Unit 4 - Economy, Society and Politics (1846-1885)

Key Chronology: Gladstone and Disraeli's social legislation

- 1869: Women ratepayers able to vote in local elections - 1870: Education Act - 1870: Civil Service Act - 1870: Married Women's Property Act - 1871: Cardwell's Army reforms - 1871: Trade Union Act - 1871: Criminal Law Amendment Act - 1872: Public Health Act - 1872: Licensing Act - 1873: Judicature Act - 1875: Artisans' Dwellings Act - 1875: Public Health Act - 1875: Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act - 1874 & 1878: Factory Acts setting codes of regulations and working hours for all factories

Summary of Topic 1 - Government and developing political organisation

- In 1846 the Conservative party split into Protectionists and Peelites - Over the next two decades there were nine separate governments, suggestive of a high degree of political instability - There was a realignment of the two main political parties, the Conservatives and the Whigs, and the beginnings of a modern two-party system - With the concept of representative democracy strengthening, owing to reform, the power of the monarchy was weakened - The monarch could no longer dictate who should lead the Government. The political party in power was the choice of the people and the Prime Minister was the leader of the party that gained the confidence of the House of Commons - The Liberal party formed as the result of a merger between different political groups. Liberalism became a political creed and the Liberal party dominated the political scene for the next twenty years under Gladstone's forceful and inspired leadership

Governments, 1846-68

- Lord John Russell's first Ministry, 1846-52 Whig Seen as weak and ineffective; a conviction politician but lacking the ability to inspire his followers. Survived with Peelite support. - Lord Derby's first Ministry, 1852 Conservative No workable majority - Lord Aberdeen, 1852-55 Whig-Peelite coalition Defeated by the strains of the Crimean war - Lord Palmerston's first Ministry, 1855-58 Whig An imposter, according to Disraeli, but he surprised everyone by his energy which was primarily directed at foreign affairs - Lord Derby's second Ministry, 1858-59 Conservative Assisted by Disraeli but lacked a majority - Lord Palmerston's second Ministry, 1859-65 Whig-Peelite & Liberals A most cohesive Ministry, a bridge between groups of 1850s and party politics; little domestic legislation and Palmerston blocked reform, eventually dying in office - Lord John Russell's second Ministry, 1865-66 Whigs, Peelites, Liberals, and Radicals Moving towards unity; Russell retired and Gladstone took over - Lord Derby's third Ministry, 1866-68 Conservative A minority Conservative administration, which passed the Second Reform Act and, after Derby retired, Disraeli became Prime Minister - Disraeli, 1868 Conservative Politically powerless with no majority but Disraeli was determined to stay in office

Use a bullet-point approach to answer the following questions. It is worth practising this approach because it will be invaluable in helping you to plan exam answers. 1. Explain how the 1867 Act created a more diverse electorate. 2. What evidence is there to show that the Act was less radical than it at first appeared?

1. The points relating to a more diverse electorate should be as follows: - Borough electorate more than doubled - County electorate increased by approximately 40% - Redistribution of seats especially in the counties - Enfranchisement of urban householders paying rates - Enfranchisement of lodgers paying over £10 a year - Enfranchisement of county occupiers and householders paying over £12 a year - Working class men in towns representing majority of electors for the first time 2. The points relating to the radical nature of electoral reform should be as follows: - Property ownership remained an active factor in franchise qualification - Restricting franchise extension in counties highly important in maintaining - Conservative dominance - Some urban constituencies were still under-represented - London, Lancashire and Yorkshire still under-represented - Women still excluded from voting - Plural voting still in place - Middle class superiority in the counties was maintained

Key Chronology

1846: Repeal of the Corn Laws 1846: Resignation of Peel after defeat in the Commons: Conservative party splits into Protectionists and Peelites 1849: Abolition of the Navigation Acts 1850: Death of Sir Robert Peel 1859: Formation of the Liberal party 1865: Death of Palmerston 1867: Second Reform Act

Key Chronology Social developments

1859: Publication of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species 1859: Publication of Samuel Smiles' Self-Help 1867: First Barnardo's home open in East London 1868: Torrens Housing Act 1870: Completion of Bazalgette's sewage system for London 1871: The Bank Holiday Act is passed 1878: William Booth founds the Salvation Army

Derby's Government and Disraeli in opposition

A significant tranche of social reform legislation was enacted in the period of Lord Derby's government between 1866 and 1868, with an extension of the Factory Acts, public health for paupers and merchant seamen, and working class housing. Despite these acts, Disraeli was not familiar with the demands of mass politics. Political reform in 1867 failed to create a more favourable electorate, and in 1868 the Tories went down to their sixth election defeat in a row. After a difficult period between 1868 and 1871, the Tories found popularity, as the Liberal government ran into difficulties. In his speeches at Crystal Palace and Manchester, Disraeli pointed to the traditional concerns of the Conservatives, which he cited as maintaining institutions, preserving the Empire, and improving the condition of the people. He contrasted this with the Liberal policies of despoiling churches, plundering landlords, and imperial separatism. Disraeli's speeches were essays in mass politics, with a tone of national not class appeal and have perhaps been given too much weight by historians. The Conservatives were in opposition for most of the Disraeli years, but it was perhaps mid-Victorian prosperity which led many former Liberals toward the Conservatives. Conservative support was much more reliable than that for the Liberals, and the Conservatives were a much more of a compact body united around fundamental articles of faith. Disraeli did much to articulate these into a coherent political philosophy, and Lord Salisbury, through fortuitous electoral arrangements and political organization, later capitalised on these firm foundations. Disraeli was a tactician rather than a strategist, who employed opportunism as much as he did principle, but his stewardship of the Party did provide the basis for revival and transformation in the late Victorian period with Villa Toryism, commensurate with the changing face of British society and economy.

High Farming

A term popularised by the agricultural writer James Caird, 'High Farming' meant the achievement of excellence in farming methods, and it was used to describe the improvement of productivity, and the broad shift in farming methods from mono-cultural (single crop) arable to mixed farming. Growing wheat and root crops as well as maintaining cattle, sheep and pigs, acted as a cushion against any downturn in livestock or crop prices. It proved to be a sensible approach to the uncertainties caused by bad harvests or the vagaries of market prices. Moreover, surplus crops could be used to feed animals and manure crops. There was considerable profitability in livestock farming with special breeds being adopted in particular areas of the country. In his pamphlet High Farming, Caird advised farmers on how to adopt methods to cope with a possible fall in wheat prices, and he called for more intensive farming, taking account of new methods and improvements like drainage and fertilisation and building on the improvement in agricultural techniques and knowledge. Caird was also an advocate of mixed farming which the scientific and technological advances, alongside rising prices, had made possible.

Composition of the Liberal party

After the 1832 Reform Act, a number of middle-class businessmen and professionals with liberal and radical views were elected to Parliament. This was only the most obvious sign of a change in the personnel and more widely the practice of politics and political culture. Most of these new entrants to Parliament were representing newly-enfranchised industrial boroughs, and they mostly voted with the Whigs which enabled this Whig-Liberal alliance to form majority governments for most of the following decades. It was at time a difficult alliance to hold together, for the radical wing of liberalism were free-thinking middle-class individuals, most of whom adopted the tenets of Benthamite utilitarianism and who were suspicious of established political institutions dominated by the aristocracy. The Radicals wanted to renovate the social order, attacking privilege and hierarchy, extend the franchise, remove government restrictions and institute free trade. Richard Cobden and John Bright were the most prominent radicals of this stamp, and their political intelligence and oratory marked them out from some of the other radicals, many of whom drifted into a more moderate position within the Liberal party, especially after the Crimean War (1853-56) and the French invasion scare of 1859. Approximately half of the Liberal party owed their wealth to land. The historian John Vincent has made the point that almost half of Gladstone's Liberal party was tied to the land, the Church or the Army, three of the main objects of the attacks by radicals for privilege and elitism. The aristocratic core of the Whigs remained small and tight-knit, with 39 families providing 162 of Whig Liberal MPs between 1832 and 1865. These divisions made the Liberal party appear to have a somewhat schizophrenic quality and feel. The other half of the party owed their wealth to commerce and business, including the radical faction whose ideology was based on reform of the State and its institutions in a manner more conducive to middle-class interests. The Liberal Party was shaped in the 1850s and 1860s, and the divisions between Whigs and Radicals were divisions over social background and political ideology. It was Whigs rather than Radicals who held the key offices in Gladstone's administrations. Gladstone was suspect to many because of his Peelite background, and in this respect he was closer to the radicals, but radicals like John Morley and John Bright were firmly committed to challenging the established order in Church and State, while Gladstone was nervous of attacking such institutions. There were three crucial factors which underpinned the growth of a new form of popular Liberalism: 1. The growth of a cheap, daily, provincial press, controlled by Liberal families like Baines (Leeds Mercury) and Cowen (Newcastle Chronicle) 2. Militant Nonconformity, with nonconformists looking to the old Whig party as their natural allies, and viewing the Liberals as most likely to enact religious and educational reforms 3. The rise of the new working class voters in the mid-nineteenth century, and Gladstone's ability to harness this new political consciousness These factors built on the elements of the Liberal party which were held together by a loose belief in individual liberty, freedom and religious toleration. Supporting free trade as a means of wealth creation and national prosperity, they accepted overhaul of the parliamentary system as a necessary corrective to reflect changes in the distribution and wealth of population forged by the industrial revolution. The Liberal party was also supported by many of the great thinkers and intellectuals of the day, including John Stuart Mill, Jeremy Bentham, and Walter Bagehot, who provided the theoretical arguments and justifications for the reforming measures of an innovative and vibrant middle-class culture.

Topic 1 - Government and developing political organisation

After the Conservative party split in 1846, British party politics went through a period of readjustment, fragmentation, and eventual realignment to a broader-based two-party system. The emergence of both newly-constituted Liberal and Conservative parties was perhaps a necessary consequence of fundamental divisions over highly-contentious issues, like Catholic Emancipation, the Reform Act, and Corn Law repeal. The reconfiguration of parties incorporated new elements within the political system, such as Nonconformists and the urban middle classes, whose weight and influence was increasingly apparent on one side of the political divide. Parties were as often divided by personal, class, and religious reasons as they were by policy differences. Personal rivalries at Westminster were matched by different levels of support between rural and urban areas, where the nature of the Liberal-Conservative divide was most readily apparent. On the national stage, once the Liberal party became less traditionally minded after the death of Palmerston, a greater ideological divide appeared over policies and principles, and a more partisan atmosphere was apparent after 1865.

The reforming Ministry, 1868-74

After the Reform Act of 1867, which you will encounter shortly, Gladstone came to power in 1868, as Prime Minister for the first of four occasions in a career spanning sixty years. As the historian Stephen J. Lee points out, there has always existed a body of opinion that Gladstone acted in accordance with his ideas. Earlier historians like Morley, Hammond and Magnus stressed the importance of Gladstone's religious background, and more recent historians like Biagini and Feuchtwanger confirmed this viewpoint and argued for Gladstone's ideological coherence. Yet there are dissenters from this view. Paul Adelman argued that Gladstone's first Ministry had nothing approaching coherent programme, and T. A. Jenkins claimed that Gladstone's programme was not one which he personally inspired and masterminded. (Stephen J. Lee, Gladstone and Disraeli (2005)) Jonathan Parry argued that most of the Liberal agenda did not emanate from Gladstone but belonged to the Whig-Liberal tradition updated to cope with political needs after the mass enfranchisement of 1867; instead, essentially Gladstone's aims remained conservative. Parry's view was based on the premise that Gladstone provided neither the reforming impetus nor the unifying influence within the Liberal party: on the contrary, so this argument goes, he damaged the earlier achievements of Whig and radical governments. Certainly, if we just consider the volume of legislation then we can agree that Gladstone was not a prolific legislator. In analysis of government bills presented, Lord John Russell introduced 195 in 1847-8, while Palmerston introduced 178 in 1863-64. On the other hand, Gladstone introduced 152 in 1871-2. It is the quality and significance of legislation that is more important in assessing Gladstone's attributes and achievements. In the 1868 government Gladstone advanced three principles in his reform programme - Abolition of privileges - Removal of barriers to advancement by merit - Full civic equality These were the prominent themes of the 1868 Government which underpinned Gladstone's reform programme.

Pressure for parliamentary reform Post-Chartism and the Little Charter

All would agree that pressure for parliamentary reform slackened off after the Chartist humiliation of 1848. So far as constituencies went, there were some minor changes in the middle years of the century. Sudbury, in 1844, and St Albans, in 1852, were disfranchised for corruption and their four seats were redistributed, one going to Birkenhead. However, many anomalies remained. Cornish boroughs, for example, were still massively over-represented. Just one isolated advance had been made in 1858, when one of the Chartist aims was met through the abolition of the property qualification for becoming an MP. Radical members of the House of Commons did keep the reform torch burning but never generating much heat. The end of Chartist pressure may have given parliamentary radicals a chance to push for moderate reforms without the Chartists' excessive demands in the background. However, there was no effective, high-profile reform movement. Historian Theodore Hoppen has described the cause of parliamentary reform as 'a corpse on the dissecting table', with the movement 'bereft of influence, cohesion and staying power' (Hoppen, 1998). This may be a little overstated as there was always a reform group of radicals in Parliament throughout the 1850s, and some 70 or so men did continually support various reform measures. Joseph Hume, a veteran radical by now, proposed reform bills, often termed the 'Little Charter', in every session between 1848 and 1852. Reformist MPs had no meaningful support for their more radical measures from mainstream politicians. Many party leaders were not totally hostile to a moderate extension of voting rights but, fearing a backlash from their electorates, none would support more than watered-down measures. The same applied to measures designed to secure a secret ballot. Bills aimed at either modest extensions to the categories of voters or equalising the county and borough franchises, were introduced in 1852, 1854, 1859 and 1860 but they aroused little enthusiasm in the Commons or, it seemed, the country. None could agree on the detail and, in the event, many argued that reform was just not a priority. There was always the political worry too that any measure introduced might benefit the opposition. As Norman Gash has written: 'Increasingly "parliamentary reform" seemed a mere political shibboleth (custom) to which all parties paid lip-service but on which none (except perhaps [John] Bright and a few radicals) had any serious convictions' (Gash, 1979). The same seemed true of the country at large. Lord John Russell, earlier the major Liberal advocate of further reform, commented on the apathy of the country. Despite undercurrents of sympathy for modest measures of parliamentary reform, among Liberals particularly, and in addition to the factors mentioned, it was the influence of Lord Palmerston, Prime Minister in 1855-58 and 1859-65, which proved a major deterrent to change. He, and other traditionalist politicians who thought like him, saw little of concern in the continuation of the corruption and bribery that still existed in many constituencies. To them, the continuing domination of government by the landed aristocracy seemed part of the natural order of things and inequality of representation was of little importance.

