psyc 281 midterm 3 (done)

Vygotsky emphasized the role of other people in teaching children about the world by referring to an idea called "the zone of proximal development." This would apply best to: A. A child who, when asked to draw a triangle, draws a square on her own; but with a little assistance, she succeeds at drawing a triangle. B. A child uses the geometry of a closed space, but not the color of proximal cues, to find hidden objects. C. A child continues to ask questions of an adult about what an object is until the adult names its function. D. A child who performs above chance on a task probing knowledge of geometrical distance will also perform well on a task probing direction or angle.

A. A child who, when asked to draw a triangle, draws a square on her own; but with a little assistance, she succeeds at drawing a triangle.

23. Which of the following is true? A. Chicks respond to visual stimulation as though light came from above, even if raised with light coming from below B. Though rats do not innately seek water when dehydrated, they do innately seek food when hungry C. Cats fear the deep side of the visual cliff, starting from birth. D. If newborn rats were surgically deprived of their sense of smell and hearing, they would still successfully nurse.

A. Chicks respond to visual stimulation as though light came from above, even if raised with light coming from below

An infant watches his big sister play with a toy, and gets it to successfully make noise. Then his big brother plays with it, and it doesn't work. Big brother tries again, still doesn't work. Big sister takes it back, and it works. The toy is handed to the baby, with mom and another similar toy nearby, and the siblings leave. Based on what you know from Gweon and Schulz, you should predict the baby will: A. Hand the toy to mom - it only works for some people. B. Take another toy - the one they handed me must be broken. C. Take another toy - this one is no longer interesting. D. Random behavior - infants can't track these kinds of relationships accurately until they are in the concrete operational stage.

A. Hand the toy to mom - it only works for some people.

A baby watches his mom say "Joshua, look!" and point to his rattle on the table. She then briefly covers the baby's eyes. When he opens them again, which do you expect to be more surprising to him, assuming Yoon, Johnson, and Csibra's (2008) results generalize to the real world: A. His pacifier to be on the table instead - he paid attention to the identity of the object because his mom was probably trying to teach him something. B. His rattle to be moved a foot away - he paid attention to the location of the object because his mom was orienting to the object. C. Neither of these would be surprising - the world is confusing and things change a lot. D. The object change and the object movement would be equally surprising - both are properties that babies track across a broad range of situations.

A. His pacifier to be on the table instead - he paid attention to the identity of the object because his mom was probably trying to teach him something.

Dillon, Huang, & Spelke (2013) had children participate in a reorientation task, visual form analysis task, and map task to explore the developmental origins of adults' understanding of geometry. What was their conclusion? A. Humans have two distinct systems for understanding geometry that we learn to integrate. This integration is necessary for a mature understanding of geometry. B. Systems for managing direction and distance, and for managing form and angle, are highly correlated even in very young children. C. Children's social context determines the age at which they learn to use landmarks to reorient. D. A domain-general learning mechanism is responsible for reorientation.

A. Humans have two distinct systems for understanding geometry that we learn to integrate. This integration is necessary for a mature understanding of geometry.

Bauer and colleagues (2000) trained children to use toys that required a sequence of multiple steps to make the toy do something interesting. What helped children remember better after a delay? A. If the experimenter verbally labeled the action (e.g., "let's make a gong"). B. If the experimenter demonstrated the actions in a mechanically logical order, as opposed to an arbitrary order that yielded the same result. C. If the experimenter had the child imitate the action, as opposed to just observing the experimenter perform the action. D. If the child watched another child, as opposed to an adult experimenter, perform the action.

A. If the experimenter verbally labeled the action (e.g., "let's make a gong").

26. Which is closest to the conclusion made by Hespos and Baillargeon 2001, in their study of object-concealment events? A. Infants attend to and reason about different features when considering different categories of events. B. Infants can reason better about green containers than gray containers, because they pay more attention to the more colorful objects. C. Young infants cannot distinguish short from tall walls, unless they are rounded, because the rounded shape allows them to interpret the depth of the wall more readily. D. There is likely an innate mechanism for processing container events, but not occlusion events, because occlusion events should be easier to learn about from visual experience.

A. Infants attend to and reason about different features when considering different categories of events.

Which of these gives the best support to the rational constructivist perspective: A. The organizational structure of many domains can be discovered by a computer model, showing that it is theoretically possible for a general mechanism to learn about the structure of the world. B. Humans and rodents display evidence of a reorientation module, which is activated specifically when the organism is disoriented. C. Infants appear to have innate core knowledge of solidity and continuity. D. Humans appear to have an innate approximate number system.

A. The organizational structure of many domains can be discovered by a computer model, showing that it is theoretically possible for a general mechanism to learn about the structure of the world.

