ANTH 201 test 2

bilineal/bilateral descent

Descent is traced equally from both parents Married couples live away from their parents Inheritance is allocated equally between siblings Dominant in foraging and industrial/informatics cultures

Kinship and the nation: Reproducing Jews: Issues of Artificial Insemination in Israel

Turning to the modern nation of Israel, we can see a different set of issues involved in nationality and kinship. Israel is deeply invested in increasing its population. This desire is explicitly coupled with religion and a desire to populate their religious homeland with more members of God's chosen people. Jewish religious and ethnic identity is intrinsically intertwined with kinship. Strictly speaking, Jewish identity is viewed as inherited through matrilineal descent. To be Jewish, one must have a Jewish mother. Others may convert to the religion, but these people are viewed as converts rather than true members of the ethnic group. The national interest in increasing the Jewish population in Israel has resulted in extensive government support for pregnant women. Women have access to high-quality health care and the most modern of fertility treatments. Modern fertility treatments, however, have led to new questions regarding Jewish identity. For example, while surrogate mothers are widely supported by the state, if a Jewish woman is serving as a surrogate for a non-Jewish woman, what identity does the child receive? Likewise, if a couple must use donated eggs or donated sperm to conceive, does the religious identity of the donor matter? These questions are being debated by rabbis and politicians with great fervor.

clan

a descent group claiming a founding ancestor but typically lacking genealogical documentation. *great importance placed on clans in Ireland and Scotland

lineage

a descent group that traces genealogical connections linked to a founding ancestor. *the Kennedys or the Roosevelts

blood relatives are

consanguinal

Major types of marriage gifts and exchanges

dowry, groomprice, brideprice, bridewealth, bride-service

Kinship through sharing

food sharing, godparents, adoption and fostering

Structure of Unilineal Descent Systems

lineages; clans; phratries; moieties; combinations

Monogamy

marriage between two people. Most common form of marriage cross-culturally. Serial monogamy is often practiced in the U.S.

exogamy

marriage to someone outside the kinship group

Endogamy

marriage to someone within the kinship group. that's incest , babey

polygamy

marriage with multiple spouses polygny-one man and more than one woman polyandry-one woman and more than one man

An introduction to sexuality

natural versus what is cultural. Sexual intercourse has an obvious biological function when it comes to reproduction. Yet sexual practices vary widely among cultures. Thus we will examine what role culture plays in sex.

affinal relatives

relatives by marriage

Are there more than two sexes? Hijras

religious followers of Hindu Mother Goddess Bahuchara Mata Most Hijras are born as men, some are intersexual Often described as transgender They perform important ritual roles They live in religious communities

Descent

tracing primary relationships through "blood kin"

Sex versus Gender

Sex refers to biological differences. Gender refers to behavioral, or cultural, differences. Generically then, we can say that sex is thus male and female, while gender is masculine and feminine. Sex and gender have pervasive influences throughout our daily lives.

Diachronic Analysis

There is a history of the construction of race and racism ... Learn the backstory - the history behind ideology and discriminatory behavior.

The Challenges of Developing a Sense of Nationhood

To finish this chapter, we have three examples of the construction of national identity in recent history. To fully understand how national identities are built (and are thus imaginary rather than natural), it is easiest to look at recent examples where a full history is known.

Boateng Brothers

Both brothers were born and raised in Germany. Their father was from the African nation of Ghana. But each boy's mother was from Germany. Jerome Boateng chose to play in the World Cup for Germany. His brother Kevin-Prince chose to play for their father's home nation of Ghana. The fact that these brothers could pick different nations to represent says a lot about our own concept of "nationality." This concept is flexible; there is choice involved. But imagine that one of the Boateng brothers wanted to play for China in the World Cup. The regulations of the game would have blocked this decision. By the rules, players can only play for a team in a nation where they, their parents, or their grandparents had been born. Thus there are limits to how much flexibility we allow people with their concept of nationality.

Intersectionality

An analytical framework for assessing how factors such as race, gender, and class interact to shape individual life chances and societal patterns of stratification.

Are there more than three sexes?

As we've said before, there are three primary factors that determine what we think of as biological sex. Most humans, however, are accustomed to think of sex as binary, meaning that there are only two sexes, female and male. But with three biological factors, all of which can vary, there are more than the two possibilities.

How Is Kinship Changing in the United States?

Conceptions of kinship, like all cultural norms and values, are not set but can vary over time as societies change. The United States is not an exception. We have seen a great deal of flexibility in American conceptions of kinship over the years, and we are seeing more change on the horizon as American culture changes and as reproductive technologies advance.

How Is Kinship Changing in the United States? Chosen Families

For many decades now, Americans have shown an ability to choose families, rather than simply restricting themselves to biology. We have already seen this, for example, in Carol Stack's study of constructed kinship networks among poor African Americans in Chicago. The adoption of chosen kinship networks continues to grow in popularity across the United States for a variety of reasons. The modern globalized economy found within the United States often encourages people to move long distances across the country. As we have seen before, immigrants often lose connections to their former kinship networks and seek to create new networks. The same has been seen among Americans moving all across the country. As conceptions of kinship change, we have also seen increasing use of chosen family conceptions. Divorce rates and second marriages have increased in the United States over the last several decades. These shake-ups lead to larger kinship networks, including stepparents, stepsiblings, half-siblings, etc. With these expanded kinship networks, we often see people choosing which portions of their kinship networks they will interact with. Same-sex marriages, advancements in fertility medicine, and transnational adoptions all likewise encourage the adoption of chosen families.

Matrilineal Descent

Found among 15% of all cultures Kinship is traced through the female line Women control land and products Found in Southeast Asia, the South Pacific, and in some parts of Europe and North America Example: the Minangkabau of Indonesia

Mobilizing Ethnic Differences in Rwanda

In 1994, a horrific ethnic conflict broke out in the African nation of Rwanda. As many as one million people were killed, if not many more. All this occurred in a nation with only seven million people. That's almost 15 percent of the population dead, and not from a devastating explosion, or a weapon of mass destruction. A majority of these people died by being hacked to death with machetes. Western media described the incident as a genocide. The nation of Rwanda was largely inhabited by two ethnic groups, the Hutu and the Tutsi. The Hutu made up approximately 85 percent of the population. The Tutsi made up only 15 percent of the population. You'll remember 15 percent of the population died. Virtually all of the deaths were Tutsi. They were simply overwhelmed by the majority Hutu. With the Tutsi virtually wiped out in the nation of Rwanda, this truly fits the definition of genocide. It's understandable to want to ask how such an atrocity could happen. Death, and brutal death at that, on such a wide scale, needs some catalyst or explanation. In the Western media, ethnicity was largely played up as an explanation. The Hutu and Tutsi were often described as tribes. The term "tribes" in the West has a definite pejorative cast. They were portrayed as tribes with a long-standing hatred of one another. Ethnicity, by definition, fosters an "us versus them" mentality. We define our membership in a group by setting ourselves in opposition with others who do not belong. Thus, ethnicity can certainly spur conflict between groups, but can it really inspire something this devastating? Those who have come to study Rwanda after the conflict have pointed to other influences. The nation of Rwanda was under colonial rule by the European nation of Belgium in the early twentieth century. During their time as national administrators, the Belgians raised the Tutsi up to have a privileged position in the nation. The Tutsi were given choice government jobs and privileged access to resources. At the same time they denied the Hutu access to the same resources. The Belgians were practicing a tried method of colonial bureaucracy, essentially making friends with one local group to gain access to local knowledge and resources, but then playing them off against another local group. Thereby they were able to maintain their own elevated position. It's not exactly the crown jewel of ethics, but it has been practiced in a variety of forms for years. As part of their colonial administration, the Belgians issued national identity cards to every person in Rwanda, and right on the cards was a person's ethnicity. Everyone in the nation had a card stating whether they were a Hutu or a Tutsi. Although the Belgians left Rwanda in 1962, these cards were still in use all the way up to 1994 when the genocide occurred. Thus, while ethnicity was clearly a factor in the Rwandan tragedy, ethnic conflict had been heightened by the preferential treatment given to one group by colonial rulers. Ethnic boundaries had been more firmly drawn due to the national ID cards. We cannot simply blame the Belgians, but at the same time the role they played in the country's history certainly had an influence on the genocide.

The Cultural Construction of Gender

Modern Anthropology holds that gender is a cultural construct. As children are enculturated, they learn what kinds of behavior are perceived as masculine and feminine. Every child has numerous experiences, each teaching them what is considered normal gender behavior. We give our children gendered names. We dress them differently, cut their hair differently, paint their rooms different colors. Frequently, male and female children are encouraged to participate in different kinds of activities. All of these experiences encourage children to view gender in the same way that we (their parents) have come to view it. Thus gender roles become a self-reinforcing cultural norm. Anthropologists have become increasingly interested in studying gender, particularly focusing on the ways in which gendered behavior affects the rest of our lives. We will look at three case studies on this topic.