Changes in the Liberal party

Although slower than the Conservatives to develop a central party bureaucracy at national level, the Liberals had already had the makings of effective local party machinery for a number of years in some areas. Most notable was the Birmingham Liberal Association, founded in 1865 and reorganised for the 1868 general election. Its influence over voters was so thorough that the Liberals won all three Birmingham seats in both the 1868 and 1874 general elections. Disraeli and the Conservatives dubbed it the 'caucus', in a disparaging comparison with populist American politics, where a caucus was a meeting of party politicians. The Birmingham Liberal Association was open for membership to anyone in the city and there was a clearly established chain of communication from the rank and file to the central committee. Members had a say in both association affairs and the selection of candidates. In practice, working-class members usually deferred to middle-class leaders and the central committee was usually all-powerful but there was more than a semblance of popular participation. One local politician to emerge from this background onto the national stage was Joseph Chamberlain. He became a local MP in 1876 and was soon the most important member of the radical wing of the Liberal Party, though his later political career was highly controversial and divisive for both major parties. Defeat by the Conservatives in 1874 stimulated growth of other local associations. Those established in cities such as Sheffield, Leeds and Manchester were not necessarily modelled on Birmingham, but Birmingham can be considered as providing a template of sorts. Effective local control and organisation did not always work well, though, and the Liberal Party remained in many ways a coalition of different interests: Whigs, radicals, Anglicans and Nonconformists. In some constituencies, close-knit working-class communities were able to exert sufficient influence over their local Liberal association to get genuine working-class candidates adopted. The first of these so-called 'Lib-Lab' MPs, that is, Liberals of the labouring class, Thomas Burt and Alexander MacDonald, were elected in 1874. The 'Condition of England' question had elicited little direct comment from Gladstone in the 1870s. For him, the working man should strive for 'improvement' in mind, morals, income, and skills and he looked to labourers becoming respectable artisans. Nevertheless, Gladstone was moderately favourable to further increasing the representation of working men, and the support of the pioneering Labour leader Keir Hardie for Gladstone indicated that Gladstonian liberalism and labour representation were not incompatible. The move to create a network of local associations culminated in the establishment of the National Liberal Federation (NLF) in 1877. This owed much to the work and example of Chamberlain and the Birmingham caucus. Chamberlain and radical populist Liberals hoped that the NLF would spearhead a radical takeover of the Liberal Party from its aristocratic Whig wing.

Political solutions

Among the causes of depression were foreign tariffs and bounties, foreign competition, over-production, high local taxation, and regulatory legislation. With the onset of depression, the Disraeli government found it difficult to adapt amid foreign policy distractions, but the absence of government legislation to intervene in the national economy testifies to the long-standing belief in laissez-faire that was shared by all political elites; to consider the highly contentious policy of imposing tariffs was, too, practically impossible for a party that had struggled so hard to shed its narrow, protectionist image. Trade depression was for a short period rather uniform and general, having arisen from common causes, and the volume of trade failed to maintain healthy growth in several important industrial sectors. Eventually, a Royal Commission into the Depression in Trade and Industry was appointed, meeting a long-standing demand of the protectionist 'Fair Trade' movement. It reported in 1886. Despite fears of the likely biased nature of the Report, the Commission remained a moderate body, with Commissioners agreeing that foreign bounties and tariffs levied against Britain were among the causes of the Depression. Amid a wealth of conflicting evidence from different sectors of the economy, the Commissioners themselves were divided, and a Majority and a Minority report was issued. Dissenters from the Majority Report, which had contained no recommendation of remedial measures because it assumed that they were out of the state's hands, issued a Minority Report that recommended retaliation and imperial preference to counter foreign tariffs and bounties. Expressing concern at the growing effects of directly or indirectly subsidized foreign competition, the Minority Report attacked free trade as the primary cause of the depression, stating that the main report was 'too optimistic' in that it 'minimises the depression which the evidence submitted to us proves to exist in almost every branch of the trade and industry of the country'. The recommendations of the Report were not binding on the government and, consistent with the powerful doctrine that the government only did damage if it directly intervened in the market economy, no change in policy was adopted at Westminster. The 'Fair Trade' movement, linking foreign tariffs and the growth of foreign manufacturing with Britain's decline saw the solution in closer imperial ties, with preferential tariffs to the colonies, and imposing higher tariffs on foreign imports. Yet the movement was not able to achieve significant political support until the late 1890s. Moreover, it remained highly-focussed on relatively small industries where foreign competition was having a major impact on employment, such as silk manufacturers, paper-makers, and sugar refiners. Agriculture remained contentious, of course, for any question of re-imposing tariffs on imported food was a major political issue and was highly resisted by free traders, Liberals and most Conservatives.

Terms of the Second Reform Act

Analysis of the detail of the 1867 Act suggests that the major extension of the franchise was in the boroughs, where numbers of voters more than doubled. This did not harm the Conservatives too much, as the boroughs were already predominantly Liberal. In traditional Conservative county strongholds, the number of voters only went up by about 40%. The Redistribution Act accompanying the extension of the franchise redistributed several seats, of which 25 went to counties. The great urban centres, by and large Liberal strongholds, remained under-represented in terms of population. Maurice Cowling has written that Disraeli: 'was prepared to let the Radicals have their way in the boroughs so long as he had his to some extent in the counties' (Cowling, 2005). We will now look in a little more detail at the nature and extent of change brought about. Under the terms of the Act, the borough franchise was extended to all urban householders paying rates. Lodgers paying over £10 a year in rent also got the vote. For both categories, there was a one-year residential qualification. This meant that most skilled working-class men in the towns now had the same voting rights as middle-class men. Changes in the counties were more modest, with all occupiers and leaseholders of houses rated at £12 or more also getting the vote. This produced an increase of about 250,000 in the county electorate. In round figures, the total electorate almost doubled to close on two million, about 35% of men over 21. In broad terms, working-class men in the towns were in a majority for the first time. In the counties, though, middle-class superiority of numbers was maintained. Under the parallel Redistribution Act, 52 seats were redistributed, most of them from a selection of some of the boroughs with a population of less than 10,000. The counties, which won 25, benefited most. Some larger towns also gained: Liverpool, Leeds, Manchester and Birmingham got third seats, for example. Separate Reform Acts for Scotland and Ireland were passed in 1868.

Industrial and transport developments The first industrial nation

As the first industrial nation, Britain far outstripped other countries both in terms of the volume of goods produced at home and the value of her exports. British colonial and naval power buttressed and complemented her industrial power. Britain built on some of her earlier advantages, such as plentiful natural resources, primarily iron ore and coal, which companies now had the technology to extract and exploit in tremendous quantities. The industrial sector also forged ahead in design, engineering processes and mass production. All these advantages occurred against a backdrop of a free trade policy which aimed to maximise the advantages Britain held by cheapening raw material imports and manufacturing exports. With population increasing from 27 million in 1851 to 35 million in 1881 British employers had a large workforce and a large domestic market in which to sell goods. The mobility of the workforce and the rapid carriage of goods made possible by the extensive railway network across the country added another dimension to Britain's advantages. By 1875, the railways reached into every major town and seaport and in this way facilitated further industrial exchange. Free trade encouraged overseas trading and stimulated British industries with profits which were often ploughed back into new businesses, promoting further specialisation and innovation, and creating further opportunities for greater profits. At mid-century, the main economic problem for industrial expansion related to supervision and co-ordination of large-scale enterprises, and these problems kept the size of mid-century firms and business predominantly small, with only cotton and metal manufacture conducted on a large scale. At the start of this period, half the population of England still lived in rural areas and the great majority of 'industrial' workers worked in trades which had not been revolutionized into large-scale mass production. Key industries like coal and iron were at the centre of industrial expansion, though textiles remained a staple product for export and Britain continued to be a major exporter of cotton cloth. However, all manufactured goods depended to some extent on coal and iron: coal to produce heat or steam and iron to make the machines that manufactured the goods.

The Second Reform Act The reform debate 1865-67

As we have seen, the Great Reform Act of 1832 had not led to mass enfranchisement and there had been little progress towards that end in the period between 1832 and 1867. The economic boom of the mid-Victorian years meant the property franchise captured more men and made them eligible to vote but there were still fewer than one million voters and the working classes were still excluded. A rapid increase of population and continuing industrialisation and urbanisation, however, was making reform more necessary for there were imbalances in representation between large towns and small rural areas. By the mid-1860s, there was a coming together of growing sympathies for reform within Parliament and a resurgence in working-class agitation for reform outside Parliament. When reform came, it would arise from a combination of popular pressure, conviction and political opportunism.

Disraeli and party organisation

Before 1874, Disraeli promoted ideas that were later to acquire the label of 'Tory Democracy', as a means of reviving Conservative fortunes (he hardly ever used the term himself). Indeed, some historians see this as motivating his advocacy of electoral reform in 1867. Disraeli had the idea of bolstering traditional institutions with a degree of social reform, and he wanted to encourage working class conservatism yet recognised that the parliamentary Conservative party was not ready to abandon its aristocratic hierarchy. In his 1874 Cabinet, there was only one member who was not a peer or a landed gentleman. Disraeli was disappointed that he had not won the 1868 General Election, especially since the Conservatives had passed the Second Reform Act in 1867 and enfranchised a large part of the working-class electorate. He acknowledged that the party needed to enhance its organisation. In 1867 a number of Conservative working men's associations were set up or merged with existing Conservative and Constitutional Associations, many of which had been formed in the wake of the 1832 Reform Act. A federation of these organisations was formed in the same year. This became the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations (NUCCA), sometimes abbreviated to the Conservative National Union (CNU). In the counties and among the party leadership, this body only received lukewarm support at first. In 1870, though, while in opposition, Disraeli appointed John Gorst as national party agent. Gorst established a Conservative Central Office (CCO) and in 1871 became secretary of the NUCCA. By the 1874 election, he had come close to creating an effective unity out of the three party institutions, that is, constituency associations, national federation (NUCCA) and central bureaucracy (CCO). Some 70 new local associations, many in the large boroughs where Conservatives had previously been weak, were founded between 1870 and 1873. 'We shall never attain stable political power till the boroughs are conquered', Gorst argued (Read, 1979). The boroughs had electorates considerably enlarged by the Reform Act of 1867, and Gorst thought it impossible to win a good majority in the House of Commons without winning a decent number of those seats. Local Conservative Associations were then affiliated to the NUCCA. In the 1874 general election candidates were found to fight all constituencies where there was a reasonable chance of a Conservative victory. The reward for Gorst's hard work at the centre came in the victory at the polls. A total of 65 of the 74 English and Welsh seats gained from the Liberals in 1874 had local Conservative Associations. In 1883 Lord Randolph Churchill and Gorst founded the Primrose League to commemorate Disraeli's politics (the primrose had supposedly been his favourite flower). Although it had no official link to the Conservative Party organisational structure, it proved increasingly influential in the 1880s and 1890s when it became the largest political organisation in the country, with a membership of well over a million at its peak. The Primrose League was designed to enable Conservatives to better adapt to the extension of democracy. By mixing political propaganda with programmes of social activities, it mobilised local support very effectively and - partly because of its organisational structure, in which male and female ordinary members were accorded equal status - was particularly active in encouraging women to work locally on the party's behalf. One of the consequences of franchise development, as we shall see presently, was that the electorate were more alien to politicians after 1867 than before. Disraeli was able to harness the party organisation to secure sufficient working class support to win the 1874 General Election. As Friedrich Engels wrote to Karl Marx: 'Everywhere the proletariat is the rag-tag and bobtail of the official parties, and if any party has gained strength from the new voters, it is the Tories'. The signs were already there in the 1850s when in Lancashire and London the Conservatives gained seats and in 1868 when they gained 34 seats in boroughs where the population exceeded 20,000. Conservative defeats in the 1850s and 1860s had been characterised by the lack of success in borough seats of leading manufacturing districts. It is perhaps significant that in an age of mass politics, Conservative clubs were expressly not political discussion groups. Gorst made this clear when he emphasised that all were agreed on principles, and this was a vindication of Disraeli's role in educating the Party. However, electoral success clearly owed much to a new body of Conservatives anxious to improve party organization.

British industrial and economic dominance

British global dominance can be demonstrated by reference to a set of economic indicators and figures. Britain produced approximately 40% of the total traded manufactured goods and approximately 25% of world trade passed through British ports in the mid-nineteenth century. Britain was the 'workshop of the world' but nevertheless retained many of her supplies of raw materials and foodstuffs for its growing population. One-third of all British manufactured goods were exported to the British Empire, coal was exported to Europe, and many exports were sent to the United States, as the US economy was still developing. In sum the overall pattern of British trading relationships was that Britain was importing raw materials, manufacturing goods and exporting finished products. Britain was at the height of her economic power from around 1850 to the early 1870s. As we have seen in previous units, there were rapid increases in industrial production and new technology and scientific knowledge aided the progress of industry and agriculture. There was limited state interference in the free-market economy, and low taxation with free trade was encouraged by successive governments, via tariff reductions and commercial agreements. This progressive move towards prosperity was underpinned by years of peace and plenty. Ideas of self-help and the belief that honest hard work brought rewards came to fuller fruition. Better education and public health made the mid-Victorian period one that was an age of improvement as much as it was an age of industrial development and commercial expansion. The standard of living broadly was raised, though persistent elements of poverty remained - particularly in rural areas. After 1873, there were signs that the economy was growing at a slower pace, with the balance between imports and exports no longer so favourable to the latter, and Britain facing tougher competition from foreign powers - who were now not merely suppliers of raw materials but competitors in manufacturing finished goods and who possessed aspirations to compete in export markets. In 1851 this foreign competition had seemed a remote and distant prospect. The Great Exhibition, in Hyde Park, with the exhibits housed in magnificent glass houses, termed the 'Crystal Palace' had been a tribute to British ingenuity, productive capacity, invention, character, and the overall skill of British manufacturing. Exhibits from foreign countries were included but mainly as a means of demonstrating Britain's commitment to free trade and as a means of emphasising by way of comparison Britain's superiority and excellence. In the five months that it was open, it attracted six million visitors, with many visitors using the new railways to journey to London, which again was another example of Britain's industrial ingenuity and inventiveness.

Railway Development in Britain, 1840-1900

By 1850, railways were one of the most important industries in Britain and in the following quarter-century there was further expansion into the south, east, and west of Scotland. The Highlands remained difficult both on the basis of the rough terrain and the sparse population which made the profitability of extending the railway to that area questionable. Most of the new track laid post-1850 set up suburban or branch lines, often linking seaside resorts to larger towns, and in this way, the railways made an important contribution to the new industry of tourism. Railways companies were increasingly concerned with obtaining better, faster, and more reliable engines, which contributed towards the development of precision engineering. Companies were set up to produce more modern rolling stock and locomotives leading to the characteristic 'railway towns' of Victorian Britain like Crewe, Doncaster and Derby, which retain that character to the present day. A new development in this period was the first London underground line, the Metropolitan line, which opened in 1863, but smoke and fumes from the steam locomotives together with the sickly smell of the oil lamps in carriages made it unpleasant to ride in, according to its early passengers. Nevertheless, by the end of its first year, the Metropolitan line had carried 10 million passengers. By the 1860s, Bessemer steel rails provided a further boost to railway construction; they were relatively cheap to make, cut capital replacement costs (because they were stronger and needed less repair), increased profits and produced more capital for further investment, which often went into foreign railway construction. The export of capital is a good indication of a booming economy, when surplus capital is available for investment.

Party realignment Realignment of Whigs and Conservatives

By repealing the Corn Laws, Peel caused a reconfiguration of British party politics. The schism in the Conservative party which followed kept the Tories out of Government, apart from short minority governments, for a generation. More than 200 Tory MPs voted against repeal and the measure was carried by Whig and Irish votes. The Conservative Party remained divided, with Tories who voted against Peel becoming the Protectionist party under the leadership of Lord George Bentinck and Benjamin Disraeli. Of 162 Conservatives who voted against Maynooth in 1845, only 20 supported Corn Law repeal. Here were the contours of the future division of the Conservatives—Bentinck and Disraeli articulated the complaints against Peel and with the vehicle of the Central Agricultural Protection Society effectively formed a third political party. The small number of Conservatives who followed Peel, the Peelites, resisted any formal reunion with the Protectionists. Their position was awkward, for despite being in favour of free trade they were not Liberals, and despite being Conservatives they were not Protectionists. The Peelites included many politicians of ability and experience, thus indicating the nature of the split, between executive politicians following Peel, and rural backbenchers supporting Bentinck and Disraeli. This division had been apparent for years, as the disgruntlement of many rural backbenchers at Peel's measures to reduce Canadian corn duties and to allow foreign imports of cattle had illustrated, but the abolition of the Corn Laws hardened it and cast the protectionist wing of the Tories into political limbo. Indeed, when a minority protectionist government briefly assumed office in 1852 under Lord Derby, it became known as the "Who? Who? Ministry" on account of the dearth of well-known politicians appointed as Ministers. There were five different parliamentary political groupings after 1846. The Protectionist Conservatives, Peelites, the Whigs, the Radicals, and the Irish MPs. The Peelites were uncertain whether they should formalise the break with the Conservatives and support the Whigs or whether to find a compromise with the Conservatives. The Radicals generally supported the Whigs but on certain issues they could be their greatest critics, and even side with the Conservatives. The fragmentation of parties can de demonstrated by the fact that there were nine governments over twenty years, suggesting that a clear two-party system was not functioning during this period and seemed unlikely to emerge in the near future

What factors led to the failure of Chartism?

