Ch. 12 - World of Work

"No fault compensation systems" for dealing with workplace health and safety issues in Canadian workplaces are characterized by which of the following? a. Injured workers are compensated for lost wages but cannot sue their employer. b. The system is funded by contributions provided by both workers and companies. c. Companies' safety records do not affect how much they have to pay into the system. d. The system is jointly funded by unions, companies, and provincial governments.

A

Which of the following best describes Germany's "dual representation system" of industrial democracy? a. Local works councils deal with working conditions; industry-wide unions negotiate pay rates. b. Union locals negotiate pay and decide on strikes; national works councils focus on work-related legislation. c. Works councils represent professionals; unions represent all other workers. d. Government legislates pay rates; works councils focus on other work-related legislation, and unions concentrate on local working conditions.

A

Which of the following forms of worker involvement are most typical of industrial democracy in Germany? a. Mandatory works councils in all but the very smallest workplaces. b. Extensive quality-of-working-life programs. c. Government support for high-performance workplaces. d. Widespread employee share ownership plans.

A

Which of the following generalizations has emerged from research on worker militancy in various countries? a. Left-wing political parties can help workers translate their grievances about work into criticisms of the larger society. b. British workers have generally been more militant than French workers. c. Participating in a strike usually has a significant long-term effect on workers' militancy. d. Umbrella organizations like the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) are effective in convincing union members to vote for left-wing political parties.

A

Which of the following is the best definition of what Michael Mann called "explosions of consciousness?" a. Short-term feelings of solidarity with other workers that can be generated by participating in a strike. b. Patterns of left-wing voting by union members during a specific election. c. The marches organized by unemployed Canadian workers during the Depression. d. General strikes against government policies involving many different unions.

A

Comparing the German and Swedish models of industrial democracy, which of the two would lead to more long-term job security for workers, and why? a. Sweden, because of the emphasis on providing fulfilling work for all workers. b. Sweden, because of the emphasis on negotiation, not just consultation, with unions. c. Germany, because of industry-wide wage bargaining by unions. d. Germany, because of the much longer tradition of works councils.

B

In Canada, about what percentage of private-sector workers own shares in their company? a. Less than 2 percent. b. About 7 percent. c. About 15 percent. d. About 30 percent.

B

What is the purpose of Sweden's Wage Earner Funds, introduced in 1984? a. Set aside funds to cover the costs of benefits paid to injured workers. b. Redirect corporate taxes into company share purchases for employees. c. Reduce the gender wage gap within companies. d. Pay for daycares and other benefits to make workplaces more family-friendly.

B

Which of the following conclusions can be drawn from research on different approaches to worker ownership in North America? a. Employee share ownership plans (ESOPs) are more likely to be available to workers in smaller companies. b. Producer co-operatives are often more sensitive to local concerns about economic development than are privately owned companies. c. Producer co-operatives have only been successful when they have been very large. d. Worker buyouts are almost always economically unsuccessful.

B

Joint Health and Safety Committees (JHSCs) in Canadian workplaces focus on providing a range of different rights to workers. Which of the following is not a worker right protected by JHSCs? a. The right to be involved in health and safety issues. b. The right to refuse unsafe work. c. The right to not work with someone who appears to be unconcerned about safety. d. The right to be informed about potentially hazardous materials.

C

The "internal responsibility system" for dealing with workplace health and safety issues in Canada is best defined by which of the following statements? a. Unions, not employers, are responsible for organizing their own elections. b. Governments should not get involved in decisions about closing factories; this is the responsibility of owners and managers. c. Health and safety risks are the responsibility of both workers and management and can be reduced by taking advantage of workers' knowledge and experience. d. Individual workers, not their employers, are responsible for health and safety issues.

C

Which model of worker ownership has delivered more of the democratizing and work-humanizing outcomes promised by the new managerial paradigms that emerged over the past several decades? a. Employee share ownership plans (ESOPs). b. Worker buyouts. c. Producer co-operatives. d. High-performance workplaces.

C

Which of the following is a defining principle of producer co-operatives, compared to other types of worker ownership? a. Governments must be involved, in order to be successful. b. Unions must be included in all decisions made. c. Each co-op member owns one share only, and non-members cannot own shares. d. They are not allowed to grow beyond a certain size, 25 members, for example.

C

Which of the following statements best describes the social contributions of organizations like the "Living Wage" movement and the "Clean Clothes Campaign?" a. They have been successful in forcing governments to improve workplace health and safety legislation. b. They have helped organize unions in China, Africa, and South Asia. c. They have successfully brought together coalitions of unions and other groups to improve working conditions and raise wages. d. They have actively fought against allowing children to work in factories.

C

Sweden's approach to industrial democracy goes beyond Germany's approach in which of the following ways? a. Employees are given positions on boards of directors of companies. b. Employees have representation in all but the smallest companies. c. Government as well as private-sector employees are included. d. Unions must be given complete access to companies' financial records.

D

Sweden's approach to industrial democracy is different from Germany's approach because of which of the following? a. Sweden's economy's much greater reliance on services, compared to Germany's manufacturing-dominated economy. b. The influence of the Communist Party in East Germany prior to 1989. c. The much smaller companies that are typical of the Swedish economy. d. A broader government commitment in Sweden to reducing inequality and providing full employment.

D

The history of attempts to reduce workplace health and safety risks in Canada supports which of the following generalizations? a. Canada has really not moved beyond an "administrative model of regulation." b. There has been very little improvement over time in accident and fatality rates. c. "No fault compensation systems" are basically ineffective. d. The "internal responsibility system" encourages workers and management to work together to reduce risks.

D

Which of the following is an essential defining feature of "industrial democracy"? a. Effective communication channels between management and workers. b. Opportunities for workers to decide how they do their own job. c. Government legislation regarding how workers must be paid and treated. d. Formal attempts to involve workers in decisions about workplace issues that go beyond how they do their own jobs.

D

Which of the following is correct about attempts to introduce industrial democracy in North America? a. Industrial democracy was not considered in North America until the 1980s. b. The only real attempt at introducing industrial democracy occurred during the Depression in the 1930s. c. North American unions have been strong proponents of industrial democracy. d. One of Canada's early prime ministers was a strong advocate of industrial democracy.

D

Which of the following observations about the Mondragon producer co-operatives is correct? a. They have shown that worker ownership is successful in Canada but not elsewhere. b. They demonstrate how industrial democracy and quality-of-working-life programs are not compatible. c. They have virtually eliminated the need for factory workers. d. Some of their success can be traced to support from the local Roman Catholic Church.

D