27. According to Adele Diamond's 1985 study of the A not B error, which prediction is the most sensible? A. a 9-month-old who makes the A not B error with a delay of 6 seconds would, 3 months later, choose the correct location with a delay of 6 seconds. B. an 11-month-old who chooses the correct location with a delay of 5 seconds would make the A not B error if the delay were 3 seconds. C. an 8-month-old who chooses randomly with a 7 second delay would make the A not B error at 24 months if given a 9 second delay. D. for any given delay duration, a boy would be more likely than a girl to make the A not B error.

A. a 9-month-old who makes the A not B error with a delay of 6 seconds would, 3 months later, choose the correct location with a delay of 6 seconds.

31. Which of the following is the best recommendation for an infant with strabismus in one eye? A. Use surgical intervention to prevent the eye with strabismus from turning inward. B. Block vision to the "good" eye to force the infant's brain to use the eye with strabismus to focus on objects. C. Use eyedrops to dilate the pupil of the eye with strabismus to make it difficult to focus light on the retina. D. Do nothing; as infants' neural structures mature, their intermodal perception becomes better, which results in the eye self-correcting.

B. Block vision to the "good" eye to force the infant's brain to use the eye with strabismus to focus on objects.

Hermer & Spelke (1996) found that children used geometric features, rather than landmarks, to reorient themselves. The authors of the study took this as evidence for which of the following? A. Children navigate by geometric features because they are unable to remember the landmarks; geometric features stick in their memory better. B. Children navigate using geometric features rather than landmarks because there is an innate "module" that humans and other animals use to reorient themselves. C. Children are capable of much more complex inductive reasoning than Piaget thought; children "realize" at some level that geometric reference points are more likely to be stable than landmarks are. D. Children raised in modern Western environments have learned to compute geometric relations through their extensive experience in rectangular environments; children raised in non-technological, natural environments have not learned the habit of using geometric relations for orientation.

B. Children navigate using geometric features rather than landmarks because there is an innate "module" that humans and other animals use to reorient themselves.

9. What does the Stahl & Feigenson (2015) experiment (about infants responding to toys that appear to violate core knowledge) suggest about how infant attention relates to infant learning? A. Infants gather information about the world through passive observation, rather than by actively seeking information. B. Infants attend to, and learn more about, objects that surprise them; they also tend to physically explore these objects by testing what was surprising about them. C. Infants tend to be less interested in objects that surprise/violate their expectations. D. Surprises have a general cognitive alerting function in infants, making them more ready to learn anything that comes next.

B. Infants attend to, and learn more about, objects that surprise them; they also tend to physically explore these objects by testing what was surprising about them.

Describe how the Clerkin, Hart, Rehg, Yu, & Smith (2017) study of 9-month-olds' visual environments demonstrates a power law. A. In their daily life, American infants see about 100 different objects. Each child sees each object about as often as s/he sees all the other objects. B. Infants see a small number of objects millions of times, and most objects very few times; they have very large exposure to only a few objects (e.g., tables, faces, hands). C. The world of these infants is extremely cluttered; they probably do not have the resolving power in their perceptual system to differentiate separate objects in their visual field. D. Because infants are small and relatively immobile, their perspective of the world is limited to what is directly in front of their faces.

B. Infants see a small number of objects millions of times, and most objects very few times; they have very large exposure to only a few objects (e.g., tables, faces, hands).

Which of the following is true of reinstatement in the mobile conjugate reinforcement paradigm? A. It involves exposing the infant to only some partial feature of the training session, not including having the infant's kick move the mobile. B. It helps infants to prolong a memory. C. The reinstatement phase creates a new memory, rather than serving as a reminder for a preexisting one. This is in contrast to reactivation, which does not create a new memory. D. All of the above.

B. It helps infants to prolong a memory.

25. Which of the following statements is true, and also reflects learning arising from a domain-general learning mechanism? A. Infants learn about solidity, continuity, inertia, and gravity at about the same rate. B. Newborns can rapidly learn that certain things (e.g., objects, sounds) tend to occur together with some above-average statistical likelihood. C. Infants are born with a specific neural structure that detects faces, which comes online with experience. D. Cataglyphis fortis ants are able to integrate distance and 3-D direction information, independently of landmarks and energy expenditure.

B. Newborns can rapidly learn that certain things (e.g., objects, sounds) tend to occur together with some above-average statistical likelihood.

Among preschool-aged children, which of the following is correlated with passing the rouge task? A. Recalling that pushing a lever makes a toy train move, even with a delay of several months after training. B. The child adding new information to a conversation about a past event. For example, if a mother asks a child if they remember going to the zoo, the child may add additional details like that they saw an elephant. C. Having a high elaborative mother who provides a high level of detail when discussing past events with a child. D. Recalling accurately events from early infancy (before 3 months old).