Chartism failed for many reasons. Firstly, from internal divisions between the different factions within then movement prevented unity and weakened the entire movement. Secondly, the Chartists were never able to secure the support of a large majority of the working class, with many workers unable to see how the Charter would improve their lives. There was an additional failure to attract a significant number of middle-class sympathisers and supporters. Finally, economic revival and prosperity removed a major grievance of many who were attached to the movement—Chartism thrived in hard times and declined when the economy began to improve.

Chartism

Chartism had lost many supporters with the revival of economic prosperity after 1842, and had veered off into some unproductive areas. In 1845, Feargus O'Connor founded the Chartist Cooperative Land Company to help working-class people with housing, and established five settlements, one known as O'Connorville and one as Charterville. However, the schemes were massively flawed financially; the Company became bankrupt and was wound up by Act of Parliament by 1851 with all settlements breaking up. The failure was perhaps symptomatic of a period when the decline of the main political Chartist movement, and splits therein, made its leaders look to social and economic reforms as a way of advancing the principles of working-class representation, well-being, and status. Yet the main Chartism movement, demanding the Six Points, did revive, albeit briefly, in 1847-48. Chartism revived with the return of an economic slump in 1847, and was further fuelled early in 1848 by the revolutions happening across Europe. Another National Convention and a third Chartist petition were organised. Arrangements were made to take the petition to Parliament after a mass meeting on Kennington Common. The government was well prepared for any trouble if the proceedings got out of hand, although it was O'Connor's stated intention to make the demonstration wholly peaceful. In the event, bad weather hit the mass demonstration and estimates of the attendance ranged from a paltry 20,000 to 200,000 demonstrators. The presentation of the third Chartist petition on 10 April 1848 accompanied by rowdy demonstrations and the Chartist Convention in London on 14 April raised public fears that the Chartists aimed at the overthrow of the government. At the time of the presentation of the Chartist petition, 7,000 regular soldiers were brought into London but they were kept out of sight, and 170,000 special constables were enrolled. The aborted march to Parliament meant there was little trouble, however. The fear of disorder was possibly exaggerated but we perhaps tend to view such events with too much hindsight since there was little in the way of outright violence, but the potential for disorder was clearly apparent to contemporaries. The claim of the Chartist petition for almost six million signatures was exaggerated: probably two million signatures were genuine - still a substantial number - but the petition was ridiculed by the opponents of the Chartists when obvious false signatures were found to be attached to the petition, Mr Punch and Queen Victoria being the most outlandish. Extremists planned a countryside uprising, but police spies forestalled it and arrests were made in London and Lancashire. Leaders were deported to Australia. The movement was dying, if not dead. Why Chartism failed has been much debated. Possibly the movement had too many aims and arose out of too many incompatible causes. Leadership was often weak and uncertain and, in the early 1840s, splits and desertions by many influential leaders weakened the movement considerably. The activities of O'Connor and those to the extreme of the 'physical force' wing of the movement also cost the movement support, especially among potential middle-class supporters but also among the artisan class. Even at its height, Chartism was hampered by working class apathy and the inability of many to see how the Charter would transform their lives. It was always likely that Parliament would not acceded to the demands of the Chartists. For many, then and since, the evidence suggested that Chartism was essentially what came to be called a hunger protest, that is, as a barometer of economic conditions, and so better times weakened it. Significant improvements in the quality of life of workers after 1848 meant that there was little chance of a revival. This was noted by a contemporary commentator, Harriet Martineau, who wrote in 1849: 'Those who have not looked into Chartism think that it means one thing - revolution ... Those who look deeper ... will conclude at last that it is another name for popular discontent - a comprehensive general term under which are included all protests against social suffering.'

The 'golden age' of agriculture Rural prosperity and higher productivity

Corn Law repeal was expected by its detractors to lead to a period of unparalleled depression in agriculture but the reverse happened. High yields, steady prices, and scientific and technological improvement raised land productivity and the income of farmers, which led to greater profits but also greater scope for investing in further improvements. The productivity of agriculture increased for the following reasons. Firstly, there was a better understanding of scientific techniques and practices. The Royal Agricultural Society, established in 1838, helped to spread knowledge of new techniques and implements, and iron and steel implements like ploughs, seed drills, and steam-driven threshing machines, were cheaper and more efficient, and came more into general use. Secondly, fertilisers began to play a major role in raising yields and restoring soil fertility. Super-phosphates were manufactured artificially, bones were imported from the Continent, nitrates from Chile, and guano from Peru. Drainage became more effective on heavy clay soils, widening the range of potential crops and diminishing labour requirements. Government subsidies and loans made drainage investment more viable. All of these factors made it easier for farmers to pursue mixed farming while maintaining a special interest in either arable or livestock farming.

The cotton industry

Cotton goods accounted for almost two-thirds of all British exports in 1851. It remained a major industry but its rate of growth slowed and its share of national exports began to fall in 1860, as other goods like coal, machinery, and steel featured more prominently in British exports. Despite vicissitudes in accessing supplies of raw cotton, especially during the Northern states' sea blockade of the Confederacy's trade during the American Civil War (1861-65), and competition from abroad, British manufactured cotton cloth still accounted for two-thirds of all cotton sold in world markets until 1900. The Cotton Famine or Lancashire Cotton Famine (1861-65) was a depression in the textile industry in North-West England which coincided with the American Civil War. The war interrupted supplies of raw, baled cotton imports. After the boom years of 1859-60, there was a need to cut back production, but this depression was exacerbated by the blockade of the Southern cotton-growing states of America. The depression led to considerable distress in the cotton manufacturing areas, especially in Lancashire where local relief Committees were set up for distressed workers and their families. There were even riots and disturbances in Lancashire among disgruntled workers.

Protection for agriculture?

Depression in the 1870s did not bring a return to protection. The continuation of the Income Tax, which ensured a decent flow of funds to the Exchequer, meant that Britain's governments did not need to return to protection for the purposes of revenue raising. Tariffs were a possibility, but Disraeli knew that times had changed and that the enormous growth in the wealth and importance of industry together with the increase in the urban population and the decline in the rural population meant that the population was now heavily reliant on cheap food imports. With the onset and progress of industrialization, the economic and political influence of the landed interest was steadily weakening. Disraeli accepted free trade and took the political decision not to advocate protection for agriculture. There were good political reasons as to why a return to protection was not possible, but the call for protection for agriculture heightened in the 1880s. After 1882, with a run of good harvests, foreign competition came to be identified as the primary cause of depression, and led to rural Conservatives such as James Lowther and the Duke of Rutland calling for a duty on corn. After Disraeli's death in 1881 the Conservative party leader Lord Salisbury stated he could not endorse tariffs as it 'would press upon the food of the people', though he held out the prospect of some economic retaliation as a way of lowering foreign tariffs. Lord Randolph Churchill saw the need for open foreign markets and feared for food supply in time of war. Politically, he claimed, the notion of protective duties was 'open to such fearful attacks from the Radicals among the country population that we should lose more than we should gain ... I believe that low prices in the necessaries of life and political stability in a democratic Constitution are practically inseparable, and that high prices in the necessaries of life and political instability in a democratic Constitution are also practically inseparable.' His analysis indicated how unpopular taxes on food would be, and the General Elections of 1885 and 1886 illustrated that the appeal of protective duties was most effective not in rural constituencies, but in manufacturing districts, especially those suffering from foreign competition. The extent of agricultural depression after 1873 was probably a result of structural, long-term developments like the increasing volume of foreign produce, and shorter-term incidents like bad harvests and crop deficiencies. The Minority Report of the Royal Commission of 1886 stated: 'We cannot pass from this subject without expressing our conviction that the continuous decline of agricultural production and employment, considered in regard to its present and future effect on the physical health and moral and social condition of the people, and on the wealth and strength of the nation, constitutes a danger so grave as to demand the anxious consideration of the country and the legislature'. This was the type of language used during the Corn Law debates, and it was characteristic of a view of agriculture as vital not only to the personal interests of those involved within that sector but also to the wider national economy. The achievements of British agriculture should be acknowledged, for, as a sector, it fed a rapidly growing and increasingly town-dwelling population from a gradually dwindling proportion of the country's resources (land and labour), and in this way allowed the forces of the industrial revolution to attain their fullest capacity possible. By the late nineteenth century, industrialization had tipped the balance of interests in the country towards the towns and industry, and the possibility of making a special case for agriculture appeared remote when even the Conservative party, which was broadly representative of the landed interest, baulked at the prospect of re-introducing a tax on grain and food products.

Enfranchising the 'respectable' working class

Despite the dead weight of Palmerston and his like, the 1860s saw signs of changing political and economic circumstances. Liberals particularly were slightly less cautious in edging towards further reform. There was sympathy for some extension of the right to vote, partly in order to address the anomalies of 1832 where voting qualifications varied from county to borough, but also to recognise that many artisans were highly respectable, in no sense revolutionaries, and so were deserving of the vote. There was even cautious sympathy for reform in Conservative ranks, with an acknowledgement that it would be safe to grant the vote to urban householders. Waiting in the wings as heir-apparent to Palmerston was Lord John Russell. Russell, like Palmerston, was getting on in years but, unlike him, had a track record from the 1820s and 1830s of being open to change and still, in historian Eric Evans' words, had 'a boyish enthusiasm for it' (Evans (2000)). More important figures than Russell, though, in increasing the pressure for reform within Liberal ranks were John Bright and William Gladstone. Bright, the Quaker MP for Birmingham, was pressing for reform from the late 1850s. Perhaps more significantly, Gladstone, the rising star of the Liberal Party and first in the queue for party leadership after Palmerston and Russell, had publicly trumpeted his support for parliamentary reform in 1864. Gladstone's conviction rested in part on moral grounds and in part on political expediency. The morality of allowing 'respectable' working-class men the vote seemed overwhelming to him. He also believed that the gratitude of new voters to a Liberal ministry that had enfranchised them must pay political dividends. To exclude the artisans, the 'cream of the working class', would simply be bad politics. Gladstone continued to believe that the aristocracy remained the 'natural' leaders of society but that worthy working-class men should have the vote. The extract below is taken from a speech Gladstone made to the House of Commons in May 1864 in the wake of his visit to the Lancashire textile mills. Source 1 What are the qualities which fit a man for the exercise of a privilege such as the franchise? Self-command, self-control, respect for order, patience under suffering, confidence in the law, regard for superiors ... I am now speaking only of a limited portion of the working class ... I know of nothing which can contribute to the welfare of the commonwealth ... than that [society] should be bound together by a reasonable extension ... among selected portions of the people, of every benefit and every privilege that can justly be conferred on them. The emergence of the Liberal Party between 1846 and 1859, based on the alliance between Whigs and Peelites, was finding common ground with Dissenters and radicals, and it was the latter who provided much of the impetus for reform in the 1850s and 1860s - but pressure from outside Parliament was also important, and came from two organisations, the Reform League and the Reform Union.

Increasing democracy Deficiencies in representation

Despite the extension of the number of people voting in 1867, there remained important areas of the electoral system which persisted with older traditions, many of which we in the twenty-first century would see as anti-democratic. Voting was still carried out by public affirmation in many places, and employers could therefore put pressure on tenants to vote for a particular candidate or party. Candidates often 'treated' voters on polling day with free food and beer. To many politicians, the right to vote was a privilege and responsibility which should be carried out in public and open to external scrutiny. In 1867, a parliamentary inquiry had revealed the extent of corrupt practices in boroughs and Lancaster was disenfranchised for bribery of voters. Despite Gladstone's personal reluctance, the new Liberal government eventually moved to remedy this problem with the Secret Ballot Act of 1872. This reduced voter intimidation and pressure at the polls though it left many practices, such as extravagant election expenses, untouched. Further legislation followed which dealt with more granular details of the electoral system which had been untouched by earlier legislation, with the Corrupt Practices Act (1883), the Third Reform Act (1884) and the Redistribution of Seats Act (1885).

Why was it necessary for the Conservatives to renounce protection in 1852? Evaluate Disraeli's influence in relation to this issue.

Disraeli had never believed in protection for agriculture in the same way or to the same extent as the rural backbenchers of the Tory party had. His main argument against Peel over the Corn Laws related to Peel's betrayal of the party over his pledges in 1841 to maintain protection to agriculture. The obvious success of Corn Law repeal and other measures promoting free trade, which were popular among Whigs, radicals, and Peelites, meant that the Protectionists could not regain power if they proposed to re-impose a Corn Law. Public opinion was highly-opposed to such a move, so it was necessary for the future electoral prospects of the Conservative party that they shift from the position of being known as a party which would reinstate protection. Disraeli played an important role in this process as he had gained the trust of much of the party through his association with rural protectionists like Lord George Bentinck, but he had a wider vision of what the party needed to do if it was to form a government again.

Gladstone, Disraeli and political imagery

Disraeli's emphasis on 'One Nation' became part of the mythology of the Conservative party, and modern politicians in the twentieth and twenty-first century (including even the former Labour leader Ed Miliband) characterised their programmes as of 'One Nation' policies. The historian Ian Machin considered, however, that Disraeli's reforms should not be elevated to the status of a grand philosophical outlook. Rather, they were empirical, piecemeal reform, dealing with problems as and when they were pushed into prominence by their urgency. The Disraelian myth of an over-arching scheme of 'Tory Democracy' was created not principally by the man himself but by later acolytes drawing together his ideas and speeches. This was burnished in part through the Primrose League in the late nineteenth century and the Tory party's One Nation Group after 1945. Successive Conservative leaders have duly paid tribute to Disraeli which itself is an indication of the admiration of the Conservative party for its venerated leader. The popular mythology of Gladstone portrayed him in dramatic and heroic surroundings and Gladstone himself was concerned with his public presentation. Evangelicalism left an influence on Gladstone's mode of thought, and left him with the feeling that he was involved in a great drama and constant struggle against sin and the corrupting force of temptation to commit sin. Yet there are other views - which might be called anti-heroic interpretations—emanating from the necessity to explain the great changes, even reversals, in Gladstone's political career. With his oratory tailored towards what his audience wanted to hear, imbued with notions of progress, improvement, and respectability, the creed of popular Liberalism, Gladstone was thus feeding his own cult. Disraeli was also concerned with theatrical presentation of policy and highly-conscious of his image in popular and political culture. While both men may have been vain to some extent, these attributes clearly represented a development in politics whereby individuals cultivated a particular image which would appeal to as wide a body of opinion as possible.

Was there a pattern to Disraeli's reforms and if so what was it? Did Disraeli's reforms do much for the working-classes?

Disraeli's reforms were something of a patchwork, at least compared to Gladstone's reform programme which appeared to be underpinned by great principles. In general terms, the value of Disraeli's permissive legislation was that it delegated authority to local councils and it also tidied up existing legislation and codified it consistent with contemporary demands. In some respects, for example, in relation to trade unions and the Factory Acts, Disraeli was willing to use central state intervention to advance a cause. His reforms appear rather uneven: significant in some areas and limited in others, their effects varied considerably.