How is kinship changing in the United States? The Nuclear Family: The Ideal versus the Reality

Most Americans have an idealized view of kinship revolving around the nuclear family. Colloquially we may think of this as the "two kids, a dog, and a white-picket fence" conception of kinship. Or, via the influence of television, the "Leave It to Beaver" household. This view of American kinship, however, is quite modern. After World War II, the United States experienced a strong economic boom. As a result of this boom, many newlywed Americans could afford their own homes. Many of these homes were being built in the suburbs around cities. Cities themselves were roundly viewed as aging and collapsing, i.e., not a good place to raise children. Prior to the 1950s, it was far more common to find Americans living in multigenerational homes. That is, grandparents, parents, and children all living together. Thus, the view of the nuclear family as the ideal kinship structure is quite young in American culture. This ideal, however, is rapidly changing in the face of globalization and other factors.

How has sexuality been constructed in the united states? The Invention of Heterosexuality

Sexual intercourse between females and males is generally the predominant pattern within any species. It has to be the majority condition in order for the species to survive. Thus, what do we mean by "The Invention of Heterosexuality"? The term "heterosexuality" does not appear in the English language until 1892. The term was coined by German psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing in his book Psychopathia Sexualis. He used the term for people who held erotic feelings for the opposite sex. The key term here is "erotic." In the past, Western European cultures, and in turn American cultures, were strongly influenced by cultural institutions (most notably religious institutions) to view sex as for procreation only. Particularly during the Victorian era in England, sex was cast as repugnant but necessary. Puritan religious groups carried a similar concept with them to the Americas. Sexuality was necessary for procreation, but sex for pleasure was roundly condemned, if not seen as a sign of evil. Von Krafft-Ebing was thus defining heterosexuality not as a norm but instead as an mental disorder, where people felt inappropriate or exaggerated feelings of eroticism toward the opposite sex.

household forms

Single-person Single-parent Nuclear Extended Polygamous

The 2010 World Cup and Nationality

Soccer is THE sport worldwide, it is embraced by millions of devoted fans. Boateng brothers born and raised in Germany. Their father was from the African nation of Ghana. Jerome B. chose to play in the World Cup for Germany. Kevin-Prince chose to play for father's nation of Ghana. Concepts of ethnicity and nationalism are flexible -- choice is involved.

Resisting Racism, in Lafayette ?

The I-49 connector will cut through LaPlace, McComb-Veazey, Freetown, and Crapeauville - all significantly African American neighborhoods in Lafayette. Is racism involved in the plans? Will protest erupt?

Gavin Grimm's Case

(Virginia transgender student) The Obama administration cited Title IX of federal education law that guarantees no one will be excluded from participating in any educational program on the basis of sex. On April 7th, 2017, the Fourth Circuit overturned Gavin Grimm's win from last year, based on the Supreme Court's decision last month not to hear the case

define marriage

A more or less stable union, usually between two people, who are likely to be, but are not necessarily, coresident, sexually involved with each other, and procreative with each other. Cultures define marriage differently. Selecting a spouse relies on rules of exclusion and preference.

Creating Ethnic Identity

Anthropologists specifically view ethnicity as a cultural construction. That is to say it is not biological; it is not physically inherited from one's parents. This is the most important way in which the concept of ethnicity differs from the concept of race. If ethnicity is not inherited, then it must be taught. Just as a person must learn culture, they must learn ethnicity. In order to have something to learn, there must be a set of core concepts, a set of beliefs that tie an ethnicity together.

Patrilineal Descent

Found among 45% of all cultures Kinship is traced through the male line Males dominate status, power, and property

How does globalization influence local expressions of sexuality? Sexuality, Language, and the Effects of Globalization in Nigeria

Globalization has affected sexuality discourse in the African nation of Nigeria in a very different way. Anthropologist Rudolf Gaudio studied a group of men known as the "Masu Harka." Masu Harka translates as "People who do the deed," and refers to men who have sex with other men. The Masu Harka are divided into two groups: "Civilians" and "Yan daudu." Civilians maintain a masculine gender role. They dress and act like other men. The Yan Daudu take on a feminine role, often dressing like women and embracing feminine gender roles. Yet Gaudio found that the men who belong to the Masu Harka did not fit Western notions of homosexuality. Many of these men also carried on relationships with women, often getting married and raising families. These men also were often devoted Muslims who saw no contradiction with their faith. Gaudio also documented a fascinating local dialect embraced by the Masu Harka. Essentially the group developed their language dialect. This dialect allowed them to communicate more openly with one another without the fear of persecution by others who could not understand the dialect. Persecution of the Masu Harka is a growing problem in Nigeria, as well as in other African nations. Many Africans justifiably blame European nations for damage done to their countries. Much of Africa was controlled by European colonizers for decades, if not centuries. Some local religious groups and governments have sought to blame the West for what they call moral corruption. It is true that colonization changed local cultures from their original state, and it is easy to view this as corruption of culture. Yet, some African institutions go so far as to blame the West for the existence of same-sex sexuality in their nations, suggesting its origin is a result of the moral corruption spread by Western culture. Given the extensive studies of human sexuality that we have seen, this claim is extremely unlikely. Same-sex sexuality has been seen across the globe in a variety of forms. And as we've seen, it often does not fall into the Western notion of homosexuality. Globalization has further caused complications in Nigeria in the form of international activists seeking to aid same-sex groups like the Masu Harka. International activists have spread throughout Africa seeking to stop the persecution that same-sex groups have faced. In doing so, they are imposing a Western view of sexuality. Most notably that homosexuality is a permanent identity. Rather than a flexible state, like the Masu Harka, who undertake both same-sex and opposite-sex interactions. As you have seen in this chapter, there is tremendous variety to the human sexual experience. While it has a certain biological basis, it also is tremendously influenced by the cultures of the participants. These are complex issues for an emerging global environment, and anthropologists can only hope to educate people about the varieties in the human sexual experience.

How is race constructed in the United States?

In the United States, race is prevalent and categorical. Race is a frequent topic of conversation (and controversy), from politics to education.

Are we living in a post racial society? Why?

No we are not. Large incidents like Katrina expose deep seated racial segregation.

Origin Myths

(Creating ethnic identity) One of the key ways in which ethnic identity is constructed and passed on is through the development of Origin Myths. Origin myths do not have to be fictive or religious. Instead, they are key stories that define the structure of an ethnicity. Euro-American ethnicity is defined by several origin myths. The story of the pilgrims landing on Plymouth rock, the first Thanksgiving, George Washington and the cherry tree These moments may or may not reflect actual events, but they have become stories that we use to construct an identity of how people should behave in the United States. Other ethnicities have built their own versions of origin myths. Many Hispanic Americans embrace stories of Aztlan once told by the Aztecs. Many African Americans keep stories of slave ships alive so that succeeding generations will remember the trials that their ancestors had to endure. These stories help to create modern conceptions of identity. Once constructed, ethnicity is maintained by a variety of boundary markers. This is not quite the same as building a literal boundary, but instead it is used to refer to symbols of belonging to an ethnicity. For example, particular clothing styles are often specific to an ethnicity. The Maya of Highland Guatemala have clothing styles so specific that a person's town of origin can be identified simply by their clothes. We see similar patterns of behavior (though not always to this degree) all around the globe. These boundary markers can further extend to religious beliefs, food preferences, patterns of speech, and much more. But ultimately, ethnic identity is flexible and negotiated. Depending on cultural context, our ethnic identities may fluctuate, just as we saw with the nationality of World Cup soccer players.

Imagined Communities and Invented Traditions

-columbus day -thanksgiving -statue of liberty -The New colossus poem (Lazarus 1883) One way in which we can better understand nations is to view them as imagined communities. This may seem very difficult to do at first. After all, we all live within a nation, and that nation has a very real impact on our daily lives. That reality seems at odds with thinking of nations as imagined. This view of nations as imaginary constructs was popularized by Benedict Anderson's book Imagined Communities. Multiple factors led to Anderson's assessment, one of which is that most citizens of a modern nation-state claim a common sense of community. We all belong to a nation, and thus arguably feel we have something in common with all other members of that nation. Yet, those other members of the community are largely imaginary. They are imaginary in the sense that they are people that we will never meet, never interact with, and never actually stand side by side with. Another influence on Anderson's argument was the youth of a majority of nations, despite the deliberate attempts by those nations to suggest great longevity and age to their traditions. Take Italy for example: Italy has been a unified nation for less time than the United States has. The French nation is likewise a recent construct. Across Europe, modern nation-states are actually forced political unifications. All of these nations include people who speak a variety of languages, and who have distinct ethnic traditions. Yet, the nations themselves forward an image of unity and uniformity. In the end, national identity is constructed, just as ethnic identity is. France was able to build a national identity in part through a unification of its school system. Students were taught that everyone in France had shared interests and history. It would be unfair to suggest that the French government invented this shared history. Rather, they emphasized the shared and de-emphasized the regional and ethnic differences. National identity in the United States has likewise been constructed as an immigrant nation that was founded out of colonies. The United States is in its entirety a construction of identity. This construction is reified today with a litany of origin myths (some we addressed earlier). The United States' view of itself is well encapsulated by an alleged quote from a retired congressman: He said, "Every politician wants you to believe that he was born in a log cabin that he built with his own two hands." The United States is an idea of shared values and mutual interests. If its citizens did not believe in this idea, there would be no way of actually maintaining the nation.