B. The child adding new information to a conversation about a past event. For example, if a mother asks a child if they remember going to the zoo, the child may add additional details like that they saw an elephant.

15. Suppose the children in Meltzoff's deferred imitation task had shown the following pattern of results: children who were allowed to play with the demonstrated toys showed more retention than children who had only observed the experimenter play with the toys and children in the control condition. Which of these conclusions would such a result strengthen, relative to the conclusions licensed by the actual result? A. Young children's memory may have a strong declarative component B. Young children's memory may have a strong procedural component C. Young children only have access to working memory, not long-term memory D. Young children already demonstrate evidence of infantile amnesia

B. Young children's memory may have a strong procedural component

33. Smith (1979) provided children with a task requiring a similar logic as Piaget's class inclusion task. Which of the following is a correct result from Smith's study? A. When asked "All milk has lactose. Does a sneaker have to have lactose?," pre-operational children responded "yes", indicating that they do not understand hierarchical categorization. B. Although 4-year-old children were able to correctly answer the question "All milk has lactose. Does all chocolate milk have to have lactose", they tended to fail when a superordinate category was introduced such as "All milk has lactose. Do all drinks have to have lactose?" C. 4-year-old children were able to correctly answer the questions "All milk has lactose. Does all chocolate milk have to have lactose?" and "All milk has lactose. Do all drinks have to have lactose?", indicating that they can understand hierarchical organization of categories. D. Babies successfully answered these questions about obscure entities (like "lactose"), indicating that hierarchical organization is innate, not learned.

C. 4-year-old children were able to correctly answer the questions "All milk has lactose. Does all chocolate milk have to have lactose?" and "All milk has lactose. Do all drinks have to have lactose?", indicating that they can understand hierarchical organization of categories.

29. In Piaget's theory, when do children start to show deferred imitation? A. From birth; children always have this ability B. Late in development; well into the formal operational stage, when they can reason clearly about the difference between their own actions and someone else's. C. At the end of the sensorimotor period; it is a consequence of developing symbolic thought D. It varies for each child as a function of the type of explicit training they receive; in some home environments, deferred imitation begins at around 12 months; in others, not until 3 years

C. At the end of the sensorimotor period; it is a consequence of developing symbolic thought

In visual habituation experiments, A. The experiments always concern children's subjective interpretation of differences between visual stimuli. B. If the experiment was done correctly, the results provide information about how neurons in the retina and visual cortex adapt or become fatigued from continuous firing, thereby allowing inferences about the development of vision. C. Auditory perception can be tested by making infants' looking trigger the presentation of a sound stimulus. D. During the habituation phase, looking times increase, until they reach a criterion; once they surpass that criterion, the test phase begins.

C. Auditory perception can be tested by making infants' looking trigger the presentation of a sound stimulus.

Teglas, Vul, Girotto, Gonzalez, Tenenbaum, & Bonatti 2011 investigated how well infants incorporate information about frequency, proximity to exit, and occlusion time when making predictions about the probability of a given (animated) object bouncing out of a fishbowl. They found: A. No evidence that babies can track such complex systems, because it is too cognitively complex. B. Babies can track these things pretty well, but only if they get many learning trials during the experiment to learn the probabilities. C. Babies alter their looking times roughly in proportion to the actual probabilities of these events even with a single trial, suggesting they can reason about probability in new situations. D. Babies at 12 months restricted their predictions to frequency information only, ignoring proximity to exit and occlusion time.

C. Babies alter their looking times roughly in proportion to the actual probabilities of these events even with a single trial, suggesting they can reason about probability in new situations.

19. In the initial Marcus, Vijayan, Bandi Rao, & Vishton (1999) experiment, the authors concluded that infants are able to generalize abstract algebraic rules. How do Gerken's (2006) and (2010) findings extend these initial results? A. Gerken's (2006) study contradicts Marcus et al.'s experiment; in fact, infants cannot make abstract generalizations based on the patterns they hear in the experiment. B. Gerken's (2010) study finds that infants make narrower generalizations even in the face of patterns that could be more broadly generalized. C. Both Gerken studies (2006 & 2010) show that not only can infants generalize patterns they perceive, as Marcus's study demonstrates, but also that they selectively generalize the narrowness or breadth of the patterns depending on the stimuli they're presented with. D. Gerken's studies (2006 & 2011) show that infants randomly generalize the patterns they perceive. Sometimes they make narrow generalizations, other times broad generalizations, and this behavior is hard to predict.

C. Both Gerken studies (2006 & 2010) show that not only can infants generalize patterns they perceive, as Marcus's study demonstrates, but also that they selectively generalize the narrowness or breadth of the patterns depending on the stimuli they're presented with.

