Unit 4 APUSH College Board Quiz
"Not far from this time Nat Turner's insurrection [a slave rebellion] broke out; and the news threw our town into great commotion. . . . "It was always the custom to have a muster every year. On that occasion every White man shouldered his musket. The citizens and the so-called country gentlemen wore military uniforms. . . . "I knew the houses were to be searched; and I expected it would be done by country bullies and the poor Whites. . . . "It was a grand opportunity for the low Whites, who had no Negroes of their own to scourge. They exulted in such a chance to exercise a little brief authority, and show their subserviency to the slaveholders; not reflecting that the power which trampled on the colored people also kept themselves in poverty, ignorance, and moral degradation. . . . Colored people and slaves who lived in remote parts of the town suffered in an especial manner. In some cases the searchers scattered [gun]powder and shot among their clothes, and then sent other parties to find them, and bring them forward as proof that they were plotting insurrection." Which of the following pieces of evidence best supports the excerpt's depiction of reactions to slave rebellions?
Additional restrictions were placed on enslaved and free African Americans.
"I do not belong, said Mr. [Calhoun], to the school which holds that aggression is to be met by concession. . . . If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. . . . ". . . A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would believe it to be an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance. . . . ". . . Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union, I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. . . . But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil—far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition." The ideas expressed by John C. Calhoun and others who shared his views on slavery had which of the following effects on emerging abolitionist movements in the years leading up to the Civil War?
As many people came to see slavery as part of the Southern way of life, attitudes on both sides of the slavery argument hardened so that political compromise became difficult.
"It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, . . . yet some differences must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of one country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. . . . But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs. Thus the . . . feudal system of England originated terms which formed . . . a necessary part of the language of that country; but, in the United States, many of these terms are no part of our present language,—and they cannot be, for the things which they express do not exist in this country. . . . The institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms or to new applications of old terms, unknown to the people of England; which cannot be explained by them and which will not be inserted in their dictionaries, unless copied from ours. . . . No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate, and assembly, court, [etc.] for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country." The national identity described in the excerpt most strongly reflects the influence of which of the following?
European precedents along with an American national culture
"I do not belong, said Mr. [Calhoun], to the school which holds that aggression is to be met by concession. . . . If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. . . . ". . . A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would believe it to be an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance. . . . ". . . Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union, I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. . . . But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil—far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition." Which of the following most contributed to slaveholders such as Calhoun arguing in the 1830s and 1840s that slavery should be viewed as part of the Southern way of life?
Slave rebellions in Haiti, South Carolina, and Virginia had made many leaders in the South fear that enslaved African Americans could harm them.
"I do not belong, said Mr. [Calhoun], to the school which holds that aggression is to be met by concession. . . . If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. . . . ". . . A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would believe it to be an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance. . . . ". . . Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union, I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. . . . But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil—far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition." Which of the following resulted from arguments made by Southern politicians, such as the one in the excerpt, in the years prior to the Civil War?
Slaveholders became more insistent that maintaining the slave system was essential to protecting the South and its way of life.
"Not far from this time Nat Turner's insurrection [a slave rebellion] broke out; and the news threw our town into great commotion. . . . "It was always the custom to have a muster every year. On that occasion every White man shouldered his musket. The citizens and the so-called country gentlemen wore military uniforms. . . . "I knew the houses were to be searched; and I expected it would be done by country bullies and the poor Whites. . . . "It was a grand opportunity for the low Whites, who had no Negroes of their own to scourge. They exulted in such a chance to exercise a little brief authority, and show their subserviency to the slaveholders; not reflecting that the power which trampled on the colored people also kept themselves in poverty, ignorance, and moral degradation. . . . Colored people and slaves who lived in remote parts of the town suffered in an especial manner. In some cases the searchers scattered [gun]powder and shot among their clothes, and then sent other parties to find them, and bring them forward as proof that they were plotting insurrection." The excerpt best reflects which of the following developments?
The development of regional cultures increasingly defined by the presence of enslaved people
The rise in manufacturing beginning in the early 1800s eventually resulted in which of the following by 1848?
The emergence of a larger middle class in the North
"Not far from this time Nat Turner's insurrection [a slave rebellion] broke out; and the news threw our town into great commotion. . . . "It was always the custom to have a muster every year. On that occasion every White man shouldered his musket. The citizens and the so-called country gentlemen wore military uniforms. . . . "I knew the houses were to be searched; and I expected it would be done by country bullies and the poor Whites. . . . "It was a grand opportunity for the low Whites, who had no Negroes of their own to scourge. They exulted in such a chance to exercise a little brief authority, and show their subserviency to the slaveholders; not reflecting that the power which trampled on the colored people also kept themselves in poverty, ignorance, and moral degradation. . . . Colored people and slaves who lived in remote parts of the town suffered in an especial manner. In some cases the searchers scattered [gun]powder and shot among their clothes, and then sent other parties to find them, and bring them forward as proof that they were plotting insurrection." Which of the following statements would an abolitionist claim supported the ideas expressed in the excerpt?
The immorality of slavery had a widespread corrupting effect on Southern culture.
"Not far from this time Nat Turner's insurrection [a slave rebellion] broke out; and the news threw our town into great commotion. . . . "It was always the custom to have a muster every year. On that occasion every White man shouldered his musket. The citizens and the so-called country gentlemen wore military uniforms. . . . "I knew the houses were to be searched; and I expected it would be done by country bullies and the poor Whites. . . . "It was a grand opportunity for the low Whites, who had no Negroes of their own to scourge. They exulted in such a chance to exercise a little brief authority, and show their subserviency to the slaveholders; not reflecting that the power which trampled on the colored people also kept themselves in poverty, ignorance, and moral degradation. . . . Colored people and slaves who lived in remote parts of the town suffered in an especial manner. In some cases the searchers scattered [gun]powder and shot among their clothes, and then sent other parties to find them, and bring them forward as proof that they were plotting insurrection." Which of the following claims best aligns with the evidence in the excerpt about the relationship between enslaved African Americans and White Southern citizens?
The slave system gave poor White citizens the feeling of social superiority over free and enslaved African Americans in a culture where African Americans held little power.
"It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, . . . yet some differences must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of one country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. . . . But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs. Thus the . . . feudal system of England originated terms which formed . . . a necessary part of the language of that country; but, in the United States, many of these terms are no part of our present language,—and they cannot be, for the things which they express do not exist in this country. . . . The institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms or to new applications of old terms, unknown to the people of England; which cannot be explained by them and which will not be inserted in their dictionaries, unless copied from ours. . . . No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate, and assembly, court, [etc.] for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country." The historical concept of the American identity, as characterized in the excerpt, was most clearly distinguished from the identities of other nations by the
importance of liberal ideas about natural rights and liberties