What is the rule of Hypodescent?

A rule of racial classification was established in many U.S. states informally known as the "One Drop" rule. This was used to create racial classifications of the children of mixed parentage. One drop of blood from a "lesser" race was enough to label a child as a member of that race. Hence, any offspring of a white and black American was still considered black. This rule comes largely out of the American slavery enterprise. Black slave women were frequently victims of the advances of their owners or overseers. But, acknowledging these children as progeny would fundamentally undercut the rigid system established. Hence they had to remain "black." Americans have largely dropped hypodescent as an explicit (and legal) concept, but it still remains as a social concept. President Barack Obama, as a black man is an excellent example.

Racial Ideaology

A set of popular beliefs that allows the discriminatory behaviors of individuals and institutions to seem reasonable, rational, and normal. Racial ideology emerges from a combination of individual and institutional racism - transmitted through enculturation and socialization Racial ideology can be part of a traditional value system ... is it a conscious part ?

Resisting Racism in Corona, NY

African American Community in Corona, Queens, New York. Demonstrators protest plans for elevated light-rail train to be built thru neighborhood. 1990s protests in Corona led to abandonment of planned construction. This is example of "agency" exercised by African American community. Black Corona - Steven Gregory

Race and Immigration in the U. S.

After the founding of the United States, the country faced new racial questions. Beginning in the 1800s and continuing to today, the country saw many waves of immigration from many different countries. How these people were accepted into existing racial classifications says much about human motivations. This country has received many waves of "racially" diverse immigration. Immigrants often classed according to existing racial labels: "White/Back." Are Irish and Italians "White"? Irish and Italian immigrants, among others, were labeled as inferior "races."

How has sexuality been constructed in the united states? Sexology

After von Krafft-Ebing's study, there was increased interest in the study of sexuality. Gradually the field of sexology emerged. Studies by prominent sexologists demonstrated that erotic feelings for the opposite sex were not abnormal, but rather a normal reaction found in a majority of the human population. These scholars also found that a wide variety of sexual practices existed. These practices had been previously kept quiet. Undoubtedly the most famous of these sexologists was Alfred Kinsey. Kinsey's studies, "Sexual Behavior in the Human Male" and "Sexual Behavior in the Human Female," revolutionized our understanding of sexuality. Kinsey and his team of researchers interviewed thousands of Americans about their sexual experiences. A study of this magnitude had never before been attempted. And the findings were unexpected. Rather than finding distinct heterosexuals and homosexuals, Kinsey found people expressed a range of sexuality. As such, Kinsey defined a continuum, with exclusively heterosexual behavior on one end, and exclusively homosexual behavior on the other. Most people fell somewhere along the continuum, rather than at one end or the other. Kinsey's findings, however, did not have the impact that he wished. Most Americans simply looked to the two extremes of Kinsey's continuum and ignored what was found in the middle. Thus, in the end his study helped to create and reify the binary dichotomy of homosexuality and heterosexuality. In addition, Kinsey's study continues to be controversial today among those who object to his characterization of homosexuality as natural. Kinsey's study was an incredibly open-minded study for the mid-twentieth century but was thus publicly reinterpreted to a narrow view of heterosexuality as a biological norm.

Bafokeng, Inc., in South Africa

Another example of ethnically-based economic gains comes to us from South Africa. In the face of nineteenth-century colonialism, members of the Bafokeng ethnic group lost virtually all of their land. European settlers simply seized the land as they took control of local governments. Faced with a situation they could not escape, the majority of the Bafokeng ended up working wage labor jobs in the new European economy. Despite being disconnected from their land, they did not lose their sense of ethnic identity. Working together, the Bafokeng began to pool together their savings. Through immense collective effort, by the early twentieth century they had saved enough money to buy back 33 farms. In order to protect their investment, the Bafokeng ended up registering these farms as a corporation, known today as the Royal Bafokeng Nation, Inc. This is an extraordinary step, combining an ethnic and national identity under the umbrella of a corporation. Due to incredible mineral resources found on their land, today the Royal Bafokeng Nation, Inc, owns multiple businesses, mining and construction companies, and even a soccer team. In short, they have transformed their ethnically based corporation into a tremendous amount of economic capital. However, the Royal Bafokeng Nation, Inc. has shown problems with rapid gains in wealth. While the corporation has attempted to invest in local education and infrastructure projects, unemployment in the "Nation" still approaches 40 percent. Most people cannot afford indoor plumbing. Opportunity does not always translate into benefits for all.

Anticolonialism and Nationalism

Another powerful force of nation-building in the modern world comes from the history of colonialism. Many European nations enhanced their own sense of identity through the colonial process. The act of exploring and colonizing the world brought Europeans into contact with many other cultures (as we have discussed). Through this process European nations reified their sense of self by contrasting themselves against natives. Typically this contrast was in the form of a sense of superiority. Europeans almost universally saw themselves as superior to, or more civilized than, the people they encountered. The process of colonization also enhanced a sense of national identity through competition among European nations. As conflict and competition spread throughout the world, European nations defined themselves in opposition to one another. This competition in many ways helped to create the European nations that we know today, particularly due to the influx of wealth that colonization brought with it. A different process of nation-building is found on the opposite end of colonial history. Many modern nations have built their identity around resistance to, and fighting for their freedom from, European powers. The United States is no exception. Prior to the Revolution, the thirteen English colonies in North America viewed themselves as independent from one another. Even their alliance against the English was at first seen as a temporary pact out of political and military necessity. Only after a successful revolutionary war did the former colonies consider a permanent alliance. This alliance eventually led to the nation that is the United States. However, colonial power in many other parts of the world created more significant problems to overcome. In many situations, state lines were drawn by colonial powers. These states meet our original definition of state: geographically bound areas sharing an administration but no sense of nation. Colonial states were created for the benefit of colonial administrators. Local populations and their ethnic affiliations were rarely considered in drawing colonial boundaries. Often within these boundaries were multiple ethnic groups that shared no sense of commonality. In many cases nations emerged from these colonial states specifically in resistance to colonial powers. That is to say, the primary unifying force in many modern nations was a sense of resistance to a mutual colonial oppressor.

Are Biology and Marriage the Only Basis for Kinship? Creating Kin to survive poverty: Black networks near Chicago, Illinois

Anthropologist Carol Stack saw a similar use of expansive kinship networks in response to urban poverty among African Americans living near the city of Chicago. The difficult economic circumstances of the community led to kinship being redefined as anyone who took part in the community's support network. Thus, acts such as fostering children to help a neighbor, or sharing clothes, food, or even loaning money, were seen as creating kinship relationships. It was deemed that these people were acting as family should, standing up for one another in times of need. This bond of action was seen as strong enough to create ties of kinship. Through these examples, we can see that shared experiences and mutual support are often used to construct kinship relationships. Kinship can be a powerful survival tool with its ability to forge supportive networks. In fact, our adaptable sense of kinship and group membership has in many ways aided the success of the human species.

What Does a Global Perspective Tell Us About Human Sexuality? Same-gender "Mati work" in suriname

Anthropologist Gloria Wekker studied women who engage in "Mati Work" in Suriname. The phrase "Mati work" refers to the forming of a same-sex relationship with another woman. Yet Wekker argues these relationships are profoundly different from Western notions of a lesbian relationship. In the West, sexual orientation is approached as a fixed concept. You are either heterosexual or homosexual. It is an established part of your identity. Wekker argues that Mati regard sexuality as a flexible behavior and not a fixed identity. Thus women who engage in "Mati work" may later have relationships with men. Or they may simultaneously have sexual relationships with men. Wekker noted that when Mati women migrated from Suriname to the Netherlands (the former colonizer of Suriname), they often had trouble due to these different notions of sexuality. New immigrants often sought to form relationships with older immigrant women. A problematic power dynamic can develop between the established immigrant who is more integrated in the European culture and the new Suriname immigrant. Sexual identity is not as fixed in Suriname as we are accustomed to think of it in our own culture.

Do biologically separate races exist?