30. According to Piaget and Inhelder, what did preoperational children's performance on the class inclusion task (with the red and blue beads, for example) imply? A. Children do not understand that a category can have more than one member in it. B. Children are able to hold hierarchical relationships in mind, but only for biological things, not physical objects like beads C. Children cannot consider a bead to be both a blue bead and a bead at the same time; they have trouble thinking about hierarchies D. Children have enumeration problems; they cannot discriminate ratios of 2:3

C. Children cannot consider a bead to be both a blue bead and a bead at the same time; they have trouble thinking about hierarchies

22. Which of these is a real finding from memory research? A. Children who rehearse more remember less. B. Children who have chess expertise remember chess board configurations better than children without expertise, but even adults without chess expertise perform better than children with chess expertise. C. Children who speak a language with short number-words have longer digit spans than children who speak languages with longer number-words. D. Young children begin successfully rehearsing items in short-term memory tasks around the time they first start using language.

C. Children who speak a language with short number-words have longer digit spans than children who speak languages with longer number-words.

24. You bring the kid you babysit to a new park one day. Which of these circumstances of this first trip would you expect to lead to the kid exploring the fewest aspects of the park on the following trip? A. If you told the kid you've never been to this park before, and walked around with him. B. If you let the kid roam around the park on his own while you hang out on the side. C. If you said, "I'm going to show you what's cool about this park," and showed them one aspect of the park. D. If you did answer A, but then exclaimed, "Oops, I have to answer a phone call, I'll be right over there where I can see you."

C. If you said, "I'm going to show you what's cool about this park," and showed them one aspect of the park.

What do experiments using the mobile conjugate reinforcement paradigm have to say about infants' memory right after training, with regard to perceptual details of the training situation? A. Infants' memory is low in detail, at least before about 5 months of age B. Infants' memory is full of details, but only details relevant to the task C. Infants' memory is precise, and encompasses irrelevant aspects of the task D. Infants' memory for detail increases as a function of delay period

C. Infants' memory is precise, and encompasses irrelevant aspects of the task

20. Which of the following conclusions did Siegler & Alibali (2005) draw about children's memory with respect to eyewitness testimony? A. Children's recounting of events is dependent primarily on what they encoded initially, and they are much less impacted by their experiences during the storage interval and during retrieval. B. Preschoolers tend to recall very little accurate information that is relevant to legal cases, even in the absence of biased questions and stereotypes. C. Preschoolers are especially vulnerable to the effects of misleading questions and stereotypes. D. All of the above were concluded.

C. Preschoolers are especially vulnerable to the effects of misleading questions and stereotypes.

Which of the following was NOT a major concern that led to the end of Piaget's predominance? (three of these are true; choose the false one.) A. Children's performance on tasks that supposedly relied on the same operations had weak correlations, which questions the validity of qualitative "stages" that children move into by gaining operations. B. Failure in conservation tasks could be explained at least in part by children's failure to inhibit dominant or habitual responses. Studies that made the tasks simpler, even through superficial changes, sometimes made it so younger children could "pass". C. The behaviors Piaget observed in his children were not consistently found in many other children once larger numbers of children was observed. D. In some studies, children's performance improved if they were trained on the task. Though this can be interpreted in more than one way, it may call into question whether children need to gain "operations" to be able to pass such tasks.

C. The behaviors Piaget observed in his children were not consistently found in many other children once larger numbers of children was observed.

32. Which of the following best characterizes Piaget's notion of egocentrism? A. An inability to defer gratification of one's desires, resulting in frequent violation of social norms. B. The increasing ability of developing children to guide their behavior towards a goal. C. A tendency towards indifference with regard to the impact of one's actions on the welfare of others. D. A failure to consider how information available to oneself may be unavailable or different to others.

D. A failure to consider how information available to oneself may be unavailable or different to others.

Piaget said that young children fail conservation tasks because of centration and because they lack the reversibility operation. Three of the following are true points of evidence against this position. Which one of the following is NOT a true criticism of Piaget's position? A. The question (e.g., "Is this one bigger, is this one bigger, or are they the same?") is phrased in an odd way that introduces demand characteristics that encourage the child to say that one of the options is bigger than the other. B. Children can be trained to pass conservation tasks. Although this may mean that children were just taught to pass the test, it may mean that children have the underlying capacity to pass the task and something else was making it difficult. C. fMRI results appear to show that in order to pass the conservation task, children have to inhibit a wrong response. Thus, children may fail due to lack of inhibitory control, as opposed to lack of operations. D. According to looking-time experiments, infants are surprised when events fail to return to their initial state after some change of state, even for unfamiliar objects and events. Therefore, even infants have been shown to understand the abstract notion of reversibility.