Income distribution

Distribution of profits was another matter, for although there were great advances in the core industries, unemployment and poverty still existed in many places. While wages broadly increased, earnings from capital increased more quickly and the distribution of wealth became more uneven. In 1803, the richest 2% of families enjoyed 20% of the national wealth—by 1867 this had risen to 40%. Regional variation, as always, was a notable feature of the British economy. The skilled industrial working class experienced significant gains. Those in work played an important role in fuelling further economic growth for, as their wages increased, they possessed newly-acquired spending power and a desire for consumer goods helped to sustain further growth, profitability and prosperity. The unskilled working class and agricultural workers obtained marginally higher incomes but disparities between them and other workers remained and even widened. The stratification of the working class in this way worked to the benefit of the Liberal party, who secured the loyalty of many skilled working class voters, and inhibited the growth of independent labour representation. While the impact of increasing trade was taken for granted for a while, in the 1860s concerns were raised at the erosion of British power, especially in relation to the growing economic strength of the United States and the German kingdoms organised within the German customs union (zollverein). It is no coincidence that the first organisations supporting closer relations between Britain and her colonies appeared at this time, with, for example, the formation of the Royal Colonial Society in 1868. These bodies increasingly expressed concern at the Gladstone government's perceived estrangement from the colonies, for the strength of the colonial connection was held to be important for Britain facing the commercial and industrial challenge of Germany and the United States. While insignificant to begin with, these organisations acquired more credence when towards the end of Gladstone's government in 1873, the period of remarkable economic growth in Britain ended, and a multi-faceted economic recession set in, soon to be called the 'Great Depression'.

Structural change

During the second half of the nineteenth century, structural economic change involved above all a shift of resources from agriculture to services. Between 1861 and 1911 the proportion of the labour force working in agriculture fell from 19 to 9% while that in services increased from 27 to 35%. Manufacturing remained at 39%. In 1801 about one-third of the national income came directly from agriculture: by 1851 it fell to 20% and by 1901 it stood at 6-7%. In the service sector, there was expansion but in geographical terms it was very unevenly distributed, with the South East of England becoming richer and more dependent on service sector employment than any other region, with 42.1% of its labour force working in service employment in 1881 compared to 30.2% in Britain. In the mid-Victorian period, Britain achieved what appeared to be the perfect combination of social stability and economic growth. Railway construction was an important means of sustaining growth across numerous sectors. Interest rates were kept low by the banks which made capital investment relatively cheap. With a mild inflation, prices increased, leading to an increase in profits, which made employers more amenable to raising wages. Inflation was not high enough to dampen or stifle demand. Important elements of the mid-Victorian boom, demonstrating its multi-faceted positive effects were the export boom of the late 1860s and early 1870s, and an agricultural Golden Age of high yields, high prices, and limited foreign competition. Industrial wages doubled between 1851 and 1871, and in international trade terms, investment abroad quadrupled between 1851 and 1871; Britain enjoyed continuous balance of payments surpluses.

What did Gladstone seek to achieve with his Irish legislation, and what did he actually achieve? Explain your answer.

Gladstone aimed at curbing the growth and influence of Irish Nationalism by removing the grievances in relation to the land and the Church. Faced with the dangerous Fenian outrages, Gladstone sought to contain this agitation as a means of securing peace in Ireland and consolidating her place within the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Gladstone's legislation was insufficient to satisfy the Irish population and the growth of the Nationalist movement continued with the Home Rule movement emerging and aligning itself with an aggressive rural resistance campaign conducted by the Land League (see more on the next page). Ultimately, Gladstone only succeeded in fomenting further Irish Nationalist political agitation.

Gladstone: his ministries, ideas and policies Gladstone and Disraeli

Gladstone and Disraeli are often seen as personifying political life in mid-Victorian Britain. It was a great rivalry which was about policy and ideas - but also about political conduct, attachment to principles, and, not unimportantly, a clash of personalities. It is often the case in history that the importance of personal relations and personality types are submerged beneath the evolution of institutions and the development of political ideas but in the case of Gladstone and Disraeli, personal relations were very much to the fore. Few political rivalries have been as intense as that between the two men. Not only were both respective 'leaders' of their parties for a long period but they were very different in style, approach, and temperament. These differences created a sharp contrast which fascinated contemporaries and which continues to fascinate historians. The personal differences were manifest: in his formative years, Gladstone was a High Church Tory, before he shifted to a more liberal brand of Toryism under Peel and then assumed the mantle of 'People's William' as the leader of a Liberal party. Thereafter, he embodied a brand of liberalism which combined personal morality, international humanitarianism, balanced budgets, civil and religious liberty, free trade, and a modicum of constitutional revision. Disraeli was a lapsed Jew who converted to Christianity, and he was more circumspect about his policy programme. Indeed, it is hotly-debated among historians as to what Disraeli's programme actually was, or indeed whether he had a clear policy programme at all. Disraeli's political life was transformed by Peel's decision to repeal the Corn Laws in 1846. Placing himself in the vanguard of opposition to Peel's treachery, with skilful oratory and a theatrical presentation of the issues, Disraeli won over the bulk of the Tory Party who opposed Peel and who continued to support protection, especially protection for agriculture. This was perhaps all the more remarkable given that Disraeli was Jewish and not a typical country gentleman or landed proprietor. Tellingly, Gladstone was out of Parliament for the vote on Repeal; having earlier opposed it, he became an enthusiastic convert not only to Corn Law repeal but to the wider application of free trade policies. Ironically, Disraeli also largely accepted that free trade was the most rational and intelligent trade policy for Britain, though only after a decent interval—finally indicating in 1852 that protection to agriculture could not be restored. Gladstone's siding with Peel and joining the group known as 'Peelites' who seceded from the Conservatives (in the period immediately after 1846 those who remained were known as the Protectionist party) led to a decisive split. The Peelites, whose philosophy was of practical administrative rationalisation and reform, with a liberal approach to foreign affairs and commercial policy, became more closely-aligned with the Whig/Liberal party throughout the 1850s. In the Protectionist party, Disraeli increasingly came to the fore, partly a reflection of what remained of the party being largely bereft of talent and ability, and partly a tribute to his great talent and charisma.

Gladstone's political life

Gladstone came late to popular politics. He entered politics as a High Church Tory, and as a follower of Sir Robert Peel, became a Peelite after 1846, but Gladstone remained more of a Conservative than a Whig. The 1840s was the crucial decade for Gladstone as a politician, for having previously viewed Toryism as a religious creed, under Peel he abandoned these beliefs, and adopted a new set of policies based on political morality, free trade, and humanitarian interventionism in colonial affairs. Between 1845 and 1851 he was primarily a follower of Peel. Gladstone endorsed the Conservative fiscal policy of 1842, and this period marked his emergence as a first class force in financial policy. The importance of low taxation points to the centrality of fiscal policy in Gladstone's political vision; he shared Richard Cobden's belief that reducing taxation would mean reducing public expenditure - but, perhaps paradoxically, as Chancellor of the Exchequer he increased the number of taxpayers. Low taxation and central state expenditure were a dual means toward checking an expansionist foreign policy, and in colonial policy, he wanted to reduce expenditure by increasing self-government among the white colonies. Gladstone was viewed by politicians at the time as possessing fiscal rectitude as opposed to the fiscal irresponsibility of the Tories; his liberalism was derived from Peelite fiscal principles (sound finance) and not from the Whig tradition of constitutional liberty and religious freedom. Practical experience at the Board of Trade in Peel's Government had a large influence upon Gladstone in terms of commercial policy. Free Trade or protection he viewed primarily in administrative terms. He had no dramatic conversion to Free Trade but rather implemented a gradual reduction of tariffs across the board. In serving as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Aberdeen's coalition government between 1852 and 1855 and again in the Palmerston and Russell governments, Gladstone sat alongside Whigs and Liberals but even as late as 1859, some MPs believed that he was not fully compatible with the Liberal-Whig party, and throughout the 1850s there had been several unsuccessful attempts to seduce him back into the Conservative party. Gladstone never forgave Disraeli for his invective against Peel during the Corn Law debates and this proved to be one of the insuperable barriers to any kind of association with the Conservative party. As he had been out of Parliament during the Corn Laws debates, Gladstone greatly regretted not being able to defend Peel in 1846 against Disraeli. Mounting irritation at Disraeli is evident from his diary: 'It is a very unsatisfactory state of things to have to deal with a man whose objects appear to be those of personal ambition and who is not thought to have any strong convictions of any kind of public matters.' There could be no cooperation while these sentiments remained active, and while there remained a possibility of a Conservative reunion in the 1850s it was fitting for a century in which individuals were so important, that personal antipathies and rivalries played a part in preventing this from happening. Yet Gladstone was slightly ill-at-ease within the Liberal coalition for until 1865 it was the stalwarts of the old Whig party, Lord John Russell and Viscount Palmerston, who led the party in Parliament. Both men were increasingly at odds with the more radical elements within Liberalism, both in terms of domestic reform and over Britain's robust foreign policy which seemed to violate many of the central tenets of liberalism. Palmerston was the arch-exponent of the latter and 'gunboat diplomacy' was a term used to describe his aggressive foreign policy, ready use of naval power, and patriotic rhetoric. With Palmerston's death in 1865, it was Gladstone's force of character and intellect that propelled him into the front line of Liberal politics. The emergence of the Liberal party went in tandem with Gladstone's rise. The mutual emphasis in personal liberty, equality of opportunity and the wider Liberal beliefs of peace, retrenchment and reform, which became associated with Gladstone, formed the basis of the working relationship. For Gladstone, international peace would mean increasing trade and lower taxation. Gladstone had the aim of abolishing Income Tax (which was never achieved) for tax was viewed by Liberals as an obstacle to freedom. Together with the principles of laissez-faire applied to trade and commerce, this was the basic principle of all Liberal governments in the mid-to-late nineteenth century, and alongside encouragement of self-help and moral and personal improvement, especially applied to the working classes, the Liberal creed was a robust one, capable of attracting Whigs, Peelites, and radicals. In practice Gladstone promoted in broad terms the ethos of liberty, retrenchment, peace and reform. Liberty meant freedom from monopolies, retrenchment meant cutting taxes and reducing an active foreign policy, and reform meant eliminating corruption in politics, and promoting meritocracy. Gladstone was more of an intellectual, a detailed thinker who worked on policy formation only after rigorous evaluation and analysis of the available facts. He was not much interested in proactive social reform but was more interested in reforms which promoted freedom, opportunities, and personal liberty. This type of reform was perhaps suited to the mid-Victorian era when British prosperity was at its height but socially it was found wanting later in the century amidst harder times.

Gladstone and Ireland

Gladstone sought to modify relations between Britain and Ireland, by land reform and church disestablishment, and this would, he assumed, unite Whigs and Dissenters. Spurred on by the Fenian Brotherhood's outrages in 1867, Gladstone saw reform as satisfying grievances and thus undercutting Fenian demands for repeal of the Union. In 1871 the Irish Church was disestablished and became a voluntary body, though the ending of a national institution perhaps had the opposite effect of throwing the survival of the Union into doubt rather than strengthening it. Disestablishment of the Irish Church and the Land Act of 1870 sought to demonstrate British responsiveness to Irish demands, and to encourage constitutionalism against Fenianism but they did not prevent, and possibly even encouraged, the emergence of a more organized Home Rule movement in the mid-1870s. The 1870 Land Act gave more security of tenure for tenants; 'Ulster custom' was taken as fair treatment of tenants. It was not the statutory right for tenants over the whole of Ireland. Gladstone was anxious not to destroy the power of the landlords but to give them a more secure base. In the Land Act of 1870, there were political considerations of stability and order; there were two approaches, to strengthen the position of the tenant, and a very limited provision for tenants to turn themselves into owners by purchasing their farms with a government grant. The absence of a significant scheme of land purchase implied continuing British State involvement, and the continuation of the Protestant landowning class—meaning more agitation and more coercion. While Gladstone thought in terms of maintaining landowners to keep order, the opposite was the case, for maintaining coercion guaranteed the demise of Liberalism in Ireland. Gladstone's pacification measures did not appear to have the desired effect, and were politically ineffective, for with the rise of the Irish Nationalist Party in the 1870s, there was a corresponding decline of Liberalism. The Liberals had inadvertently promoted Irish nationalism, which threatened the strong Liberal position in Ireland. In the 1860s, Liberals held most of the Irish seats but by 1880, Liberal seats turned into Home Rule seats. Home Rule was easily assimilated to the British Liberal tradition in terms of support for representative government, but Liberals were bound to reject Fenianism in the same way as they had rejected Chartism. Gladstone's education reforms lacked support from his party and from within Ireland, although there was a wider interest in the Home Rule party of Isaac Butt, which placed land reform and educational reform before self-government. In 1873, Isaac Butt set up the Home Rule League which was sufficiently broad-based among the Irish population to be a truly national organisation. Butt was a moderate who believed in achieving political independence for Ireland through peaceful means but this view began to give way to a much tougher and less conciliatory group. The mass of the Irish population, nursing grievances over land tenure, fair rents, and the landowning class, were easy prey for extremists who whipped up anti-English feeling. At the 1874 election, the Irish Nationalists won 59 seats on a Home Rule platform, forming the nucleus of a strong Irish Home Rule party in Parliament whose actions directed Irish politics for the next decade. Disraeli's government in 1874-80 was irritated by the disruptive tactics of the Irish party, as the Irish leader Charles Stewart Parnell used the procedure of the House of Commons to hold up business.

Was there a pattern to Gladstone's reforms? What were the principles behind the reform?

Gladstone's reforms aimed at improving the efficiency and professionalism in a number of civic areas. Advancement and promotion by merit indicated a concern with improving the quality of state personnel for as society became more complex, the need for specialised expertise, knowledge, and individual merit was much greater than in previous years. Gladstone's reforms could also be presented as an attack on privilege and as a means of reducing aristocratic domination of British institutions and professions. Educational reform was a longer-term programme but also had the aim of having a transformative effect on the economy by producing a more educated workforce and allowing the country to harness the abilities and talents of a wider section of society.

Why did improvements in sanitary reform take so long to emerge and what was the role of government in making improvements in public health?

Government was behind developments set in train by urban and industrial development. Public health reform therefore suffered from a lag between the emergence of problems and the recognition that something needed to be done to resolve them. The pace of industrial and urban change outpaced the establishment of government infrastructure and organisation to deal with these problems. Governments acted once epidemics like cholera began to take hold, and the Public Health Act of 1848 attempted to remedy deficiencies with the provision of Health Boards and Chief Medical Officers. However, the involvement of government in these matters was always uneven and it was not until a central coordinating body was established that a centralised administrative structure could deal with public health matters in a more uniform way.