Anthropologists argue they do not. Despite their widespread influence and adoption, humans are more genetically alike then different. There's no actual evidence for biologically distinct populations. Fuzzy Boundaries in a Well-Integrated Gene Pool We can think of "stereotypical" races--Africans, Europeans, Native Americans. But these are stereotypes and idealized forms. Not everyone fits the mold. This is where fuzzy boundaries come in. Most people fall in between the stereotypical races. Consider the example in your book, walk from Africa to Russia You will see gradual changes. No single point exists where people's race changes. Barack Obama is the first African American president of the United States. He's a child of a African man from Kenya and a Caucasian woman of European descent. Yet in America's perception of race, he is still "African." More later on the "One Drop" rule and Hypodescent (legacies of a racially charged past). Fuzzy boundaries are a result of human biology and reproduction. The gene pool is the total pool of genes found within an interbreeding population. It contains all the genes of potentially reproducing humans The human gene pool is much smaller than you think. How big is your family? For the sake of argument, everyone has just one sibling. You have one brother or sister. Each of your parents has one brother or sister. So in your generation, your family has two people--you and your sibling. One generation up, six people--your parents and their siblings. Two generations, fourteen people Three generations, thirty people Ten generations, 2,046 people Twenty generations, more than 2 million people! That's just if everyone has one sibling (two people a generation). Raise your hand if you have more than one sibling? Or do your parents? Over the last twenty generations you are related to more than 2 million people. More, if you have more than one sibling. A generation is regarded as twenty-five years (avg. age of a woman when having children). Twenty generations is only 500 years. Humans as a species (Homo sapiens) emerged between 200 and 100 thousand years ago. This is an abstract example. But, the point is you are related to more people than you think. All of your relatives are in the gene pool. All of the relatives of the student sitting to your right are in the gene pool. Same for the student to your left. Between the three of you, that's 6 million relatives in 500 years. Eventually there are going to be overlapping relationships. The point being, we are all more closely related than we think. The gene pool has fuzzy boundaries. Human beings interbreed . It's one of the things we're best at (hence we have spread over the entire planet). Why can you walk from Africa to Russia and not see a direct change in race? People have been interbreeding all along the way.

Revisiting Early Research on Male Dominance

As awareness has grown, many earlier studies have been revisited. Anthropologists have re-examined data. They have found that women often play a much more significant cultural role than previously suggested. The roles of women were often overlooked, in large part because the ethnographers were men. This is not to say they were inherently biased, but rather that the practice of participant observation common to all anthropological ethnography limited their ability to understand women's roles. Men, as men, cannot be participant observers for a woman's cultural role, just as a female ethnographer would not gain a full view of male roles within a culture. One of the most famous revised studies is that carried out by Annette Weiner. Weiner returned to the Trobriand Islands where Bronislaw Malinowski had pioneered the ethnographic method. Malinowski had argued that economic exchange as well as ritual exchanges were dominated by males. Men traveled between islands exchanging food stuffs and other economic necessities. They also exchanged ritual objects in the form of shell necklaces and arm bands. Malinowski noted that women did not take part in these exchanges. Thus, he concluded that the Trobriand Islands were home to a male-dominated culture. Weiner returned to the islands in the 1970s to examine these systems. Weiner found that side by side with the exchanges observed by Malinowski, women were exchanging ritual clothing. This clothing was created in the memory of deceased ancestors. This exchange of clothing was a vital part of the ritual system on the Trobriand Islands. Malinowski had overlooked it entirely, perhaps because as a man he was not able to fully participate in women's cultural actions. Weiner's study truly demonstrated the necessity of multiple points of view if we want to understand a culture.

How are we related to one another?

Cultures make many decisions about who we are related to. Biology plays a definite role. But most cultures consider marriages to result in the construction of a new set of relatives, including any children that might result. Judging who you are related to involves more than simple biology.

Are there more than two sexes? Alternate sexes, alternate genders

Cultures outside of Western European/American culture are in some instances far more receptive to the concept of intersex individuals. The rarity of such biological conditions can be seen as a sign of supernatural power. In some cases the existence of such people has been worked into cultural theology, rather than simply being ignored. In such cultures the existence of an intersex individual can thus be more openly accepted and understood. Although, as we will see, problems may still abound for such individuals.

What is racism?

Definition of Racism: (straight from book): "Racism is a complex system of power that draws on the culturally constructed categories of race to rank people as superior or inferior, and to differentially allocate access to power, privilege, resources, and opportunities." It's worth looking at this definition Racism is a concept we all think we know. But, that is precisely why we need to stop and define it. Racism is a complex system not tied to one perpetrator (the racist) or one victim. It is possible to not be the perpetrator or victim, and still be affected by racism.

How is ethnicity created and put into motion?

Ethnicity tends to play a background role in most people's daily lives. That is to say, most people don't actively think about and interact with their ethnicity during a regular day. Under moments of conflict and strife, however, ethnicity can be of deeply fundamental importance. In this section, we will look at how ethnicity has been used for both harmful and beneficial outcomes.

Gender Stereotypes, Gender Ideology, and Gender Stratification

Gender stratification refers to differential access to social, economic, and political power, based solely on gender roles. Underlying gender stratification is a series of gender stereotypes based on cultural gender ideologies. Within modern American culture, there are numerous stereotypes about how men and women will behave. These stereotypes are further supported by cultural ideologies about how men and women should behave. In modern American culture it is often believed that gender ideologies are supported by biology. That is, the idea that men and women are inherently different. The attitude of "boys will be boys, and girls will be girls" is thought to be inherent in nature. We want to look here at how these notions of biologically influenced gender roles are actually not supported by scientific research.

Constructing Masculinity in a U.S. High School

Gender studies have long been primarily associated with studying women and femininity. This was a natural reaction to a culture that was primarily male-dominated. Yet, males learn gender just as females do. We can study this enculturation process. C. J. Pascoe studied the construction of masculinity in a high school in California. The construction of gender roles is particularly heightened in American culture during adolescence, thus making this a rich ground for study. Pascoe found that male students actively worked to express and demonstrate their masculinity. In particular, she identified what she called "fag discourse." Discourse refers to a pattern of communication. Male students teased, bullied, and harassed one another. Other male students would be called fags if: They were not sufficiently masculine: If they were too emotional Or did not engage in athletic competition Or cared too much about their appearance Interestingly, Pascoe found that this activity was not tied to sexual orientation. Gay male students were not called fags if they exhibited masculine behavior. Straight male students would still be called fags if they failed to exhibit masculine behavior. In this study it was clear that masculine behaviors were reinforced through social sanctions. Thus, masculinity was encouraged among male students, forcing a pattern of behavior out of fear of criticism from peers.

How Does Globalization Influence Local Expressions of Sexuality?

Globalization has had a substantial effect on sexuality around the globe. European and American governments have had dominating influences on local cultures through both colonialism and the forces of globalization. Through these contacts they have often enforced new ideas about sexuality. Hollywood movies have also had major impacts around the globe, transforming not only ideas of sexuality but also conceptions about what represents beauty in both women and men. Through improved transportation technology, globalization has also made it easier to have sexual contact between people around the world. Everything from long-distance sexual relationships to sex tourism can be fostered by globalization.

How is globalization transforming women's lives?

Globalization, as we have seen, has had a tremendous effect on peoples' lives. As a result of transnational business practices, many companies have opened up factories around the globe. Many of these factories, particularly textile factories, have focused on recruiting women as employees, largely due to gender stereotypes on appropriate work for women. We're going to finish this section on gender by examining how globalization has transformed women's lives.

When is Marriage too Close ?

I N C E S T T A B O O all cultures have incest taboos, but they are not the same for all cultures. Taboos are culturally relative.

Relatable Topic: Gender Discrimination in the Workplace

In American culture, the workplace has long been a frontline for conflict between genders. Your textbook relates startling statistics from the field of information technology. Despite the fact that in 2010, 57 percent of all college graduates were women, of degrees received in computer and information sciences, only 18 percent went to women. You book also relates the story of Ellen Pao, who worked for a leading Silicon Valley firm. She ended up suing the company for sexual discrimination. Her lawsuit exposed a wide pattern of discrimination against women throughout the Silicon Valley. Outside of the classroom, you have likely also heard the statistics that show women, even to this day, are on average paid less than men even when working the same jobs. As this is an Anthropology class, our point is not to discuss how women are treated unfairly in the workplace. Instead our interest lies in how pervasive cultural ideas of gender and sex are. These patterns, of women being mistreated and not being paid as highly as men, do not simply appear out of nowhere. They are the result of long-standing cultural patterns. These patterns suggest what we consider to be appropriate jobs for men and for women, and what kinds of work we expect men and women to be willing to do. The statistic about how few women receive degrees in computer and information sciences, for example, is not a representative of discrimination. But instead it represents a cultural pattern. We do not foster an environment where women feel like they can go into such a field. Instead we have defined these roles as men's roles. As members of your own culture, it is up to you to decide whether you agree or disagree with your own culture's values. Anthropology has the role of pointing out what cultural values are through observation of patterns. It is easy to overlook something from your own culture when it's the only pattern you've ever known.

How Is Sexuality an Arena for Working Out Relations of Power?

In Chapter 7 we covered how gender is related to power. By now, you should have no doubts that sexuality can also be manipulated in cultural power struggles. In American politics for example, same-sex marriage has become a rallying cry for two different political perspectives. If you oppose or favor same-sex marriage, you are automatically assumed to hold a series of other political beliefs. Sexual activity itself is also rife with power issues. We saw back in Chapter 2 how a kiss on the cheek caused national protests in India. And college campuses across the nation are inundated with messages about sexual consent, and avoiding rape and other sexual acts of violence. Governments routinely pass laws regarding sexuality—who can legally marry, legalizing or blocking practices such as polygamy or incest, as well as defining legal boundaries for sexuality by outlawing prostitution and legalizing pornography. Sexuality is forever intermixed with power. We will look now at two case studies on this topic.