D. According to looking-time experiments, infants are surprised when events fail to return to their initial state after some change of state, even for unfamiliar objects and events. Therefore, even infants have been shown to understand the abstract notion of reversibility.

28. Suppose you hold a poker chip in your closed hand and ask Penelope: "My chip is red and it's not red - yes, no, or can't you tell?" Penelope (correctly) answers immediately, "No." If she consistently answers this kind of question correctly, Penelope is most likely in which Piagetian stage of development? A. Sensorimotor B. Preoperational C. Concrete-operational D. Formal-operational

D. Formal-operational

A Pennsylvania bird watcher sees in a tree a bird that appears to have blue feathers. Blue jays have blue feathers. Kingfishers sometimes look a bit like blue jays, but they're more gray-blue than blue. What would a Bayesian birdwatcher need, in order to decide whether he really saw a blue jay or a kingfisher? A. Nothing else -- as stated, he knows the relative likelihoods of each kind of bird appearing to have blue feathers. B. A payoff matrix: how much more it's worth to see a kingfisher than a blue jay, and how much more it would cost him to misreport seeing a kingfisher versus a blue jay. C. Impossible to decide, because sometimes blue looks gold and black looks white. D. How common blue jays and kingfishers are in that area.

D. How common blue jays and kingfishers are in that area.

34. Habituation studies use the behavior of dishabituation (or "recovery from habituation") to demonstrate that infants can discriminate between two things. What cognitive process does this behavior always critically depend on, in addition to discrimination? A. Enumeration B. Olfaction C. Vision D. Memory

D. Memory

21. Which of the following are matched with an associated term? A. Empiricist - innately-guided learning mechanisms B. Empiricist - habituation-related learning mechanisms C. Nativist - domain-general (general-purpose) learning mechanisms D. Nativist - domain-specific learning mechanisms

D. Nativist - domain-specific learning mechanisms

27. What happened in the "helper"/"hinderer" experiments by Hamlin, Wynn, and Bloom? a. 6-month-olds and 12-month-olds preferred to reach out to geometrically-shaped toys that had appeared to "help" another toy than to reach to toys that had appeared to hinder another toy b. 6-month-olds, but not 12-month-olds, appeared surprised when a toy approached the one that had hindered it c. 2-year-olds and 3-year-olds were surprised when a toy approached the one that had hindered it, but showed no reaching preferences d. Infants at both ages tested were more likely to touch the toy with the smiley face on it than the toy with the sad face, even if the toy with the smiley face behaved rudely

a. 6-month-olds and 12-month-olds preferred to reach out to geometrically-shaped toys that had appeared to "help" another toy than to reach to toys that had appeared to hinder another toy

23. Woodward (1998) habituated babies to a robot or human arm reaching toward one of two objects. Then, the objects switched positions, and the arm reached again. What happened? a. Babies were surprised when the human arm reached to the same location with a new object; perhaps they inferred that the person wanted the object. b. Babies were surprised when the robot arm reached to the same location with a new object; they infer that all moving things have goals. c. Babies were surprised when the human arm reached to a new location for the same object; they infer that the person has a consistent motor plan they are executing. d. Babies were surprised when the robot arm reached for anything at all; back in the 90's, infants did not have much experience with robots.

a. Babies were surprised when the human arm reached to the same location with a new object; perhaps they inferred that the person wanted the object.

4. How did Nelson et al. (2000) demonstrate that children rely on function to make inductive inferences? a. Children gave the same name to artifacts that looked different but had the same function, but only when the function in question was plausibly related to the object's design b. Children gave the same category name to artifacts that were perceptually similar, but only when the function in question was plausibly related to the object's design c. Children gave artifacts that looked different but had the same function the same category label, whether or not the function was clearly related to the design d. Children gave artifacts that looked different but had the same function the same category label, but only when the function in question was not immediately obvious from the artifact's design

a. Children gave the same name to artifacts that looked different but had the same function, but only when the function in question was plausibly related to the object's design

20. Which of the following statements would Chomsky definitely not agree with? a. humans' robust cognitive capacities and reasoning skills are responsible for infants' seemingly effortless language development b. humans arrive at the task of language learning with sizeable innate knowledge, which constrains their learning in particular ways. c. the environment plays an important, though limited role in language acquisition: as long as a normally developing learner receives easily perceptible linguistic input he or she will successfully acquire language. d. humans are limited in the outcomes of their learning: though learners can acquire different languages, the languages they learn share striking similarities in structure.

a. humans' robust cognitive capacities and reasoning skills are responsible for infants' seemingly effortless language development

