conflict D The disadvantage of the Confederacy in access to arms, munitions, and other supplies
D
Which of the following developments most directly related to the increased sectional strife immediately prior to the election of 1860? A The addition of territory to the United States through the annexation of California B The rise of nativist political groups in Northern urban areas C The differing viewpoints over the use of the tariff to protect domestic industry D The legal ruling that denied African Americans rights of citizenship
D