What does a global perspective tell us about human sexuality? Machismo and Sexuality in Nicaragua

In Chapter 7, we saw the importance of machismo and gender identity in a Mexican neighborhood. Machismo holds similar importance across many Latin American cultures. In particular it is important for a man to regularly perform his machismo. That is, he is to perform masculine acts to assert and remind others of his masculinity. Machismo largely developed from Western cultural influences, thus it is similar to notions of masculinity that we already know: Men should be strong and aggressive. Men should be unemotional. Of great importance, men should be the sexual aggressors. In his study of machismo in Nicaragua, Roger Lancaster found same-sex relationships that challenge Western notions of sexual identity. In American culture anyone who takes part in sexual activities with a same-sex partner is thought to be homosexual. The same did not hold true in Lancaster's study. Lancaster found that if a man was the sexual aggressor and carried out the act of penetration, he was still performing his machismo. Men are the traditional sexual aggressors, and thus masculinity has been maintained. Only the men who received anal penetration were conceived of as being what Westerners would term homosexuals. Similar patterns have been noted in other Latin American cultures.

What does ethnicity mean to anthropologists?

In modern America, the term is used in a variety of ways. Most notably it is used as almost a stand-in for the term "race." But in other cases it is used to denote food, music, or art from other cultures around the world. Anthropologists define ethnicity as "A sense of historical, cultural, and sometimes ancestral connection to a group of people who are imagined to be distinct from those outside the group." Another way to imagine this concept of ethnicity is to think of it as "a more expansive version of kinship." People within your own ethnicity are people that you view yourself as related to, albeit in a non-direct manner. People who do not belong to your ethnic group, then, are those people who do not fit into your expanded kinship bubble. Exactly how you define your ethnicity, and who does and does not belong, is a decision that can be made personally, although there is often a general consensus on most decisions.

Machismo in Mexico

In our third case study, M. Gutmann studied the view of machismo (or masculinity) in an urban neighborhood in Mexico City. Gutmann found it difficult to precisely define machismo. Men who publically proclaimed certain characteristics as not masculine, or even feminine, would then exhibit similar characteristics in private. For example, public machismo held that men should not assist with household chores, viewing these chores as feminine and beneath the dignity of true machismo. Yet even the most vocally macho of Gutmann's informants actively aided his wife in child-rearing and other household tasks. Gutmann's study highlights the contextual nature of gendered behavior. The way we express our gender varies depending on the situation. Much like the men in Gutmann's study, many men will express their masculinity differently depending on whether they are socializing with other men ("out with the boys") versus if they are at home with female partners. American women similarly express their gender differently, depending on context. Most notably, this is expressed in dress and appearance. Some women will go to great lengths to adopt feminine adornments if they are going out in public, i.e., publicly performing their gender. They will not go through the same rituals if they are staying home.

How has sexuality been constructed in the United States? Lesbian and Gay commitment ceremonies

In the 1990s same-sex marriages were illegal in all fifty states. A majority of religious institutions refused to perform same-sex services. This meant that same-sex couples could not receive recognition of their relationship from either political or religious cultural institutions. Yet, in the 1990s the LGBT movement was growing in numbers and growing in social acceptance. As a result, many same-sex couples began to look for alternatives to the official sanctioned weddings that they were denied. Many couples chose to perform Commitment Ceremonies. These ceremonies were essentially weddings, but without political or religious sanction. Instead the couple received only the social sanction of their close friends and family. Rituals of Resistance and Acceptance Anthropologist Ellen Lewin set out to study these ceremonies. She found that these ceremonies exhibited a wide variety of resistance to, and acceptance of, traditional wedding practices. Same-sex couples found themselves in a liminal space. They were not fully accepted by their own culture. As a result, they had a greater ability to play with cultural norms. Many same-sex ceremonies fell far outside of the cultural norms for a wedding. At the same time, many same-sex couples arranged ceremonies that showed an acceptance of cultural norms as a means of having what was otherwise denied to them: a traditional wedding. Lewin observed everything from outspoken nontraditional ceremonies where the commitment ceremony was used as a social platform to ask for equality for same-sex couples, to highly traditional ceremonies such as the traditional Jewish ceremony held by a lesbian couple. These were complete with the bride in a white wedding dress and the groom in a tuxedo. These commitment ceremonies show a strong desire for inclusion. Those who identify as homosexual in the United States are looking for ways to be accepted, to have the same rights and legal privileges as heterosexual partners. In the 1990s they had few options for such acceptance. But since the 1990s, laws and public opinion have begun to change.

Types of Racism

Individual Racism What we are traditionally accustomed to thinking of. Individual people hold prejudices against socially perceived races. They can be expressed intentionally or unintentionally, or, actively or passively. Institutional Racism Racial inequality can be can be structured through key cultural institutions, policies, and systems. Authority makes prejudices seem acceptable. "Jim Crow" was "law" from 1877 until mid-1960s. Did Jim Crow die? When?

Ethnicity as Identity

It is interesting to note that despite the homogenizing effects of globalization that we have been addressing this semester, concepts of ethnicity, ethnic identity, and even ethnic pride are on the rise. As we will see throughout this chapter, ethnic identity is growing more and more powerful. It has been a source of support for many, and a generator of conflict among others. Despite even the worst atrocities of genocide (i.e., the deliberate attempt to eliminate an entire ethnic group), ethnicity continues to have significant influence in this world. As a result, ethnicity is of great interest to anthropologists. Increasingly, more and more Cultural Anthropology studies are focused on concepts of ethnicity and ethnic identity. There is particular focus on the resilience of these concepts in the face of the forces of globalization.

An introduction to Kinship, family, and marriage

Kinship has been a fundamental topic in Anthropology for generations of scholars. It has been the focus of numerous studies, reports, articles, books, and more. Anthropology students like yourself are asked again and again to draw their own kinship diagrams. It has become as much a right of passage for students as ethnography has been for anthropologists.

What Is Kinship?

Kinship is a cultural system that defines familial relationships and obligations. In short we are talking about family. Anthropologists have found that cultures often conceive of family in very different ways. For example, some cultures have very general kinship terminologies while others are more specific. Consider the terms "aunt" and "uncle" in American culture. They are used jointly for both your mother's and father's brothers and sisters. But other kinship systems have distinct terms for father's brother and mother's brother, i.e., paternal uncle and maternal uncle. Other kinship systems can be even more general. For example, your parents may take the same kinship term as their siblings. This means that your father, your father's brother, and your mother's brother may all be called by the same term (uncle, father, or something in between). As kinship terminology systems fluctuate, so too do kinship obligations and responsibilities. In some cultures, married children do not set out to start a new home. Instead they are obliged to live with the new husband's family, or the new wife's family. They become an integral part of that family, helping to care for both new babies and the elderly.

Distinguishing between sex and gender

Let's look more specifically at how we define Sex and Gender. From a biological perspective, sex is determined by three primary factors: 1) Genitalia--referring broadly to external sexual organs within a species 2) Gonads--essentially the internal sexual organs that produce different sets of hormones, testes in males, and ovaries in females 3) Chromosome patterns--human females have two X chromosomes; human males have one X and one Y chromosome. We tend to think of sex as binary, male or female. Humans also exhibit secondary sexual characteristics. These secondary characteristics include minor, yet typical, differences. There are such differences in average weight, height, and strength. Males tend to be taller and have a larger build than females. There are also such differences in hair distribution, pitch of voice, etc. Females have less body hair and a higher pitch of voice. Secondary characteristics are far from binary. Rather they exhibit large ranges of variation. Simply put, while men tend to be taller than women, there are plenty of tall women and short men. In all human cultures, these biological differences are seen as being associated with behavioral differences. That is, males and females have expected cultural roles that extend to everything from communication strategies to proper activities. These are called gender roles: the anticipated cultural roles of the individual sexes. As anthropologists began to study gender roles in different cultures, it was discovered that these roles were not universal. Gender roles are firmly constructed in our own society. Many early anthropologists simply assumed they would see the same patterns in other cultures. Instead they often found cultures where females carried out public speaking and political roles. In some, males managed households and were responsible for raising children. More recently, we have seen gender roles in our own society profoundly change. Today, women in Western culture fill roles previously assumed they were incapable of. These roles include everything from military combat to powerful political and economic roles. The anthropological study of gender roles suggests there is significant fluidity between what is true biological difference and what is cultural construction.

How is sexuality an arena for working out relations of power? Sexuality and Violence on U. S. College campuses

Let's switch now to a modern example of sexuality and power, that is, modern American college campuses. For several decades now, most colleges have required students to attend sexual assault awareness programs. As we discussed in Chapter 8, sexual violence has become a huge problem on college campuses. School administrators feel they have to become involved in fighting this problem, or otherwise appear to be complacent. Most schools have adopted traditional "no means no" awareness campaigns. These suggest that at any time, if a sexual partner says no, then sexual activity should stop. Antioch College, however, adopted a twist on this concept from a "no means no" to a "yes means yes." Antioch adopted a "yes means yes" program. Rather than focusing on whether a sexual advance was declined, Antioch chose to focus on whether sexual partners actively consented. At every stage of a sexual encounter they encouraged students to only continue if both partners said yes. Along with the "yes means yes" campaign, Antioch adopted detailed policies for their students to follow.