Disraeli: his ministries, ideas and policies Disraeli's politics

Greater parliamentary opportunities for new men lay with the Tories, who were more open to talent. As one wit said 'Whigs were born not made'. Disraeli was one of these 'new men', who appeared as the official Tory candidate at Taunton in 1835. In 1832, he had characterised his philosophy in the following, rather rhetorical, fashion: 'All my opinions have been the result of reading and thought' and 'My politics are described by one word, England'. It was apparent that as an outsider whose national credentials could be questioned, Disraeli needed to be especially assertive, and his ostentatious patriotism featured prominently in his cultivation of a political persona, alongside a renegade form of radicalism that was the obvious starting-point for an ambitious adventurer deprived of family or religious connections with the political elite of the country. He glorified national character, the customs and institutions of the country, and more practically, reckoned that the way to break the power of the Whigs was to subject Whig assumptions to broader, national concerns and to embrace democratic politics. In his rapid review of British history since 1688, he considered the Tories as the 'national party, the democratic party of England' devoted to the defence of institutions which could safeguard English liberties against Whig designs. This was a reversal of political stereotypes, for before 1830, these had been the Whig accusations against the Tories. History was the guiding spirit for Disraeli in understanding national spirit and tradition. This underpinned his political views rather than abstract political philosophy. By evoking 1688, he was indicating his belief that Whig tyranny evolved out of the Hanoverian succession, which had consolidated the rule of the Whigs. Disraeli's professed alliance with the excluded and oppressed was accommodated by his Tory/Radical stance (For these Tory radicals, see the Unit 2 - Topic 4 - Pressure for Change & Unit 3 - Topic 1 - Government) and also emanated from his intellectual curiosity. His political stance of 1835 provided him with a party standing for the rest of his career, enabling him to claim for the Tories the causes of both conservation and democracy. For him, Toryism being the political expression of the national character must occasionally reflect the narrower passions and prejudices of that nation, as well as its broader, more considered, philosophical views. It could therefore encompass the 'repression' of Pitt and the 'liberality' of Canning. This stance opened the way to flexibility in policy, in the interest of maintaining political stability or securing political power. Disraeli made progress within the party, elected as a member of the Carlton Club in 1836, and then becoming an MP in 1837. Peel was impressed by Disraeli's 'original force of argument and novelty of illustration'. Between 1844 and 1847, Disraeli's trilogy of novels, Coningsby, Sybil, and Tancred, observed and commented on the political, spiritual, and social condition of England. Disraeli was concerned at the advance of materialism and the acquisitive society. A cash nexus was replacing the sense of reciprocal duties and responsibilities. The crisis of industrial and urban civilization offered the prospect of Tory political ascendancy for there was clearly hostility to the mediocrity of bourgeois life. Disraeli posited that 'the aristocracy and labouring population form the nation'. This was a stance he revised after the 1840s, for while he remained concerned about the social fabric of the nation being torn by the Industrial Revolution, he was quick to acknowledge the grandeur of its achievements. On the Tamworth Manifesto he was scathing: 'An attempt to construct a party without principles'. The breach with Peel was bitter, partly because Disraeli was disappointed at not obtaining office, and after 1846 Disraeli found himself unexpectedly thrust to the forefront of the Protectionist party.

Harriet Martineau was a social thinker and writer who wrote widely on religious, political and social topics, often from a sociological and feminist perspective. Her writings added considerable depth to public policy debate as she introduced new dimensions to political subjects, and even tackled technical issues such as the poor law or commercial policy. Martineau was a prolific writer who became increasingly philosophical' she was an important and influential figure, and has retained historical and contemporary relevance as one of the pioneers of sociological thought and practice. Her works continue to inform, provoke, and inspire. Harriet Martineau, wrote in 1849: 'Those who have not looked into Chartism think that it means one thing - revolution ... Those who look deeper ... will conclude at last that it is another name for popular discontent - a comprehensive general term under which are included all protests against social suffering.' From the above quote, what sort of picture of the Chartist movement do you get from the views of Harriet Martineau?

Harriet Martineau alluded to the multi-faceted nature of Chartism, encompassing the frustration at persistent and deep-seated poverty, high prices, low wages, irregular employment, and the lack of political representation. Chartism took many forms and had many causes, and Martineau was astute enough to see that it was mostly a constitutionalist and not a revolutionary movement, and had many different strands. While the Chartist movement attracted many extremists, who advocated violent methods and force to be used to attain its ends, the main body of Chartists supported peaceful means. The decline of Chartism after 1842 was an indication that economic prosperity and the state of the economy generally was central to the development of the movement.

Disraeli 'dishes the Whigs'

Having helped to bring down the Liberal government, Lord Derby succeeded Russell as Prime Minister of a Conservative government which then set about bringing in its own Reform Bill. The real force behind the bill was Derby's number two, Benjamin Disraeli. There has been much debate among historians as to why the Conservative government, with Disraeli leading the way, was ready to introduce what actually proved to be a more radical reform bill than the Liberals had been offering. There are various schools of thought. One is that Disraeli, who had always favoured some sort of reform, wanted an extension of the franchise, but he also desired the Tories to get the credit for it, not Gladstone and the Liberals. Another is that Disraeli was so focused on getting one over on Gladstone that he became the complete political opportunist, intent, in his words, on 'dishing the Whigs', that is, outwitting them. A further (albeit minority) view is that the pressure coming from outside Parliament was gathering so much strength, and the Hyde Park riots had been of such concern, that the feeling was that concessions had to be made - and quickly. For Lord Derby, the bill was, in his famous remark, 'a leap in the dark' but for Disraeli there were clear benefits for the Conservatives in carrying a strong Reform Bill. Given the background pressures, some change was probably inevitable and so, at least to some extent, Conservative concessions to democratic pressure groups can be seen as vote-catching opportunism to up-stage the Liberals. Lord Salisbury and other traditionalist Tories criticised this opportunism, but they were in a minority. Whether Disraeli genuinely wanted reform or was simply trying to steal a march on the Liberals ('dishing the Whigs') and maybe even humiliate his arch-rival Gladstone, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that an element of political opportunism was present in Disraeli's calculations in 1867. The 'opportunist school' of historians argues that the circumstances in 1866-67 made an imminent extension of voting rights inevitable. 'Converting necessity into virtue followed naturally' was Richard Shannon's verdict (Shannon, 1976). More cynically, Paul Adelman has written: 'Disraeli's attitude during the Reform Crisis was purely opportunist. He neither sought to 'educate' his party nor displayed either firmness or consistency of purpose in his support for 'democracy'' (Adelman, 1997). There is the additional consideration that if the Conservatives had failed to push their Reform Bill through, the Liberals, who had tried once in 1866, would no doubt have succeeded at their next opportunity. A Liberal Reform Act could have been very damaging to Conservative interests. The Second Reform Act of 1867 enfranchised between 400-500,000 of the working class in the borough electorate, and in the process contributed towards middle-class fear of the political power of the working class, thereby aiding their longer-term shift towards Conservatism, a process which did not come to full fruition until after Disraeli's death. There was, however, little initial danger in extending the franchise, since the distribution of parliamentary seats partially offset its potentially radical effects. Disraeli was not the main advocate of reform but the image he had created helped the Conservatives to benefit from it. The Conservatives remained predominantly a party of the counties and the agricultural boroughs, but with an enlarged electorate, the old ties of influence and deference would not be enough to win power in parliament. Political modernization was needed in the era of a mass franchise and the formation of more centrally-driven political parties seemed a natural step. Beyond his appointment of John Gorst, Disraeli paid little attention to this process, but the reform of Conservative political organization was nonetheless a success. It was largely the work of a new body of members encouraging the Conservatives to adapt to social change and win over a mass electorate.

Professional politics and populism

Historian Sean Lang entitles one of his book chapters 'The Professionalisation of Politics' (Lang (1999)). This phrase captures the essence of the changes wrought on party organisation as a consequence of the 1867 Reform Act. After 1867 they had to make their central organisations even more professional and organise their local organisations more effectively to mobilise grass-roots support and win votes. Local party associations came to perform the dual role of managing their own transition into a more democratic political system and of furthering the political education of the masses in such a way as to make them support their particular party. Many of these associations built on those that had emerged after the 1832 Reform Act, but in some constituencies, they were established for the first time. There was therefore continuity as well as change in this move towards a more effective party organisation. These developments initially created unease among the 'old guard' of both parties, unhappy with what had happened in 1867 and worried about the decline of localism. This led to constant friction between those who welcomed help from popularly-based organisations, like the Primrose League, but wanted to keep them subservient to the parliamentary leadership, and those who saw the organisations as a means of determining party policy and making it more democratic. You could look on this as a tension between the party 'authoritarians' and the party 'populists'. Joseph Chamberlain in the Liberal ranks and, briefly, Randolph Churchill in the Conservative ranks, were two key 'populist' figures who would seek to give their respective local party organisations greater standing in and influence over policy in the years after 1867. With a longer perspective, and especially after the Reform Acts of 1884-5 had continued the trend towards a more formally democratic electoral system by giving the vote to many working-class men in the counties, it is arguable that the tide was flowing towards the 'populist' way.

Why are historians divided over Disraeli's intentions in passing the Second Reform Act?

Historians are divided as to whether the results of the Second Reform Act were a fair reflection of Disraeli's motives. An 'opportunist' school of historians sees Disraeli as cynically exploiting reform, and calculating that the effects of reform would benefit the Conservatives ('dishing the Whigs') while others, offering a less dramatic and more sober assessment think Disraeli was sincere in his efforts to extend the franchise, essentially as an aspect of Tory Democracy. However, political opportunism seems to have played some part, with the need to capitalise on Reform evident to Disraeli - for if he did not, Gladstone would pass a Bill that would favour the Liberals.

Give reasons as to why there was a 'Golden Age' of agriculture in the 1850s and 1860s and explain why it ended in the early 1870s?

Improvements in agricultural techniques and farming methods led to higher yields, also made possible by the increased efficiency of enclosed lands, and absence of foreign competition. Improvements with fertilisers, drainage and tools accompanied higher investment. Outside of agriculture, broader economic developments, such as increasing population, and greater demand for food from urban growth. Dairy farmers thrived on the back of extensive railway development and the capabilities of food transport facilitated greater production and consumption and access to more markets. There was also a run of very good harvests which provided the basis for the other factors to have a considerably greater effect than they otherwise would have. All these factors altered after 1873, especially the increase in foreign competition and a run of poor harvests - which were perhaps those aspects which set the pace for the other changes.

Irish Nationalism The growth of Irish radicalism

Lord John Russell in 1844 stated that 'Ireland is occupied not governed'. There was certainly some truth to this statement, not least because the military presence in Ireland consistently numbered between 20-40,000 with an additional 30,000 yeomanry troops. It was a large military presence which reflected the minority status of the non-Catholic population, which with Anglicans and Nonconformists combined amounted to only 20%. Roman Catholics comprised 80% of the population of Ireland. As we have seen, from the Act of Union onwards the key problems for Britain was how to reconcile the Irish Roman Catholic majority to Protestant British rule, while reassuring the Protestant minority that their privileged positon would be maintained. During the Catholic Emancipation campaign, Daniel O'Connell first made plain the potential power of peaceful mass agitation and of harnessing the Catholic clergy to the cause of popular politics. Giving Catholics political rights and including them within the political nation of Ireland was thought of as a step towards a peaceful society based on civil and religious equality. Despite his use of political rallies and machinations with the Whigs, O'Connell was essentially a moderate, constitutionalist politician. Moreover, conditions in Ireland changed for the worse in the 1840s with famine, mass migration, and rural disorder. These events set the framework for a transformation in Irish politics, with active factors coming to the fore in mid-Victorian Britain. Firstly, the reappearance of revolutionary nationalism and the set of relationships between it and constitutional politics, and secondly the transformation of agrarian discontent into a coherent force capable of changing the political agenda. O'Connell had always been wary of rural radicalism. By his death in 1857 a small number of his followers had grown weary of his moderation and lack of sympathy for cultural nationalism and Gaelic and Celtic cultural revival, which was also making inroads in Wales and Scotland. The Young Ireland movement of the 1840s had sparked sporadic outbursts of violence culminating in a rising in 1848, coinciding with risings across Europe, including a Chartist revival in Britain. The rising was swiftly put down by police and army but in advocating Home Rule and Repeal of the Union with Britain, it was nationalistic in character, and by raising tenant-right against 'rapacious' landlords, indicated that the radical and perhaps even revolutionary heritage of Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen remained relevant. The Famine and the rural disorder which followed created a wider cleavage between Britain and Ireland. Even Peel had despaired of normal constitutional government in Ireland, stating: 'I believe an honest despotic government would be by far the fittest government for Ireland'. Educated opinion after the Famine continued along the same lines of hostility and disparagement towards Ireland, with the Tory Quarterly Review arguing that 'all of the civilization, arts, comfort, wealth, that Ireland enjoys she owed exclusively to England ... all her absurdities, errors, misery she owes to herself'. There was little sympathy for Ireland among the politicians of the post-Famine period, and the response was the emergence of a new phase in Irish radicalism, more unpredictable and potentially more radical than in the past.

Tory strategy

In opposition, Derby's strategy was to do nothing in terms of advancing alternative policies, thus removing one source of unity for Whigs, Radicals, and Peelites. However, this was no good for Disraeli or for party morale, and overtures were made to Catholics and Radicals to link up with the Tories on specific issues. Disraeli saw that some form of compromise was necessary between town and country, and he aimed at persuading his party that protection was no longer a viable policy. He sought to trump Gladstone's mantle of fiscal rectitude; for example, he was very positive towards a commercial treaty with France as early as 1852. However, there was great difficulty in wresting from Gladstone the reputation for sound finance which lay at the heart of mid-Victorian governments. Nevertheless, Disraeli emulated Peel in seeking a cautiously progressive politics, and his Reform Bill proposal of 1859, presented partly to rectify what was termed the 'rigged' settlement of 1832, was an example of an attempt to seize the electoral initiative. That reform bill made no headway in parliament because, as a minority government, the Conservatives could do little to enhance their overall strength. Moreover, there were few attempts at reaching an understanding between the Tory party and the working class in the 1850s. Palmerston's government was not ideological or doctrinaire, and yet was supported by radicals, Gladstone, and Russell's body of supporters. Palmerston was an administrator, not a party man, and he ran a non-partisan administrative machine. His success was owing to him being the least divisive political figure, for Palmerston commanded the vital point where moderate liberalism met progressive Conservatism, and the Tories gained no vantage ground against him. By 1860, it was becoming apparent that some in the Conservative party had serious misgivings over Disraeli's attachment to 'Conservative' principles. Lord Salisbury spoke for many back-bench MPs in describing him as the 'Artless Dodger', but Disraeli picked up on defence of the Church as an issue where there existed common ground with other Conservatives, including Salisbury, and sought to use it as a way of achieving party unity. Although this undercut Gladstone and Palmerston's appeal to Anglican opinion, it had little success with the electorate. At the 1865 General Election, Derby retained the same strategy, commenting that 'our game must be defensive' and around the period 1864-5 Disraeli appeared to lose vivacity and became somewhat apathetic. That apathy was not to last though, and in developing a distinct brand of Conservatism in the following years, Disraeli provide to be a bold and imaginative politician.

Urban poverty

In spite of a higher standard of living for some, there was little financial security for workers who were 'laid off' that is, made redundant, by their employers. Some may have had money in a Post Office Savings account (a facility created in 1861) or in a Friendly Society. Many had to resort to 'kin networks', relying on family, neighbours, and friends, many of whom might be in the same predicament. Some might accept charitable donations, but unskilled workers generally turned to poor relief and workhouses with all of the humiliation which that brought. In the 1850s and 1860s about 5% of the population was in receipt of poor relief at any one time. People usually went in and out of relief depending on their position in the life cycle, with more likelihood of needing relief as a child, parent of a growing family or in old age. It was generally recognised that in the industrial areas the problem of mass unemployment at times was outside the scope of any Poor Law principles. The journalist and social investigator Henry Mayhew (1812-87) over the period 1849-62, produced a multi-volume work entitled London Labour and the London Poor. Seen by some as the most brilliant social observer of the mid-century, Mayhew gave graphic descriptions in this major work of life for the poor in London. He showed that, while the feckless and idle existed, it was low wages that were at the root of the majority of poverty in the capital. Economic prosperity for the many could not banish poverty for all. In particular, the towns still suffered, with demand exceeding supply for decent living accommodation, from poor quality housing and high rents. There was little enthusiasm and incentive for slum clearance for landowners stood to gain little profit from property development, as they could make more money from rents. Despite government legislation, there was no compulsion on local authorities or private landowners to enact a programme of slum clearance. In 1868, the Torrens Act bound landlords to keep their property in good repair but while this represented an example of the government intervening in the free market, there was in reality little action by government to police this new law. Action by central and local authorities to improve the housing stock was very uneven across the country. One marked exception was in Birmingham, where Joseph Chamberlain authorised extensive improvements to both houses and municipal buildings.