14. Imagine a language where the suffix "-en" marks the possessive form of nouns (like apostrophe-s in English); whereas on verbs, it marks only the future tense of the possessive, and not other tenses. Which marking should we expect the child master first -- the one on nouns, or the one on verbs? a. the noun possessive, because its conditions of use are less complex than for the verbal possessive b. the verbal possessive, because its usage is more constrained (i.e., to just the future tense) c. there should be no difference in time of mastery, because the phonological form, "-en", is the same in both cases. d. it is impossible to predict the acquisition ordering from examples given; none of the information is relevant

a. the noun possessive, because its conditions of use are less complex than for the verbal possessive

15. Jean Berko Gleason (1958) designed a task in which she showed children a drawing of a creature and said "This is a Wug." Next, she showed children a picture with two creatures, and said "Now there is another one. There are two of them. There are two ______." Many children replied "Wugs." What conclusion did she draw? a. Children have excellent memories, and learn language by repeating back the specific words and word forms that they have heard before. b. Children have some grasp of morphology, as shown by their ability to apply rules to novel words. c. Children learn language through a behaviorist learning program in which parents (and other adults) reward correct usage of language by providing attention, and punish or withdraw attention for incorrect language usage. d. Children understand that depending on the syntax of a sentence, co-reference may be allowed or not.

b. Children have some grasp of morphology, as shown by their ability to apply rules to novel words.

12. What do the Iverson and Goldin-Meadow studies on two-word sentences and gesture-word pairs demonstrate? a. When carefully examined, children's gesture-word pairs are usually just two ways to refer to the same idea, and have no relation to their ability to produce two-word sentences b. Children seem to develop an ability to link two separate thoughts together in spoken-language production shortly after they demonstrate this in gesture-word pairs c. As soon as children begin to use gestures and words to refer to the same thing, they are able to string together two-word sentences d. Children's ability to use gestures and words together to refer to different things has no bearing on their ability to produce two-word sentences

b. Children seem to develop an ability to link two separate thoughts together in spoken-language production shortly after they demonstrate this in gesture-word pairs

25. Liszkowski et al (2004) found that children who were pointing at an object continued to point at it unless the experimenter looked at the child and the object being pointed out and talked to the child. Given this behavior, the authors concluded that: a. Children wanted the experimenter to hand them the object b. Children wanted to share attention with the experimenter c. Children wanted to draw the experimenter's attention to the object. d. Children wanted the experimenter to talk to them.

b. Children wanted to share attention with the experimenter

13. Why are children's morphological errors of overgeneralization evidence against an imitative account of word learning? a. An imitative account of word learning would lead children to make more speech errors than they do b. Children would not make these errors if they were imitating others; these errors are not made by adults c. Children actually never overgeneralize from one word to another d. Imitation accounts of word learning suggest that children should only make certain kinds of overgeneralization errors, not all the ones that they do make

b. Children would not make these errors if they were imitating others; these errors are not made by adults

7. Which of the following is not a skill that improves over the course of development in the first four years? a. Visual Acuity b. Discriminating the speech sounds of all languages c. Working Memory d. False-Belief Understanding

b. Discriminating the speech sounds of all languages this actually decreases greatly from 6 - 12 months.

22. Evidence from individuals with binocular or monocular (single-eye) cataracts at birth suggests: a. Early visual deprivation leads to significant social impairment, and in many cases functional prosopagnosia (inability to distinguish individuals from one another). b. Early deprivation can lead to subtle, probably permanent impairments in certain aspects of face recognition, and the effect is fairly specific for right hemisphere deprivation. c. Face recognition is innate in humans, so early deprivation has no effect on later face processing, but did cause impairments on cognitively similar perceptual tasks that did not involve social perception. d. Face processing ability can be flexibly learned across the lifespan, so individuals will show deficits in face-processing immediately following cataract removal but recover within the next few years.

b. Early deprivation can lead to subtle, probably permanent impairments in certain aspects of face recognition, and the effect is fairly specific for right hemisphere deprivation.

6. Kibbe & Leslie's (2019) studied six-month-olds' memory for objects (like balls and doll-heads) placed in one of two locations on a stage. Surprisingly, infants only seemed to detect some substitutions of one object for another object. What were the results? a. Infants were surprised when an object seemed to have changed color and pattern, but because all the shapes were approximately spherical, only these large superficial patterning changes were the only ones they noticed. b. Infants noticed when an object was traded for another object of a different basic type (doll-head for ball), but not when a different-looking object of the same type was exchanged (stripy ball for ball of another color). c. Infants treated right-side-up doll heads and upside-down doll heads the same way, revealing infants' ability to understand that category identity is not affected by rotation. d. Infants detected shifts of the ball from one side to another, but did not detect shifts of the doll-head from one side to the other, possibly because infants classify doll-heads as animates that can therefore change their position without outside aid.

b. Infants noticed when an object was traded for another object of a different basic type (doll-head for ball), but not when a different-looking object of the same type was exchanged (stripy ball for ball of another color).