The Performance of Gender

Let's turn from these case studies to look more specifically at the concept of performing gender. Anthropologists hold that gender is not fixed, but rather an identity that is actively expressed. People make choices in their behavior on a regular basis, and those choices include how they express their gender identity. Men and women will express their gender differently if they are going on a date with a partner, versus if they are in a boardroom meeting, much as we saw with Gutmann's study of machismo. Men and women both face pressure on a regular basis to perform their gender. Pascoe certainly saw this with "Fag Discourse" in high schools. These pressures continue throughout adult life. Men in the workplace who do not exhibit masculine assertiveness and competitive drive are often viewed as weak or underperforming. Women in the workplace who are too assertive or competitive can be considered unfeminine by their peers. Both men and women constantly find themselves altering their gender performance depending on context and motive.

Ethnicity as a Source of Opportunity

Many ethnic groups have been able to make use of their ethnicity for opportunity, rather than destruction. Ethnic identities have become, in some cases, recognizable commodities in the modern capitalistic global economy. This is visible in everything from the ethnic food market (Chinese restaurants, Mexican restaurants, Sushi bars, etc.) to ethnic jewelry and music. Ethnic and heritage tourism are also boom businesses. Tourists in Mexico, for instance, spend hundreds of thousands of dollars every year to visit archaeological ruins, traditional villages, and Mexican markets. These tourists buy goods from local craftsmen and eat in local shops. Heritage tourism drives the entire economy in some towns.

Are men and women born or made?

Once again, we come back to the question of "nature versus nurture." We are accustomed to thinking that men and women have inherent, or innate, natures. We want to explore how much of these roles are constructed (i.e., cultural) versus how much they are truly biological.

What Does a Global Perspective Tell Us About Human Sexuality?

Our understanding of sexuality can be significantly impacted by taking a larger global perspective. While Western cultural notions about sexuality have had a huge impact on the world, particularly due to the expanding influence of movies and television, many cultures around the world hold significantly different views of sexuality.

How is race constructed around the world?

Races are not viewed the same across cultures. Race and the Legacy of Colonialism Western racial conceptions and colonialism Racial conceptions are somewhat standardized in the Western world--the United States and Europe. These conceptions are inherited from a shared colonial past. Colonialism is a broadly used term, which generally refers to European efforts to explore and colonize the rest of the world. Europeans were brought into contact with a wide cross section of humanity. People that looked and acted differently some times in ways that were difficult to understand. Out of this contact, new racial hierarchies were established, one of which was "White Europeans" and varying grades of dark below that. The darker the peoples, the more primitive and savage. Naturally the colonizers always put themselves on top. American and Europe have inherited a more or less three-part racial classification out of this--white, brown, and black. Our culture teaches us to think of this as a real distinction despite the biological problems we've already seen.

What is the anthropological view on race?

Races are social categories, not biological categories. All humans are nearly genetically identical. Racial categorizations are based off of phenotypic differences. This categorization is a result of Europe's colonial era, where they would always put themselves at the top. Racialization is a culturally constructed concept.

Marriage Rules Vary

Rules of exclusion Preference rules Features such as age, height, looks, wealth, education Cousin marriage in some cultures Romantic love in some cultures Marriage gifts

Christiana Smith

SLI's first black graduate, class of 1956 from Prairie Basse

How has sexuality been constructed in the United States?

Sexuality in American culture is largely viewed in the binary. People can be either heterosexual or homosexual. As we've discussed, these identities are largely considered fixed and unchanging. There is some conception of bisexuality for those people who pursue sexual relationships with members of both sexes. There is an even more limited concept of asexuality, for those individuals who have no desire to engage in sexual relationships. But Americans still largely think of sexuality in an absolute, either/or sense. We have seen, however, that categories which may seem absolute in American culture are much more flexible in other cultures around the world. Anthropologists would suggest that the binary view of sexuality found in American culture is a cultural construct and not a biological fact.

Race, Class, and Gender, and Hundreds of Races in Brazil

The United States and Brazil have traveled two very different paths toward racial identities and hierarchies. Brazil was the last country in the Americas to outlaw slavery. Today Brazil's system of racial classification is color-coded, but its color terminology encompasses hundreds of categories. The Portuguese colonial government did not bar miscegenation, or interracial marriage. Some scholars refer to Brazil as a "racial democracy": its government has abolished racial categories and its constitution bans racism, its absence of clear color lines are seen as a sign of tolerance. However, most of Brazil's poor are Afro-Brazilians and most of the rich are white.

The Intersection of Sexuality and Biology

There is an underlying idea that sexuality is simply a natural behavior. After all, human beings have to reproduce. Thus, we are not different from the rest of the animal kingdom that also reproduces through sexual intercourse. There is an essential truth to this argument as the sexual act is required for reproduction. However, humans take sexuality far beyond simple intercourse for the means of reproduction. To contrast this view of sex as reproduction, scholar Jared Diamond published an article entitled "The Animal with the Weirdest Sex Life." He argued that while humans do engage in sexual intercourse for reproduction, human sexual practices are far from normal when compared to other animals. Most animals do not form monogamous pairs. Most male animals do not take any part in child-rearing, or even recognize their offspring. Most animals have sexual intercourse in public with no regard for what other animals are around them. Most female animals engage in sexual activity only when they are ovulating. Most other animals do not engage in any form of sexual play outside of intercourse. In other words, other animals do not have sex for fun. Finally, most other animals do not go through menopause like human females. Truly the sexual life of humans is far different from other animals' sexual lives, and thus is less "natural" than that of other animals. There are, however, biological underpinnings. Physical anthropologist Helen Fisher, for example, identified neurochemicals that influence human emotional responses around attraction and love. We can't claim that everything about sexuality is cultural. Yet, it is difficult to pin down the biological roots of sexuality. For example, geneticists have been unable to identify any genes or group of genes that influence sexual orientation. We cannot deny that sexuality has biological components, but anthropologists suggest that cultural norms and values have a strong impact on sexual behavior.

Filmmaker Ava DuVernay's 13th

Thirteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

Why is the study of kinship been of interest over time?

This is partly because early anthropologists presumed that kinship was the primary organizing force in pre-industrial societies. While these anthropologists were correct that kinship is important in most cultures, this presumption was also a good example of bias on the part of the researchers. Anthropologists were reacting to what they thought they saw in their own society. Westerners have been decrying the breakdown of the family structure for many centuries now. The general idea is that industrialization and globalization has changed our daily lives. They take family members to the far corners of the globe, rather than allowing them to live next door. Thus, the presumption is that these forces of globalization have damaged or weakened the strength of our kinship relationships. Early anthropologists presumed kinship structures had become less important in their own cultures, but that they would still be important in the lives of the pre-industrial cultures that they studied. While the initial basis of this idea may have been flawed, the conclusion was nonetheless largely correct. Kinship structures can be incredibly powerful, shaping many aspects of daily life for people across the planet.

Orchestrating Ethnic Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia

Through the research of anthropologist Tone Bringa, we can gain a different view on a similar ethnic conflict. With the disintegration of the former nation of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s, waves of violence broke out. Again, Western media largely portrayed the violence as between different ethnic groups who had hated each other for generations. Tone Bringa had been living in an ethnically diverse community in central Bosnia (a part of the former Yugoslavia). Bringa lived in the community in 1987 before conflict broke out. The community was largely composed of Catholic Croats and Bosnian Muslims. It is not unusual for religious and ethnic subdivisions to overlap. While there were obvious and maintained differences between the groups, Bringa did not see "generations of hatred." Instead she saw peaceful coexistence. After Bringa left the region, violence broke out, and she was unable to return until 1993 after the war had ended. When she returned to her peaceful community, Bringa found that all of the Bosnian Muslims had been killed or driven away. Upon questioning people, she discovered what had happened. She learned that the violence had been primarily perpetrated by outsiders, with only minimal help from locals. This village had been caught in the crossfire of a larger conflict that used ethnicity more or less as an excuse. This is one of the dangers of ethnicity. As such a strong identifier in one's life, it is easy to turn around and use it as an excuse for actions, good or bad. But let's turn to some of the good, or at least something more positive then genocide.

Teaching Gender in the United States: Boys, Girls, and Youth Sports

Throughout many communities in the United States, children are enrolled in a variety of youth sport leagues, whether it is baseball, soccer, volleyball, etc. At a minimum, these sports are typically sexually segregated. Male children play against male children, and vice versa. Some sports are simply considered gendered. American football is played by boys. Volleyball, especially at the youth level, is almost exclusively played by girls. Enforced segregation in sports is based on widely held beliefs that males and females are capable of different things. But anthropologists question how much of this perceived difference arises from cultural norms instead of biological differences. In 1996, anthropologists Landers and Fine published a study of gendered behavior in a children's T-ball league that included both boys and girls. Landers and Fine found that the adults (both coaches and parents) treated the boys and girls differently. They found that boys received more words of praise on average when they made a good play than the girls did. On the opposite end, when girls made mistakes, they went largely uncorrected. They also found that among the girl players, each child was treated more or less the same. Among the boys, competition was fostered. Boys who played well received strong praise and encouragement. Boys who played poorly would receive less time playing on the field and less emotional support. Landers and Fine's study suggests that many attributes we consider masculine — such as competitive drive and athleticism — are taught to children and are not simply biological.