Why were only tentative efforts made at reform during the 1850s and why did they come to nothing?

In the 1850s there was consistent parliamentary opposition to watered-down versions of parliamentary reform measures, such as those proposing equalising the county and borough franchises, or those which proposed some parts of the Six Points of the Charter. While neither party expressed outright opposition to further reform, it was generally agreed that parliamentary reform was not a main priority, and though many MPs were sympathetic, detailed proposals met with many objections. There was little mass public agitation for reform, and this factor appears to have been important in the attitude of politicians that they were under no pressure to legislate or advance reform measures. As Prime Minister, Palmerston exerted his influence against any reform measure, for he considered that inequality in the representative system was part of the natural order in which the aristocracy held its rightful place as dominant class within the political system.

The development of the Conservative party after 1846 Disraeli and Conservatism

In the aftermath of Corn Law repeal, the lack of parliamentary talent in the Protectionist party led to Disraeli becoming the undisputed leader in the Commons after the death of Bentinck. Disraeli's Jewishness was not an insurmountable obstacle to his advancement but Bentinck had provided him with £25,000 to become a landed gentleman and integrate himself in landed society. Stanley acted as leader of the Party in the Lords. There was an uneasy relationship between Disraeli and Stanley but the latter's support for Disraeli bolstered his authority, and carried enough conviction to dampen any fears among the bulk of the party. In return, Disraeli showed sufficient deference, taking care to show respect to the elder statesman. In the aftermath of 1846, there was much Protectionist support for Disraeli's emphasis on aristocratic leadership in which the reconciliation of classes would be achieved and the territorial constitution preserved. This notion of the territorial constitution entailed the defence of the monarchy, the House of Lords and the Church of England. This stance was consistent with the view among conservative writers that Corn Law Repeal had struck a blow at the landed interest and was the first instalment of a sustained radical attack which would end with downfall of the Territorial Constitution based on land, monarchy, and Church. On the face of it, there was little in these principles applicable to the modernizing trends in politics yet Disraeli's defence of hierarchy and privilege did not preclude the extension of 'popular privileges' such as widening the franchise and the application of moderate social reform. The minority governments of the Conservatives occurred in a period when the prosperity of the country after Corn Law Repeal led to public reconsideration as to whether protection could be considered practical politics. There was a renewed attempt to find political issues to woo the Peelites back into the fold, but this took time and though there was a steady drift of Peelites back to the Tory party throughout the period, the major figures of Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, and Sir James Graham remained as Peelites before merging into the Liberal party in 1859. With its rural base, the Tories were often the largest single party in the Commons (if the Liberals are considered to be an alliance of different tendencies) but their failure to capture more than a third of the borough seats proved to be a limitation. Leading manufacturing districts were a serious obstacle to Tory success, and it was only the drastic under-representation of the urban Midlands and the North which allowed the Conservatives to keep any prospect of political power in sight.

The impact of increasing trade Industrial output and exports

In the first half of the nineteenth century Britain had built up great staple industries whose output was far beyond the capacity of domestic consumption to absorb. They created an export boom and profitability of these sectors created the funds for further capital investment. International trade was therefore essential to Britain's continue prosperity, and the dependence between nations was acknowledged and reflected in the policies of successive governments to promote free trade, which was held by the more optimistic exponents of the theory to promote peaceful relations between nations. Gladstone saw free trade and peace as essential to economic stability as well as wealth creation and prosperity. Income Tax reduction also facilitated economic growth and fuelled investment. Britain's main economic rivals (USA, Germany, France) were at war for much of the 1860s and 1870s and the absence of rivalry obviously aided Britain in lack of competition, sustaining profits, wealth creation, and capital investment. Exports leapt from £40 million in 1840 to £240 million in 1875. Many contemporaries regarded this increase as the reward of 'Providence' for the pursuit of a courageous and enlightened policy of free trade. Others, perhaps more perceptively and realistically, gave credit to the stimuli of railway construction, general population expansion, widespread adoption of factory techniques, and the constant improvement in communications effected by the telegraph (with the Channel cable laid in 1851, and the Atlantic cable laid in 1866), the steamship, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869.

The mid-Victorian boom The 'Age of Equipoise'

In the post-1832 Act period, the social and political struggle between classes revolved around the conflict of interests between the middle class and the aristocracy. In the 1840s, the age of revolution was a Europe-wide phenomenon but it affected Britain far less and by the 1850s she had entered an era known as the 'Age of Equipoise', based on the high degree of political tranquillity and the unprecedented degree of social and political stability alongside higher standards of living for most of the population. Never had one country so exercised such economic dominance. Given the slow means of technology and transport, the first nation to make the industrial jump was always likely to enjoy a lead for two or three generations. Britain enjoyed that lead and the prime dynamic in Britain's industrial lead was her highly-advanced industrial sector plus the growth of her export industries. Nevertheless, having this lead also had its disadvantages, for an unusual industrial structure emerged with giant industrial sectors based on iron, coal, textiles and engineering, all expanding rapidly within the context of this special position. Britain was an export-led economy selling cheap cloth, iron, and machinery, whilst importing raw materials and providing then shipping for the carriage of cargoes to the rest of the world. While the industrial development of Britain was to cause her later difficulties, in the mid-nineteenth century Britain enjoyed all the advantages and few of the disadvantages of being the first industrial nation.

Topic 4 - Economic Patterns

In the third quarter of the nineteenth century, the British economy reached its high point, whether measured by productivity, export volumes, industrial and technological growth, or agricultural yields. A series of favourable factors, long and short term, structural and sector-specific, came together to produce period of unparalleled prosperity, underpinned by rising prices, economic growth, and high profitability. British economic prosperity was supported by relative political stability and the absence of serious competition from abroad. All these positive factors were if not eliminated at least reduced in their effects after 1873 when cheap foreign imports, falling prices, and competition in foreign and domestic markets all impacted the economy, leading to a decline in some industries and in agriculture. Collectively, the period after 1873 was known as the 'Great Depression' and while its incidence, timing, and severity may be reasonably questioned, there is no doubt that there was a substantive change in Britain's position in the world and that many of the advantages she had enjoyed were being eroded. The perception of decline led to much political discussion as to how to prevent things worsening.

The monarchy

In this process, the role of the monarchy was re-adjusted commensurate to the political, social and economic conditions of the country. When Queen Victoria came to the throne in 1837, the monarchy was unpopular, and members of the royal family subject to merciless lampooning and ridicule by the satirists and illustrators of the day for their vulgarity, low morals, extravagance and stupidity. The reigns of George IV and William IV had been disastrous for the reputation of the monarchy. Some asked whether the monarchy could or even should survive. Yet the monarchy survived under Queen Victoria through her personal integrity, which rested primarily on her dignity and popular appeal. The role of the British monarchy was based on established traditions and political habits rather than closely-defined constitutional rules. Although the consent of the monarchy was necessary for every piece of legislation, the government was carried on by Ministers in the name of the monarch, and government business continued mostly without royal interference. It had become accepted that the monarch would not interfere in elections, which by reducing the power of patronage, reduced the monarchy's influence in the House of Commons. Queen Victoria was never completely politically neutral and did not accept that her position was merely titular. She took a great interest in the appointment of bishops and senior army officers but she did not often get her way. The great constitutional writer Walter Bagehot defined the monarchy's powers as 'the right to be consulted, the right to encourage and the right to warn'. Yet the monarchy appeared to seamlessly accept that the political boundaries had irrevocably changed and that there would be no return to the era of George III appointing Ministries of his own choosing. The Reform Act had changed the balance of power within the Constitution, and after 1846 constitutional practice ensured that the political party in power was the choice of the electorate and that the Prime Minister was leader of the largest party in Parliament which could gain the confidence of the House of Commons.

Government, social policy and social life

Industrial expansion was the central element in the social transformation of Britain in the nineteenth century, and not only did it affect the lives of the populace in an individual sense, but it also affected the structure of politics and the machinery of state. The government acquired more extensive knowledge of society and the social dynamics between classes in the towns and in the countryside. The discovery of social evils led to proposed remedies by pressure groups and social reformers, but by and large, at least before 1885, direct government intervention was minimal, owing to the centrality of laissez-faire in government policy. Nevertheless, there was a growing desire for more direct forms of social policy intervention, to cope with the deleterious effects of urbanisation. This demand was made all the more urgent on account of the growing political power of the working class, and the larger electorate which had resulted from successive Reform Acts. Urbanisation of the mass of the population and the decline of rural areas had profound consequences for all classes of the population. A society in flux created complex and varied patterns of life, often heavily influenced by regionalism and religion. The standard of living of some of the labouring classes began to rise and they were able to enjoy more leisure time as a result, with some money available for better food, clothing and housing. Unusually, this improvement coincided with a fall in the birth-rate, so the extra cash earnings were not absorbed by children.

Social campaigns

Industrialisation was transforming society and this resulted in government, under external pressure, being forced into action. Administrative momentum helped but the lead was taken by the leading social reformers of the day. Although government intervention in the economy was not desirable, according to the economic and social theories of the time, it did look increasingly inevitable. Yet the scope was still limited, and although national in some policy areas, operated in terms of deterrence, such as with the new Poor Law. The working class still appeared to prefer self-help through friendly societies and the charitable sectors. The role of pressure groups was difficult to discern, for many groups highlighted issues on which government was already prepared to act. Pressure groups provided an impetus towards reform but it was always easier to repeal and rationalise rather than to create new legislation. By 1850, pressure groups were recognised as legitimate channels through which public opinion had access to government. Their success was however limited in many ways and Parliament remained the unchallenged sovereign authority. Social problems were increasingly apparent by mid-century. The mid-Victorian boom brought prosperity to many economic sectors but many missed out. Poverty remained widespread and the unregulated labour of children in factories remained in existence, despite earlier reforms. There was no universal system of education and literacy levels across the country were very uneven. Housing was one of the most important problems, with insanitary conditions of squalor and overcrowding in many Northern cities especially. Strong action was urged but there was a strong emphasis on laissez-faire, which prevented extensive legislation. Social philanthropist and voluntary groups continued to exert pressure for social reforms in education, poor law, housing, factory and mining reform, and for other more personal causes like those of mentally-ill children and orphans. The veteran social reformer Lord Shaftesbury remained an important figure in social reform campaigns. In 1846, while he was out of Parliament, Ashley strongly supported John Fielden's Ten Hours Bill, which was lost by ten votes. In January 1847 Fielden reintroduced his Bill and it finally passed through Parliament to become the Ten Hours Act. The 1847 Factory Act limited hours for women and 13 to 18-year-olds to 10.5 hours a day. Adult men would still usually work longer hours as factories could be kept open for far longer than 10.5 hours by making young people and women work in relays. The 1850 Factory Act stopped relay working by limiting hours to 6am to 6pm, with an hour and a half lunch-break built in. This effectively meant that men could now work no more than 10 hours a day and so met the basic aim of the Ten-Hour Movement. Shaftesbury's Factory Act of 1850 represented an important step in limiting the hours in which a factory could remain open but, unsatisfied, he pressed the government to establish a Children's Employment Commission to extend legislation regulating conditions of child labour to all workshops (i.e. small-scale manufacturing concerns). In 1864, the Act was extended to include brickfields, where children were still employed in terrible conditions. Shaftesbury was a strong supporter of prohibiting the employment of boys as chimney sweeps. Many climbing boys were illegitimate and had been sold into 'apprenticeship' by their parents. They suffered from scorched and lacerated skin, their eyes and throats filled with soot, with the danger of suffocation and their occupational disease—cancer of the scrotum. In 1840 a Bill was introduced into the Commons outlawing the employment of boys as chimney sweeps, and strongly supported by Shaftesbury. Despite being enforced in London, elsewhere the Act was easily circumvented and did not stop the employment of child chimney sweeps; this led to the foundation of the Climbing-Boys' Society with Shaftesbury as its chairman. In 1851, 1853 and 1855, Shaftesbury introduced Bills into Parliament to deal with the ongoing use of boy chimney sweeps but these were all defeated. He succeeded in passing the Chimney Sweepers Regulation Act 1864, but like its predecessors it remained ineffectual because it was difficult to enforce. Shaftesbury finally persuaded Parliament to pass the Chimney Sweepers Act in 1875 which ensured the annual licensing of chimney sweeps and the enforcement of the law by the police. This finally eradicated the employment of boys as chimney sweeps. Shaftesbury worked through societies dealing with public health, penal reform, and education for women and, along with other social reformers, he kept up the pressure on government on a wide range of social abuses. With Edwin Chadwick, he was instrumental in persuading Lord John Russell's government to set up Boards of Health as part of the 1848 Public Health reform. He was also involved in charitable activity for the poor, which was popular among the Victorian middle classes, promoting and fulfilling ideas of self-help - even though some feared that excessive kindness might sap the impulse to self-help.

What were the reasons for the growth of the Irish Nationalist party between 1858 and 1885?

Land grievances and the inability of the British government to resolve these issues satisfactorily, balancing the property rights of landlords against justice for tenants, played a large part in the growth of Irish Nationalism. A new post-O'Connell generation of nationalists proved to be more engaged with social and economic grievances and successfully aligned themselves with the political campaign for legislative independence. The skilful parliamentary strategy of Parnell forced the issue on to the political agenda, and the solid parliamentary presence of Irish Nationalists and the virtual extinction of the Liberal party base in Ireland was a symptom of the dangerous cleavage which was emerging between Britain and Ireland.

What did the electoral legislation of the 1880s do to make Britain governed by a more democratic system?

Legislation of the 1880s resulted in a huge increase in the electorate from three to six million. The legislation ended the over-representation of rural areas and under-representation of industrial town and cities. By re-drawing the boundaries and re-sizing constituencies there was a much more equal representation. There were 230 new constituencies (but only 12 new MPs) which resulted from the abolition of two-member constituencies and the creation of single-member seats based approximately on population. While representing a trend towards full democracy, there was still no conception of universal suffrage though the qualifications necessary for the franchise had changed. The body of electoral legislation was impressive, albeit incremental.

Topic 5 - Social developments

Mid-Victorian prosperity did not extend to all, and while historians have identified the great advances made by many groups, regional differences and the urban/rural divide led to divergences in living and working conditions. Rural depopulation continued, with higher wages and more regular employment in the industrial towns causing a steady migration to urban areas, though there were great regional differences across Britain. Despite Evangelicals continuing to exert an influence in social policy and social reform movements, Britain was slowly becoming a more secular society, with the expansion of scientific knowledge challenging the role of the Church and the validity of religious belief. Conversely, there were critics who lamented the lack of spirituality of capitalism and the 'cash-nexus' of capitalist society and who sought a revival of traditional rural relationships between people. However, arguably the most important strain of thought which influenced all classes was that of self-help, thrift, and hard work, which proved to be highly influential among the middle and working classes. The latter employed the philosophy in developing their own institutions. Trade unions, especially those known as New Model Unions, were highly influenced by this philosophy but the 'new unions' of the 1880s far less so. Maybe the most influential development of all was in education policy, with recognition by the government of the important role the State should play in educational provision for the nation.

A Conservative triumph?

Most historians agree that Disraeli ensured significant rewards for the Conservative Party by piloting this Reform Bill through Parliament. His dramatic parliamentary campaign captured the popular imagination and Gladstone and the Liberals were up-staged. But all this was achieved without necessarily without doing any fundamental damage to Conservative interests and strongholds. Given the background pressures, circumstances had suggested that an extension of voting rights was almost inevitable anyway. The 1867 Reform Act certainly went further than the Liberal Bill of 1866 would have done. However, it also ensured some continuity, particularly in the counties where reform brought little change. Moreover, representative democracy based on 'one man, one vote' remained a distant objective, with property still the determining factor in giving men the vote. It is therefore very reasonable to conclude that continuity with the pre-1867 political scene was very evident in many ways and that the 1867 Reform Act was not an obvious precursor to full democracy. Limited as it was, with hindsight we can see that the Act was nonetheless a very important step on the road towards a more democratic electoral system. This was particularly so in the larger constituencies where working-class men in large numbers received the vote for the first time. This was both a precedent and an incentive to those pressing for even greater moves towards democracy. Disraeli's tactics also assured him of the succession to Lord Derby early in 1868.