19. Which of the following provides the best evidence that some species of non-human primate have something like syntax in primitive form? a. Vervet monkeys have specific calls for specific predators, and in response to each type of call, monkeys perform a different action (e.g., monkeys hide over a bush in response to the "snake predator" call, but hide under a bush in response to the "flying predator" call). b. Putty-nosed monkeys can combine two alarm calls, which has a new meaning that is distinct from the two individual utterances but not simply the literal combination of the two utterances. c. Some researchers report that Washoe the chimp once signed "bird" followed by the sign for "water" when he saw a duck. d. Attempts to physically manipulate Viki the ape's lips led her to eventually have the ability to say something resembling "cup", which she often said in an attempt to get someone to give her something.

b. Putty-nosed monkeys can combine two alarm calls, which has a new meaning that is distinct from the two individual utterances but not simply the literal combination of the two utterances.

18. Crain & McKee (1985) had 3-year-old participants watch a "Ninja Turtle" and another character act out different scenes with props, and a third character (e.g., Kermit) made statements about the scene. Children were asked if the sentences were true. The authors concluded that children know what a sentence cannot mean. What was the experimental manipulation in this study? a. Whether Kermit attributed features of natural kinds to artifacts or not. b. Whether Kermit's sentence violated coreference of pronouns or not. c. Whether Kermit's sentence talked about what the turtle was doing, as opposed to what the turtle was thinking. d. Whether Kermit engaged in joint attention with the child or not.

b. Whether Kermit's sentence violated coreference of pronouns or not.

1. In lecture, we talked about John Stuart Mill's discussion of a science of "white things." Which is the best description of the point Mill was making when he proposed a science of white things? a. demonstrate that humans have the ability to categorize objects based on arbitrary features. b. draw a contrast between the silly, hypothetical science of white things and the sensible sciences that actually exist and are based on distinctions among natural kinds. c. highlight the fact that color in particular is an object feature that is not useful for categorization, because an object might look white, or less white, or even another color entirely, depending on the illumination striking it. d. Highlight the fact that superficially similar objects are often fundamentally similar as well.

b. draw a contrast between the silly, hypothetical science of white things and the sensible sciences that actually exist and are based on distinctions among natural kinds.

17. Which of the following statements about syntax learning is true? a. Children's relatively slow acquisition of rules concerning pronouns, with little use of pronouns before 4-5 years, suggests that children have trouble discovering the rules that link pronouns to their possible referents. b. Children have trouble learning rules about optional meanings (such as cases in which a word like he is ambiguous, and may or may not refer to another word in the sentence). The fact that such rules are not mastered until the school years (6-7 years) suggests strong limits on the innateness of language. c. Children's adherence to rules that are defined over abstract, formal relationships like "c-command" provide evidence that aspects of syntax are innate. d. Children's over-use of linear order relations (which word comes first in a sentence, which comes second, etc) relative to phrasal relations (how are phrases hierarchically organized) suggests that developmentally, linear-order relations are a kind of "first guess" of child language learners.

c. Children's adherence to rules that are defined over abstract, formal relationships like "c-command" provide evidence that aspects of syntax are innate.

24. Which of these is most likely true of infants and gaze? a. Very young infants find it aversive to be looked directly in the eye, and will cry if you look at them too closely. b. The mechanism of infants' gaze-following is a learned association between the direction people are pointed and the objects they are likely to interact with. c. Infants track the social context of gaze, and are more likely to follow gaze if they have reason to believe the person is trying to communicate with them. d. Infants learn to follow the direction that eyes are looking well before they learn to follow whole-head turns.

c. Infants track the social context of gaze, and are more likely to follow gaze if they have reason to believe the person is trying to communicate with them.

8. Bergelson & Swingley 2012 showed infants pairs of pictures, and used an eye tracking procedure to test whether infants understand the meaning of words spoken by their mother. Which of the following was NOT a finding of this study? a. Infants understand something about the meaning of some words at as young as 6 months of age. b. For many words, infants looked longer at the object that matched the label (e.g., "Where's the apple?") than at the other object. c. Infants' looking was at chance until about 14 months old, at which point infants looked longer at the object that their mother labeled. d. Infants understood words that they were not saying yet.

c. Infants' looking was at chance until about 14 months old, at which point infants looked longer at the object that their mother labeled. infants actually do understand the objects that their moms are labelling.