How Do Anthropologists Explore the Relationship Between Gender and Power?

Thus, their own views were biasing their interpretations. It should be no surprise that gender is a point of significant power struggles within our own culture, as well as others across the globe. Many cultures across the globe are patriarchal, that is, male dominated. Western culture is no exception. In patriarchal cultures, females, or others who identify with the feminine gender, have been discriminated against for centuries. Take, for example, the high school students in Pascoe's fag discourse study. Male students were accepting of other gay males, as long as they acted masculine. Only if these gay men acted feminine were they subjected to gender-bullying behavior. Femininity was considered to be the problem, not sexual orientation. Women face significant challenges in the modern world, simply because they are women. Six out of ten of the world's poorest citizens are women or girls. Young women aged 15 to 25 are contracting HIV/AIDS at a rate three times higher than men in the same age group. Less than 16 percent of the world's government officials are women. In the United States, one in four women will experience domestic violence in their lifetime; that is, they will be physically or emotionally abused by their partner. One in four! These statistics show a clear and distinct difference in economic and political power between men and women. Early anthropologists generally supported the idea that male dominance was nearly universal throughout the world. Thus, they fell back on the idea that male dominance was rooted in biology. Yet, as anthropologists have become more aware of their own biases (remember our earlier discussion of anthropologists and reflexivity), anthropologists have realized that they were coming from a patriarchal culture.

Ethnicity as a source of conflict

Tragically, ethnic identity and ethnicity has been either the source (or the excuse) for a great deal of conflict around the world. In its most extreme forms, these conflicts have taken the form of ethnocide or genocide. These terms refer to violent conflicts where there is an expressed (or implied) intent to eliminate all members of an ethnic or religious group. The most infamous example of genocide in modern history is the Holocaust perpetrated by the Nazi party during World War II. The Nazi military actively sought to detain and exterminate Europe's Jewish population. Ethnic conflicts do not always reach such a scale. Regardless, if we are to understand the importance of ethnicity, it is vital that we study and understand ethnic conflict, and why it can reach such extreme levels.

Race and the U. S. census

Unlike Brazil, where the government official eliminated racial categories, the U.S. government has embraced such categories. By constitutional law, the United States takes a census of its population every ten years. This census includes a question about the race of the citizen. In early censuses, it was the census taker (not the citizen) who decided the race of the individual. Now the respondent (the citizen) chooses their own racial identity. Racial categories available on the census have changed over time. The 1850 census (first to count all people, rather than just head of household) included only three categories--white, black, and mulatto (mixed race). In 1870, Chinese and Indians (Native American) were added. By 1940, there were eight categories, adding Japanese, Filipino, Hindu, and Korean. Ethnicity was added in 2000. The 2000 census asked about the respondent's race (including similar categories to above). And another question was asked about ethnicity, the only possible answers to which were Hispanic or not Hispanic. What is ethnicity? Self-selected cultural/biological affiliation Hispanic immigrants to the United States are not biologically (i.e., racially) homogenous. Hence there was confusion as to how to identify racially on the census.

History of U.S. Racial Categories: Constructing Whiteness

Unlike the casual miscegenation (or mixing of races) we saw in Brazil the United States enforced racial separation, going so far as to outlaw marriage between whites and other races. Little concern was paid to marriages between non-whites showing where the concern lay. The rule against intermarriage finally overturned in 1967. Rigid separation was a result of slave system. Americans involved in the slave trade and labor needed to control their workers. Black Africans were brought in droves to the Americas primarily to work in fields. European colonists had pushed Native Americans off the land. They were looking for a cheap labor system to maximize profits from agriculture. Indentured servants were used for awhile. But these servants eventually worked off their debt. African slaves won out as components of the most economically efficient system. From a slave owner's perspective, it was easier to justify and maintain slavery if the slaves were seen as different (as lesser). Racialized opinions of black Africans grew rapidly in the Americas. These opinions contributed to an informal system of control. The color divide was exacerbated through legal restrictions. The United State rigorously defined the line between blacks and whites.

How is sexuality and arena for working out relations of power? Race and Sexuality as defining identities for black gay women

Up to now, we've been talking about sexuality in isolation from other cultural issues. For our final segment on the construction of sexuality in the United States, we will look at Mignon Moore's study on homosexuality in racial minority communities. Moore found that for most white lesbians, their sexual identity was paramount to their personal identity. African American lesbians, however, felt race was a more pivotal part of their identity than sexual orientation. As one of Moore's informants said: "People see your Blackness, and the world has affected me by my Blackness since the very inception of my life... My sexuality is something that developed later on..." Moore asked her informants to rank what defined their personalities between race, gender, and sexuality. How would you rank the influences on your own personality between race, gender, and sexuality? While there are many influences on our lives, our interactions with other members of our culture leads us to hold different priorities. For many racial minorities, their racial status, and its effect on their interactions with others, has been of paramount importance. As a result, sexual identity in racial minority communities is less discussed, and is less pivotal to identity.

Can we link phenotype to genotype?

W I L D G O O S E C H A S E Modern Genetics With the discovery of DNA and the Human genome We know the scientific basis for human variation Genotype A person's genotype is all the genes they carry Genes for blue or brown eyes Genes for skin color Or, genes for height Inherit half of your genes from your Father, half from your Mother Interplay between this mix And environment Effects how these genes are expressed Phenotype Term for how your genes are expressed Eye Color (almost a Mendelian/Discrete trait) Brown color dominant over blue Can receive a gene for blue and one for brown Your eyes will be brown But you can pass that blue gene on to your child If your child receives two blue eye genes They will have blue eyes Phenotype often also influenced by environment A variety of genes influence your height Not as simple as eye color This is a Polygenic trait Controlled by many genes Genes you receive from your parents set the parameters How tall can you grow? Then environmental factors add their effect Good or bad nutrition during growth Presence or absence of disease All effect that genetic potential The Goose Chase! Modern racial paradigms inextricably linked traits People of certain skin color had different potential for intelligence African American slaves were considered unintelligent by their nature Or certain skin colors are associated with athletic prowess "White Men can't jump" But modern genetics shows these are not real links They are instead modern prejudices created by classification

Love and Marriage: Affinal Ties

We also create kinship ties through marriages, or their cultural equivalent. Marriage in some form or another exists in almost all cultures, although standards and norms may vary quite drastically. Some cultures embrace polygamy, one male with multiple wives. Or even polyandry, one female with multiple husbands. Some cultures encourage what we call "cross-cousin" marriage, while others hold it taboo. Nevertheless, constructed relationships, or "affinal relationships" exist in almost all cultures

What is the Relationship of Ethnicity to the Nation?

We started our discussion of ethnicity with the World Cup Soccer tournament, and the question of which nation a person could play for. There are many overlaps between ethnicity and nationalism. Like ethnicity itself, these are flexible categories that an individual can choose to be involved with or not. To better understand ethnicity and nationalism, let's step back and define some terms. Broadly speaking, anthropologists define the term "state" as referring to an organized system of political, economic, and military control within a geographically bounded space. Note that this does not involve any concept of ethnicity or identifying with the state. The people living within the state are just that—the people who live there. In nineteenth-century Europe, there was an emergence of something notably different from this. This was the emergence of the modern nation-state. A nation-state is not only a geographically bounded state; its population shares a sense of culture and ancestry. Nationalism, then, is defined as the sense of pride in that nation. Nationalism is often combined with a sense of shared destiny. You can think of nationalism as similar to ethnicity, but defined by the borders of the nation-state. Ethnicities, in contrast, are not restricted by political boundaries.

How has sexuality been constructed in the United States? White weddings

We want to move on now to a purely cultural element of sexuality — Weddings! American weddings are steeped in cultural traditions. The bride must wear white, the invitations must be formally addressed, family must be invited. Let alone "something old, something new, something borrowed, and something blue." If a bride and groom step outside of these cultural traditions, they will be quickly reminded of their transgression. You may have questions about the biological versus the cultural role in sexuality, but wedding ceremonies are undoubtedly a cultural construct. Sociologist Chrys Ingraham carried out an extensive study of modern American weddings. This led to her book, White Weddings: Romancing Heterosexuality in Popular Culture.