Chartism Continued

Nevertheless, the Chartist legacy was a rich one and the decline of the movement did not mean the decline of the demands made by the Chartists. Before 1873, the secret ballot had been conceded, property qualifications for MPs had been removed, and a significant section of the working class had been enfranchised. In effect, three of the six Chartist demands had been achieved (For the Chartist demands, the 'Six Points' of the People's Charter, see Unit 3 - Topic 2 - Pressure for change), and by 1918, five had been achieved, excepting Annual Parliaments. Much of the current historical thinking on Chartism, and the Anti-Corn Law League, is that they have been given more importance than their overall significance deserves but Chartism was clearly an important movement, at least on account of attempting to mobilise the working class and its linkage of economic distress and political reform.

Broader economic developments

Outside of agriculture there was a buoyant domestic market because the population was rising, which meant a captive urban market for staple foodstuffs like bread and potatoes, a ready supply of cheap labour, and substantial numbers of wage-earners were for the first time enjoying a rise in real incomes. With population growth, demand for food was greater than ever, thus providing a further stimulus to agricultural improvement. Railways made cheaper transportation possible, with longer distances, rapid collection, and delivery of perishable commodities to towns where there was a ready market for fresh fruit, vegetables, and milk, and swift returns of cheap lime, fertiliser, machinery, and building materials. Dairy farmers supplied the domestic market with milk, butter, and cheese. Farmers prospered on the back of rising prices but at the cost of high capital investment (much financed by way of loans) in buildings, drainage, prize stock, and new implements. Nevertheless, larger farmhouses, farmsteads, and outbuildings were a common feature of the period reflecting a vibrancy and prosperity not so apparent in earlier periods. Regional variation was a factor in agriculture as well as industry, and in remote areas like the North and West of Scotland, farming remained more traditional, with the use of the foot-plough and scythe still common. In general terms the increasing accessibility of plenty of fresh, cheap, home-produced food helped to improve living standards and general health of the population. In 1850, four-fifths of Britain's imported grain came from Europe, and Europe had little enough to spare. Shipping was still slow, sail-powered and unrefrigerated but this worked to British farmers' advantage in keeping out perishable goods from other parts of the world. The capabilities in overseas food transportation were extremely limited, though this would not last for too much longer. In this period, Britain still produced one-half of her wheat and six-sevenths of her meat needs, and agriculture was protected not by import duties but by the absence of technological advances in inter-Continental transportation. As many as 300,000 men left agriculture between 1851 and 1871 and numbers began to fall absolutely as well as relative to other economic sectors, but farmers were temporarily safe because railways had not yet penetrated the North American Prairies or the Pampas in South America, and transportation costs of agricultural products remained prohibitive. Good luck was also a factor in agricultural prosperity, for an exceptional run of good, high-yield harvests between 1850 and 1873, attributed to a long cycle of fine, dry summers, led to bumper crops. When these good harvests came to an end they coincided with the end of the economic and technological conditions which had fuelled British agricultural prosperity, and after 1873, when there was a steep decline in demand, agriculture entered a long depression.

What was the political importance and position of the Peelites after 1846?

Party lines were disrupted and informed by the split between Peelites and Protectionists within the Conservative party in 1846. While there was a drift back to the Protectionists among the minor Peelites, it was never total and a very important element of the Peelites remained aloof and brought political expertise and authority to the nascent Liberal party. The uncertainty surrounding the Peelites was a major factor in the period 1846-59, and reduced the Conservatives to minority governments for many years. The eventual union between Liberals, Radicals, Peelites, and Whigs secured the minority status of the Conservative party. Ultimately, this was one of the main legacies of Corn Law repeal.

The Reform League and the Reform Union

Popular pressure built up again significantly in the mid-1860s when what we might call descendants of the Chartists saw another chance to press home their arguments. The Reform Union was established in 1864 to campaign for household suffrage. The Reform League soon followed, with its more radical demand for universal manhood suffrage. Support for the League was particularly strong in the trade-union movement, whereas the Union was a more middle-class organisation popular with Liberals. Unemployment and high food prices intensified popular pressure for reform in 1866. There was a break in the mid-Victorian economic prosperity, which provoked riots in London in 1866. There was a multi-faceted disruption, with a run of poor harvests, high food prices, and even the return of cholera. Fenian disturbances created unease at the threat of civil disorder, which was heightened by anti-Irish sentiments in some towns and cities. All these factors fed into renewal of the reform campaign. Against this background, members of both the governing Liberal Party and the Conservative opposition saw more clearly than ever the possibilities of political benefit to be won from pinning their party colours to the mast of further reform. Popular agitation culminated in arrangements for a large meeting, organised by the Reform League, to take place in Hyde Park on 23 July 1866. The authorities closed the park, leading to the smashing of railings and the forcible occupation of the park by the protestors. The Hyde Park riots convinced some members in both parties that some reform had to be considered if more serious unrest was to be averted. By the mid-1860s, too, external examples and pressures were giving a boost to these internal pressures and creating a more favourable climate for a change in attitude on the part of leaders of both political parties. For example, greater publicity for the generally more democratic Northern States during the American Civil War (1861-65) helped to foster an atmosphere favourable to democratic reform. Foreign democratic nationalists, especially Garibaldi, who had played an important role in Italian unification, was also important in rallying public opinion behind notions of 'the people' and it was a government clampdown on Garibaldi's meetings which initially led to angry protests and the formation of the Reform League in February 1865.

How important were railways to economic growth, both in terms of individual industries and the national economy?

Railway development built on earlier growth both in terms of the extent of capital investment on construction and the ongoing development of the railway network. The railway industry was an important one in terms of the percentage contribution to national income and it continued to be important in terms of employment of labour and demand for raw materials from other industries through the major expansive period of railways was coming to an end by the final decades of the nineteenth century. The expansion of the railways facilitated the growth of leisure industry in seaside coastal towns and in creating a national railway network, led to cross-country business links being more easily forged.

Political fragmentation

Russell's Whig Government survived six years with the support of the Peelites. It managed to advance free trade principles with the repeal of the Navigation Acts which had protected British shipping for centuries, and which the great economist Adam Smith had considered an exception to trade liberalization, since 'Defence is more important than opulence' and viewing the Laws as a symbol of national security and power. Nevertheless, the Laws were abolished in 1849. The Conservatives under Disraeli and Derby eventually abandoned protectionism. Not only was this a necessary measure in the light of British prosperity and commercial expansion under free trade, but they recognised that it was necessary if the Conservatives were to attain power again. In 1852, the short-lived Protectionist government, despite its name, refused to endorse protective duties. For the Conservatives, though, the 1852 and 1857 General Elections were not very convincing in terms of number of seats gained, and subsequent minority governments were fairly ineffective. Nevertheless, valuable work was being conducted behind the scenes in terms of party organisation and policy change. Still, the fragmentation of governments continued until 1859 when Palmerston led a more united Liberal government, after an agreement between ex-Peelites, Liberals, Radicals, and Whigs to work together, with a solid majority. Palmerston was more interested in foreign affairs and his period in office was notable for the advancement of British political and commercial interests, and for the often robust patriotism promoted by Palmerston, who despite leading a Liberal government, disparaged all talk of further political reform. It was in fact the short-lived Tory Government of Lord Derby which, in 1858, made some progress towards a more democratic political system by abolishing the property requirements necessary to sit as a member of parliament. This measure had been one of the Chartists' demands, and in theory opened the way for men of humble station to enter Parliament. Derby also legislated to allow practising Jews to sit in Parliament. Reform was slow in coming. After Palmerston's death, Lord John Russell's government tried to promote reform but failed to convince sufficient members of the Liberal party for it to stand any chance of success. The brief Tory government of Lord Derby of 1866-68 introduced one of the most important pieces of legislation of the era, the Second Reform Act of 1867. Ill-health forced Derby's resignation and he nominated Disraeli as his successor, but the Liberals won the 1868 General Election and Gladstone came to power. Before the Election, Disraeli had enjoyed 278 days in office, a period which marked an advance in the party realignment of the period. Although Queen Victoria preferred Disraeli to Gladstone (whom she disliked intensely) Disraeli's resignation in 1868 after defeat at the polls effectively acknowledged the effective sovereignty of the electorate, and indicated that a more modern political system was in being.

Shipping

Shipping was another industry in which Britain excelled and dominated. American shipping was becoming increasingly competitive in Atlantic waters but Britain still retained a large global advantage. At the mid-century, sailing ships made up the majority of the mercantile navy. The most important stimulus for the growth in shipping and shipbuilding after 1850 was the growth in world trade which, coinciding with massive increases in cheap iron and steel made it possible for Britain to forge ahead with developing steamships and monopolising shipping routes. A higher volume of global trade was made possible by further technological advances. The Suez Canal opened in 1869 and dramatically cut the journey time from the West to India, China, and Australia. The Canal was an artificial sea-level waterway in Egypt connecting the Mediterranean with the Red Sea. The Canal was too narrow for a large sailing ship to pass through and therefore it gave a great boost to British steamships. Between 1850 and 1888 the tonnage of steamships registered in Britain increased from approximately 390,000 to 3,000,000 tons. Although the Canal had been financed by French capital when it was built, Disraeli purchased a large block of shares in the Suez Canal Company giving Britain a major interest in the running of the Canal and amongst other things, allowing cheaper rates for passage to be levied on British ships.

The Towns

Social and political reform made an impact in the towns in the third quarter of the nineteenth century though abuses remained. Life for many workers was less harsh, for the earlier factory reforms had reduced working hours, and had since 1870 been applied to most major industries. Workers not only had more leisure time but more money to spend, and simple goods like soap and matches became more easily available and affordable. On account of developments in transport, fresh food could be delivered to the towns more quickly than in the past, and diets were more varied, with more meat, milk, and vegetables. Some local authorities improved the civic infrastructure, by opening public amenities like libraries, parks, public baths, and wash-houses in many towns. Changes in town planning and often grandiose architecture created an impression of prosperity which was not always an accurate barometer of the lives of inhabitants. Hidden from view, the construction of a sewerage system for London designed by Joseph Bazalgette in the 1860s typified the progress and prosperity of the period, for it represented a recognition that some diseases (notably cholera and typhoid) could be controlled through public health projects, and it led to improvements in living conditions. Cleaning up London's water supply and removing the foul waste along the banks of the Thames was another advantage of a more efficient sewerage system but the decrease in mortality rates was of even greater consequence. From around 1865, death rates began to show an overall decline, as did birth-rates, the latter not explicable by a resort to birth control but appearing to be a voluntary response (to restrict family size) which began with the middle classes and spread to the working classes. The reduction in the birth rate was another element in opening the way towards greater working class prosperity.

Prosperity and poverty in towns and countryside The contours of British society

The 1851 Census reveals that at the mid-point of the nineteenth century, half of all Britons lived in towns. By 1871, this percentage had risen to 65% of the population living in urban areas. The social consequences of this movement of people were profound, with rapid change the keynote of urban life and slower, less perceptible change in the countryside. This may appear unsurprising for the towns were clearly the dynamic element of the British economy, with a large, prosperous middle class which had created and developed the towns, and a large mass of the working classes living and working in relatively new urban conurbations. In the countryside, the social structure of landowners and farmers, tenant farmers and agricultural labourers, with a small number of tradesmen and craftsmen was familiar and largely unchanged. However, rural depopulation had affected many areas, and overall the share and relative importance of agriculture in the British economy was declining.

Political parties after 1867 Party organisation

The 1867 Reform Act almost doubled the electorate and the extra thousands of voters in many constituencies made the traditional use of patronage and pressure much less effective, so voting behaviour became much more unpredictable. The difference was most evident in the larger boroughs. This was even more the case after the introduction of the secret ballot in the Ballot Act of 1872. Winning votes from this larger electorate placed even greater demands on party organisation for what we can now safely call the Conservative and Liberal Parties. 'The old lines of a general election do not serve us now', a Liberal Party whip wrote to Gladstone in 1868, 'all is new and changed' (quoted in Read (1979)). Because of the need to win votes in enlarged constituencies, both parties placed greater emphasis on local party organisations, particularly in the larger boroughs. Party policy lines were firmed up and independents were squeezed out, as politics became more centralised and professional. Politicians had to present policy more clearly and great set-piece speeches and election campaigning became more and more a feature of politics after 1867. It will be helpful in rounding off your studies of this theme to look briefly at the impact of the 1867 Act on the development of democracy generally, and on the two main parties specifically, over the next decade or so.

Depression in agriculture

The 1870s marked a turning point for agriculture. Internally, a run of bad weather, bad harvests, foot-and-mouth disease, and liver rot proved to be damaging. Grain and meat started to arrive in bulk from the United States, Argentina, Canada, New Zealand, and Russia, all brought within the orbit of Britain's trade by railways and steamships. Freight rates and sailing times had fallen drastically thus making inter-Continental trade in agricultural products economically viable. The value of food imports increased from £79 million over the period 1867-69 to £133 million over the period 1877-79. The picture was not all bleak because dairy and stock farmers benefitted from the low cost of imported feeds and there were increasing demands (now that bread was cheaper) for meat, butter, cheese, and wheat. The period from 1846 to 1873 was a golden era for agricultural workers with a high demand for labour but wet summers and poor harvests signalled the sudden end of the Golden Age and the start of a severe depression especially for arable farmers. There followed several years of wet summers, disappointing harvests, and cheap grain imports from North America. Ironically, money invested earlier in railways had promoted and facilitated the expansion of American farming in this area. Prices and profits fell in the UK and with these catastrophic results, many farmers went bankrupt or moved away from arable farming.

Describe the Conservative response to the Second Reform Act with reference to political organisation.

The Conservative response was to heighten party organisation, with the establishment of the Conservative Central Office, and a closer relationship between constituency associations, national federation and the central bureaucracy. Many new local associations were founded during the period in opposition between 1868 and 1874, especially in the boroughs where the Conservatives required strengthening, and where the party knew they could and should do better. Later, in the 1880s the formation of the Primrose League added another dimension of party organisation, and was especially effective in organising women to work on the party's behalf.

The impact of electoral reform

The Conservatives were ideally placed to benefit from dissensions among the ranks of liberals and radicals, and more importantly, from the 1884 Redistribution Act, in which they benefitted considerably from single-member seats and the reduction of representation in the South-West of England in favour of London and Lancashire. Lord Salisbury's contribution to electoral reform, redistribution, as it turned out, handed electoral dominance to the working class. This was not his intention, but boundaries were drawn to preserve occupation and class lines and often served the interests of the Conservatives. By 1885, half of the electoral strength of the Conservative party was in urban constituencies, and a centrally organized staff had evolved. The drive to attain a higher degree of party organization came from the party's urban provincial supporters. The Home Rule crisis of 1886 provided the Conservatives with a further boost, for as the party of Empire they provided a safe haven for Liberal Unionists. By that stage, the Liberals were beginning to lose the votes of the propertied classes, with the effects of radicalism and Gladstone's moral reformism leading many towards the Conservatives. Defections from the Liberals had another polarising effect by further enhancing the Radical influence within the Liberal Party as some more traditional members, committed to the Union, departed. While Disraeli did not live to see this major revival of Conservatism, he laid the groundwork for it in practical and ideological terms. Conservative innovation in this area demanded a response and though delayed, the Liberals began to make changes in their party organisation in the 1890s.