3. Landau, Smith, and Jones showed children novel objects called "daxes", and probed children's inductively inferred categories using objects different in shape, texture, and size. Which of the following best summarizes their results? a. Shape seems to be most critically used to make inductive inferences, but only for things considered to be animate (e.g., has eyes). Shape is less relevant for inanimate things. b. Children were consistent in their own uses of new words, but children varied among themselves. That is, a given child might always use shape for categorization, whereas another child might always use texture. c. Shape seems to be most critically used to make inductive inferences, but for things considered to be animate, texture may also be used d. Children used the shape of an object to recognize what it was, but also understood that the "daxes" used in the study had a deeper essence that made them daxes. As a result, children accepted a broad range of varying objects as good "daxes."

c. Shape seems to be most critically used to make inductive inferences, but for things considered to be animate, texture may also be used

21. Kinzler, Shutts, DeJesus, and Spelke (2009) pitted race and language against each other directly as factors determining social preference in five-year-olds. What did they find? a. The racial bias was much stronger than the linguistic bias. b. Kids at this age are egalitarian and show no preferences based on group differences. c. The children's preference for the same-race person went away when that person spoke with an accent. d. Children are fascinated by differences and preferred the other-race, other-accented person.

c. The children's preference for the same-race person went away when that person spoke with an accent.

26. A toddler sees an adult drop an object out of his own reach. According to research by Warneken, which of these is most likely to stop the toddler from picking the object up and handing it to the man? a. The man says "oops" while he drops it. b. There is a little bit of work involved for the toddler. c. The man throws the object down intentionally. d. The man is someone the toddler doesn't know well.

c. The man throws the object down intentionally.

10. Why does distributional clustering not fully explain how vowel categories are learned? a. Phonetic categories are learned by infants before they can perform distributional clustering; the developmental sequence is backwards. b. Distributional clustering assumes that the categories are labeled or given names somehow, but this is not something that could possibly happen with speech sound categories. c. While speech sound categories have correlated features, the separation of these clusters does not appear to be sufficiently large or consistent to cue the different categories d. Researchers have measured the number of categories that infants are capable of learning, and many languages (including English) have too many vowels.

c. While speech sound categories have correlated features, the separation of these clusters does not appear to be sufficiently large or consistent to cue the different categories

2. According Keil & Batterman's (1984) results in their tests of the "characteristic to-defining shift," a child who classifies a whale as a fish most likely: a. is in the "characteristic" stage, in which categories are defined by their superficial features, and will not use "defining" features for any natural-kind categories until later. b. does not know the words for "whale" and "fish". c. has not gathered enough experience in that particular domain to build robust knowledge of it. d. lacks hierarchical categorization, and would say both that a whale is a fish and a fish is a whale.

c. has not gathered enough experience in that particular domain to build robust knowledge of it.

5. Which of the following was not concluded by Gelman's study on categorization in childhood (2003)? a. Children readily infer that members of a category share underlying, nonobvious properties. b. Language can be an important source of information identifying category membership, even for very young children who are just beginning to talk. c. While adult-supplied labels are particularly efficient and effective means of conveying category membership, they are not required. d. Even older children are "perceptually bound": when given information about category membership that conflicts with perceptual information, they will prioritize categorizing based on perceptual similarity.

d. Even older children are "perceptually bound": when given information about category membership that conflicts with perceptual information, they will prioritize categorizing based on perceptual similarity. false because older children will override the perceptive similarities with function, and deeper non-obvious similarities.

9. Which of the following is not true of the native language neural commitment (NLNC) hypothesis, as described by Kuhl (2004)? a. It asserts that early language learning produces dedicated neural networks that code the patterns of native-language speech. b. It asserts that neural commitment interferes with the processing of foreign-language patterns that do not conform to those already learned. c. It is supported by evidence suggesting that when processing foreign-language sounds, a larger area of the adult brain is activated for a longer time period, indicating neural inefficiency. d. It suggests that an infant's early skill in native-language phonetic perception should not predict a child's later success at language acquisition.

d. It suggests that an infant's early skill in native-language phonetic perception should not predict a child's later success at language acquisition.

11. Most normally-developing children begin canonical babbling before 1 year of age. Suppose you met a child who did not begin canonical babbling until almost 1.5 years of age. What would be the best guess about what was happening with the child? a. The child was just shy b. The child was in a bilingual environment and needed more time to work out the languages' sounds c. The child had older siblings who "talked for" the child d. The child was hearing-impaired

d. The child was hearing-impaired

16. What is "fast mapping", as described in lecture and by Bloom and Markson (1998)? a. The phenomenon where children quickly refer to a correlational matrix after being exposed to a word many times, suggesting that that they must always store such a correlation matrix in order to learn new words b. The phenomenon where children learn to navigate a novel environment after seeing an adult navigate the same environment, suggesting that they are able to perform deferred imitation. c. The phenomenon where children are able to represent the features of a three-dimensional environment on a two-dimensional piece of paper, suggesting that they understand the abstract concept of maps d. The phenomenon where children learn aspects of the meaning of a novel word in very few trials

d. The phenomenon where children learn aspects of the meaning of a novel word in very few trials