Patterns of Descent: The Nuer of Southern Sudan

We've talked about Evans-Pritchard's study of the Nuer several times now. They are a culture group found in Sudan, northern Africa. Their economy was largely based around the raising of cattle. In examining Nuer kinship patterns, Evans-Pritchard found that they were patrilineal. That is, descent was traced through the father's line. Both boys and girls, when born, were assigned to their father's lineage. We could also look at this in terms of inheritance. Both boys and girls inherited membership in their father's lineage. But only the boys could pass on membership in the lineage to their own future children. Any children born by these girls would in turn belong to their husbands' lineages. In addition to the patrilineal lineages, the Nuer also recognized clan structures. Typically each village was identified with a single patrilineal clan. Those clans may have been made up of a single lineage, or they could include multiple lineages. As part of his analysis of Nuer kinship, Evans-Pritchard also looked at marriage patterns. The Nuer practiced what is known as exogamous marriage. That is, you have to marry outside of your group. For the Nuer this meant that young men and women would find marriage partners from other clans (i.e., other villages). Males, as full clan members, who would sire new clan members, stayed within their village, bringing their new wives home to that village. Females, however, would move to a new clan village. Any children the wife bore would be members of the new clan, and thus be raised among fellow clan members.

Ethnic Interaction in the United States: Assimilation versus Multiculturalism

When discussing the pros and cons of ethnicity, it behooves us to look at the United States. In many ways, the United States has been an experiment in merging ethnic groups together. The modern population of the United States is primarily composed of immigrants from various European nations, forced immigrants from Africa, and recent immigrants from Latin America. Even if we look at the United States as composed of three such ethnic groups, that represents a diverse nation. In reality, these three groups are themselves composed of numerous ethnicities. We have not even mentioned the tremendous contributions to this country from Asian immigrants, and other regions from around the globe. The United States has long faced this diversity of ethnicities. As a nation, there have been two primary suggestions for how the United States should respond to such diversity. As metaphors, these responses have been characterized as the Melting Pot and the Salad Bowl. The Melting Pot has historically been the preferred response to ethnic diversity in the United States. The general idea is that as members of new ethnicities enter the United States, they should merge into the whole. The melting pot metaphor suggests that as each new ethnicity melts into the whole, it adds something new to the whole, but that the whole is paramount. Many have argued this represents a strength of the United States, that the best of each group can come together to form a stronger whole. Some immigrants, however, have characterized the Melting Pot in a different manner. They think of it as a forced assimilation. In short, they feel that the combined American culture overwhelms distinctiveness. More recently, the Melting Pot metaphor has lost popularity in favor of the Salad Bowl metaphor. The Salad Bowl metaphor is meant to emphasize a multicultural attitude. Each ethnic group may maintain its distinctiveness within the whole, but together these ethnicities make a great combination. As humans have studied the world around us, we have generally found that diversity leads to healthy systems. For example, mono-cropping, the practice of mass-producing a single agricultural plant, leads to the risk of catastrophic failure. The Irish potato famine is a good example. If a disease wipes out that one crop, you are left with virtually nothing. Multi-cropping, however, incorporates diversity in the plants grown, and thus provides protections against threats to any one plant. While people are not plants, many anthropologists nevertheless support the idea that diversity leads to a healthy culture.

Kinship and Change in Chinese Fuzhou

While conducting fieldwork in China, Kenneth Guest (your textbook author) focused in part on local kinship structures. Guest found several interesting points relevant to modern kinship studies. In general, Guest found a patrilineal descent pattern similar to what we saw with the Nuer. Descent was traced through the male line. Also like the Nuer, there was an exogamous marriage pattern. As a result of these patterns, over 90 percent of the men in Guest's study shared the same surname "Chen." Oral history held that the Chen lineage traced its origin back to a founding member, over 700 years in the past. Due to its antiquity and prominence in the village, the Chen family held great cultural power in the region. The Chen family, however, came face to face with China's efforts at modernization. In the 1960s, the Chinese government sponsored what was called a "Cultural Revolution." This government-backed revolution favored replacing the old with the new and was a deliberate effort to modernize the nation. During the revolution, the Chen family's genealogical records were destroyed, thus destroying all documentation of lineal descent over the course of 700-plus years. When modern historians attempted to reconstruct these records they had to rely primarily on oral histories. As a result, they were only successful in tracing the Chen lineage back to the early 1900s. Discussion Question: Should we now consider the Chen family a lineage or a clan? Faced with increasing globalization, Guest also documented that many of the Chen family members were migrating to the United States and other nations around the world. As the family spread around the world, kinship ties weakened. Marriage rules and descent membership no longer carried the same weight. Connections with other lineage/clan members were no longer active relationships.

Are Biology and Marriage the Only Basis for Kinship? The Langkawi of Malaysia

While working on the island of Langkawi, Malaysia, anthropologist Janet Carsten found that "houses and their hearths are the sites of the production of kinship." She found that local cultural beliefs held that blood, as well as other bodily fluids (such as breast milk and semen), were formed by eating food cooked at home. As a result of this belief, it was thought that anyone who shared a home and shared food cooked in that home would thus share blood. They would then be related by blood. The food they ate, and the space they shared, created the same blood in them both. In this way, brothers and sisters were considered to be exceptionally close relatives when young. When they grew up and moved to new households their relationship weakened. Also, by these means, a new husband and wife would grow to be more closely related as they lived together. However, Carsten found that this understanding of kinship did not stop with relatives by direct descent or marriage. If a family took in someone to live with them, say a student or traveler looking for lodging, the longer that person stayed, the more they were considered to develop a direct kinship relationship. Again, they were sharing food, and thus the same blood. In many ways, this is a very common human pattern. The more time we spend with someone the more they become a part of our lives. But for the people of Langkawi, this was not just a figurative matter. It was instead a matter of true kinship.

Are there more than Two sexes? A theory of five sexes

With the possible interplay of the three primary biological factors that create what we think of as biological sex, there is a broad range of possibilities between what is male and what is female. Medical data from 1955 to 2000 suggests that approximately 1.7 percent of children born in the United States did not neatly fit into our idealized notions of male and female. These individuals who fall in between have been referred to by a variety of terms, many of them not so pleasant. Today these individuals are generally referred to as "Intersex." This suggests they are between male and female. In the face of these data, biologist Anne Fausto-Sterling published an article entitled "The Five Sexes: Why Male and Female Are Not Enough." Fausto-Sterling identified three major groups of intersexuals: Those with a balance of male and female sexual characteristics, for example, one male gonad (a testis) and one female gonad (an ovary) Individuals who had female genitalia but male gonads Individuals who had male genitalia but female gonads. Even as recently as 2000, the American Academy of Pediatrics recommended surgery to bring intersex individuals into societal norms. A release from the academy stated, "the birth of a child with ambiguous genitalia constitutes a social emergency" (emphasis added). We should note that intersex individuals live perfectly healthy lives, biologically speaking. They have normal life expectancies and have no impediments to daily life. Some of these individuals can even reproduce. The only emergency is a cultural emergency. That is to say, other people in the culture may be uncomfortable as to how to address the intersex individual. Western society has long swept the existence of intersex people under the rug, so to speak. Countless surgeries have been carried out on children unable to consent to the procedures. Most often, surgeries were carried out to turn "ambiguous male anatomy into female." Fortunately, the reaction against such surgeries has been growing. In 2006 the American Academy of Pediatrics reversed its position, publishing guidelines recommending against elective surgeries in such cases.

Chinese immigration in the 1850s

Workers flocked to the boom in California--gold rush, railroad building, etc. First major influx of people of Asian ancestry into the United States. They were socially looked down upon. The "Yellow Peril" were here to take American jobs. Legally questionable, do they have the legal rights of whites? Africans? Or something else? Court case in your textbook shows that at least some white Americans considered them to have no standing whatsoever. Passed in 1882, the United States enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act, marking the first legal barrier to immigrants from a particular country. Active legal protection was developed from a perceived racial threat. Irish Immigrants, and Eastern Europeans Quick social history lesson In modern America, people are proud to claim Irish ancestry or perceived Irish ancestry, many wannabes on St. Paddy's day. But, this is a uniquely American conception. Developed from a influx of Irish immigrants In much of Europe (and at the time of Irish immigration to the United States), Irish ancestry was undesirable. On immigration to United States, the Irish, and other Eastern Europeans were not socially granted the privileges of being white. It took many decades of integration. It was a slow process of assimilation and globalization.

Defining sexuality

Your text takes a very broad definition of sexuality, incorporating two perspectives. "Sexuality is the complex range of desires, beliefs, and behaviors that are related to erotic physical contact, intimacy, and pleasure." Discussion question: What do you think of Guest's first definition of sexuality? Does it properly define the topic? Would kissing be considered sex under this definition? This definition may not be perfect, but we have to come to a group agreed-upon meaning. Otherwise we talk past one another. Guest's second definition is, "Sexuality is the cultural arena within which people debate ideas of what kinds of physical desires and behaviors are morally right, appropriate, and natural." We've already seen how this side of sexuality is very important and controversial. The debates over sexual education in school and gay marriage are direct examples of this realm of sexuality. We as a culture have to come to some sense of cultural norms and values about the subject.

patterns of marital resience

patrilocal, martilocal, bilocal, avonculocal, neolocal

unilineal descent groups

track only one line of descent. may be patrilineal or matrilineal.

ambilineal descent

tracking descent through both the mother's and father's lines. most western countries are ambilineal, but favor the paternal line.