Electoral legislation in the 1880s

The Corrupt Practices Act closed many of the loopholes that had allowed corruption to continue virtually unchallenged despite earlier reform measures. The Act set a specific limit for candidates' election expenses and clarified what campaign money could be spent on. It attempted to provide a clear definition of what corrupt practices were and introduced stiff penalties for anyone breaking the law. It meant politicians had to win their support by promoting more voter-friendly policies, a change reinforced by a larger working class electorate which - on account of its size - was more difficult to bribe without intolerable expense. By the 1880s, and with the conduct of elections having become much more orderly, there appeared to be few reasons for not extending the franchise. The Third Reform Act of 1884 promoted an important change in the electoral system for the imbalance in voting rights between boroughs and counties was corrected, with agricultural labourers and miners brought within the electoral system on the same basis as men resident in urban areas. The electorate doubled from three million to six million, a figure more substantial than that brought about previous Reform Acts. The Redistribution of Seats Act in 1885 brought an end to the over-representation of rural areas and the under-representation of industrial towns and cities. Most constituencies were now single-member constituencies and more-or-less equally-sized in population terms which meant a more equitable representation across Britain. A larger electorate encouraged the two main political parties to extend their organisation further and to develop the efficiency of their party machines. The reform allowed radical liberals to come into contact with rural areas, while it strengthened the Conservative presence in the boroughs, most of which had been traditionally Liberal. In this way, the political system became more national, representative, uniform, and more contested. The anomalies of the old electoral system were slowly being removed. Not the least remarkable aspect of this process was that it was achieved peacefully, and there was no agitation on the scale of 1832 or 1867. It was a silent revolution but no less effective on that account in promoting a more democratic political system in Britain. For the first time, the majority of adult males in Britain could vote. Parliamentary Electors in the UK: 1860: 1,364,000 1869: 2,445,000 1883: 3,152,000 1885: 5,708,000

The Great Depression - The fall in prices

The Great Depression of the 1870s was characterized by low profits, widespread bankruptcies and unemployment. There were two main elements: 1. Falling prices, lowering of real costs and increases in output brought no higher profits 2. A mass influx of grain from India and North America caused by improvements in transport and lower costs Prices fell more or less continuously from 1873 but this fall actually had begun in the 1860s. Sharp downturns in prices in the period 1873-96 had important political consequences, with the growth of protectionist organisations demanding an end to free imports and tariffs on foreign goods. While historians are divided as to the causes or indeed the applicability of the term 'Great Depression' there was definitely a widespread stagnation of trade, industry, and agriculture, and a general fall in prices. Some historians have viewed these factors as constituting more of a readjustment to new global trading conditions, rather than representing an economic depression. The definition of depression has called into question the nature of the 'boom' which preceded it. The years 1850-73 saw no continuous and general rise in prices, merely two inflationary bursts between 1853-5 and 1870-3. Only in the area of overseas trade does a growth 'boom' appear to retain validity. The term 'Great Depression' was perhaps given great currency on account of the explosive boom between 1868 and 1873, which came to be regarded as a 'Golden Age', after which nothing could ever be seen as good again. Providing a longer historical context is useful for an understanding of the nature, extent, and timing of the Great Depression. As the historian Samuel B. Saul has argued: 'The last quarter of the nineteenth century was a watershed for Britain, as competition developed overseas and the rate of growth markedly slackened. But the process was probably underway before 1870 and most certainly continued after 1900'. Yet contemporary complaints have to be taken into account and explained, and many contemporaries were convinced that they were in the midst of a marked and significant downturn.

Why were middle-class industrialists and businessmen more attracted to the Liberal party than the Conservative party?

The Liberal belief in free trade and civil and religious liberty and freedom appealed to the middle class both in secular and religious terms. For Nonconformists, Liberalism projected a fairer, less sectarian basis of the Constitution, while for industrialists and businessmen, Liberalism was more closely aligned with the values of the emergent middle class in commercial and industrial Britain, which had arisen since the late eighteenth century. The pursuit of wealth and prosperity and the civil, religious, and economic freedoms proposed by the Liberals appealed to the aspirations and values of the different sections of the middle class.

The emergence of the Liberal party The Liberal alliance

The Liberal party was an at times ungainly alliance of Whigs, radicals, and Peelites, with the Irish Nationalists as an unstable ally in Parliament. The pressing aim for formal union of these tendencies had emerged from the need to replace Lord Derby's Conservative government in 1859. It made sense to form one political party in order to remove Derby's minority government, and in the longer term to challenge the Conservatives who were slowly recovering from the disaster of the 1846 split over Corn Law repeal. At Willis's Rooms in June 1859, a motion was passed to come together as a Liberal party to achieve this aim. This date has been viewed by most historians as marking the beginning of the Liberal party. Sir William Harcourt aptly stated 'Like the Kingdom of Heaven the Liberal Party is a house of many mansions'. As we have seen, the Reform Act influenced the pattern and nature of politics after 1832 in a number of disparate ways. One of its effects was to alter the composition of the traditional political parties of Whigs and Tories. The 1850s had seen the emergence of the parliamentary Liberal party under Viscount Palmerston, and the 1860s brought new links between Liberals across the country, and politicians like John Bright (of the Anti-Corn Law League) and William Gladstone. The origins of the party can be traced back to 1850, when the death of Sir Robert Peel left his followers without a party. Lord Aberdeen's coalition in the 1850s provided a step in the transition by permitting the absorption of the Peelites into the Whig Liberal governing group. This was a formula repeated by Palmerston in 1855-8 and 1859-65. The latter government, in its breadth of support and range of leading administrators made it the natural ruling party of the time but this party remained at least half-based on wealthy landowners and gentlemen. Nevertheless, the Liberals were more of a national party than their Conservative rivals because they embraced commercial and industrial Britain more closely. They also incorporated many of the most active politicians who devoted themselves to causes, to public speaking in the country, and to building links with pressure groups. Although Palmerston headed a Liberal government between 1859 and 1865 it was not until his death that the Liberal party became established as a political creed. Gladstone became the personification of many Liberal ideals but the force of individuals needed to be backed by party organisation; by 1860 a higher degree of party organisation was deemed to be necessary, for in the absence of a central party organisation there was little control over the various political groupings. Yet there were signs that there was an increasing professionalism among MPs and that they were establishing closer relations with constituents, though some of these trends were not fully developed until after the Second Reform Act in 1867 transformed the contours and detail of political organisation and political life.

The development of the political system The supremacy of the House of Commons

The Reform Act of 1832 had strengthened the concept of representative democracy and made the political system marginally more democratic. By increasing the powers of the House of Commons to pass legislation over the wishes of the House of Lords and the King, the Reform crisis had worked to dilute the power of the monarchy. Repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 had tested this process, with the same result, that the House of Lords passed legislation that the majority of its members opposed, for reasons of public order and to avert a constitutional crisis, as in 1832. The continuing growth of national prosperity in Britain as a result of industrialisation was gradually increasing the numbers within the electoral system as more men met the property requirements necessary to qualify for the franchise. The abolition of property requirements for MPs in 1857 added a further dimension to this participatory democracy and allowed more men to stand for Parliament.

The Great Depression - Depression in industry

The Victorian equilibrium was damaged by the fall in prices and the increasing foreign competition which characterised the Great Depression. There was a fundamental shift in the industrial infrastructure of the country, with staple industries suffering the effects of cheap imports facilitated by free trade. There was slower economic growth and expansion, and though production continued to rise, supply often outstripped demand - leading to falling prices and profits. Cyclical unemployment returned in some industries on account of the economy becoming more volatile. Crucially, after 1870, Britain faced more competitors and there was a rise in imports compared to exports, especially in manufactured goods. There was an element of conservatism and complacency in Britain's industrial development, with many small producers failing to embrace science and technology, and the larger industries not accepting the need to innovate, because regularly to update fixed capital (that is, machinery) was extremely expensive. Other competitors were, however, very willing to innovate in order to get a foothold in established markets. In Germany, for instance, education incorporated industrial training from a young age, but in Britain working-class children usually left school at the age of 12, thus giving them less opportunity to contribute to industrial development. In Germany and the United States, industrial and manufacturing progress threatened Britain's dominance, especially so given the improvements in production, transportation, and distribution which ensured that goods were produced and marketed more cheaply. While it was always likely that other countries would over time industrialise, Britain, while maintaining an industrial lead, had fallen behind the latest technology. This was especially the case in the (relatively new) light engineering and chemical industries, where there was a reluctance to invest more capital.

What were the main social and political differences between Whigs and radicals within the Liberal party?

The Whigs were predominantly drawn from the aristocracy, with the party elite composed of a tightly-knit group of families. The Whigs believed in cautious reform and saw themselves as the custodians of civil and religious liberty, advocating for example, constitutional limitations to be placed on the monarchy. This rather philosophical and constitutional outlook did not prevent the Whigs from enacting a series of social and economic reforms which were progressive in nature, but this was not their primary concern. The radicals were much more prepared to be proactive reformers and while sharing a belief in civil and religious liberty, wanted to go further in attacking the Anglican nature of the State and the privileges enjoyed by the aristocratic elite. Radicals were much more likely to come from a middle class, commercial background and often their political views were an extension of their economic activities, especially their support for free trade and calls for a more inclusive, educated society. Radicals were however opposed to too much government intervention in the economy but did support government activity in areas like education and the poor law, which would promote and instil values of thrift, self-help, and respectability.

The Peelites

The anomalous positon of the Peelites was an obstacle to party realignment. Only in 1847 were they a numerous body in Parliament. By 1857 there were fewer than twelve Peelites standing as a distinct bloc in isolation from the two main parties. Even in 1852, there had been fewer than 50 Peelites since most of the less prominent Peelites had returned to the Conservative fold. Over time, it became obvious that repeal of the Corn Laws had not ruined the agricultural interest, as had been gloomily prophesied in 1846, and with Disraeli effectively abandoning protectionism in 1852, the way was open for ordinary Peelites to return. The dilemmas of one particular Peelite reveals the somewhat fluid nature of party politics at this period, and the disruption caused by the Conservative split in 1846. In 1852, Gladstone stated that he preferred to be on the liberal side of the Conservative party rather than vice versa. In 1851, he received an invitation from Stanley to join the Conservative Cabinet but he refused. In 1852, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gladstone was one of six Peelites in the Liberal Government. He remained essentially an Anglican Conservative, and while a staunch supporter of religious toleration, supporting the removal of discriminatory laws against Jewish disabilities, he displayed his conservatism by resisting a Commission of Enquiry into the affairs of the universities. True to his Peelite heritage, in 1852, Gladstone cut taxes on tea, soap, and minor foodstuffs but the aim of lowering income tax was destroyed by the outbreak of the Crimean war. With the Tories abandoning protection in 1852, there was no question of political principle dividing the separate parts of the Tory party. In these circumstances, and with Gladstone's dislike of Palmerston widely known, it was no surprise that he received offers from the Conservatives in 1856 and 1858 but Gladstone's animosity towards Disraeli, stemming from Disraeli's renunciation of Peel in 1846, played a part in Gladstone refusing to cooperate with the Conservatives. By 1859 he had emerged as a future Liberal leader and, like Disraeli, later became leader largely because of his intellect. As Sir James Graham stated: 'He must rise to the head in such a government as ours, even in spite of all the hatred of him'.

Gladstone and reform

The clear Liberal majority at the 1868 election presented Gladstone with a mandate to implement policies in a legislative programme consisting of reforms which reflected the principles of administrative efficiency, cutting back spending, pursuing free trade, and promoting the freedom of the individual. The composition of Gladstone's Cabinet revealed the different groups within the Liberal party but according to the historian Norman McCord, the Cabinet had a peculiarly strong Whig element. Gladstone has been depicted as directly involved in a surprisingly wide variety of reforms, and his command of detail and drafting of Bills has often been cited, especially in relation to the Irish Land Bill and Irish Church Disestablishment Bill, which were his own work in principle and detail. The historian Martin Pugh has also remarked on Gladstone's ability to maintain a sense of morality in politics - but expediency, according to the historian John Vincent, largely explains Gladstone's political decisions. Gladstone's government advanced a wide array of reforms which addressed then current social and political issues. Yet surprisingly, despite seemingly comprehensive Civil Service, Army, and university reforms, the new laws appear to have had little immediate effect. For example, the army reforms of Cardwell only marginally affected promotion therein. Meritocracy within existing elites rather than a more general equality of opportunity was the result of the Liberal reforms. Increasingly, Gladstone appeared unable to maintain middle-class support, with the electorate appearing at best bored and at worst alarmed at Gladstone's proposals. This was somewhat surprising given the changes that Gladstone had enacted during his 1868-74 government, with reforms that ostensibly allowing talented middle-class men access to areas previously restricted mainly to the aristocracy and its clients. Yet despite the promotion of meritocracy, that is, appointments made on merit rather than privilege, segments of the middle-classes took fright at some of the tendencies in Gladstone's form of Liberalism, which appeared to be promoting working class militancy, republicanism, and radicalism on a large scale. This perception left an opportunity for Disraeli as Conservative leader to revive, or as some historians claim, to invent the Conservative attachment to the monarchy, Church and Empire. Disraeli was able to return to power in 1874 with a majority government on account of this association, which was attractive to many in the middle class, and also because the reforming impetus of Gladstone's government had waned. There was also the question of Ireland - and the impact of its politics on Westminster elections. The disestablishment of the Irish Church in 1869 and the Land Act in 1870 had sought to demonstrate British sympathy towards Irish demands, and to encourage constitutionalism against Fenianism. The objective of the first Gladstone government was to remove the Protestant Ascendancy but these measures did not prevent and possibly even encouraged the emergence of a more organized Home Rule movement in the mid-1870s. This type of meddling with constitutional issues, which changed the nature of State institutions and interfered with property rights, worried many property-owners and was reflected at the polls in 1874. As Disraeli stated after his victory: 'We have come in on the principle of not harassing the country'.

Fenianism

The combined effects of the Young Ireland movement and the legacy of the Great Famine was to produce the Fenian movement. Politically the Famine had lasting repercussions in increasing resentment against the British dominance, and promoting a divided, sectarian society, and by the 1860s the emergence of a new nationalist movement. The famous Irish radical nationalist John Mitchel in his The Last Conquest of Ireland (Perhaps) had stated that: 'The Almighty, indeed, sent the potato blight, but the English created the Famine'. The Irish Republican Brotherhood was founded in 1858 and combined a demand for total separation from Britain 'to make Ireland an independent democratic republic', achieved if necessary by physical force, with a commitment to agrarian reform. There was a parallel movement in the United States called the Fenian Brotherhood, and more significantly, for British political life, there was support for the Fenians in England and Scotland among Irish immigrant communities in Manchester, Liverpool, and Glasgow. Fenianism was the first nationwide lay secular society, and there was no previous movement in Irish history, Catholic or Protestant, which relied so little on clerical support. The movement gained momentum in the 1860s claiming a membership of 80,000 but an abortive rising of 1867, with much lower numbers, was easily crushed. An important moment in the history of Fenianism was the attempted rescue of Thomas Kelly from a prison van in Manchester which led to the fatal shooting of a police officer and the execution of three of the ringleaders. Known as 'the Manchester Martyrs' they were a potent symbol of Irish nationalism. While the attempted rising was a disaster, harsh conditions and long jail terms elicited sympathy from some MPs and members of the public and there were calls for an amnesty. Amidst this increasing radicalism, an unexpected figure, Isaac Butt, a Dublin lawyer, came to the fore. Butt had once been a committed Unionist, but the famine, perceived British neglect of Ireland, and the rebellion that followed left him disillusioned with the Union. Butt had also been praised by John Mitchel in 1846 when Butt gave two lectures on Irish industry. Mitchel ensured they were published for distribution and said they were 'a very admirable repeal essay, potent to convince any Irishman (except perhaps the author of it) that Ireland's only hope lay in restoration of national legislature.' (David Thornley, Isaac Butt and Home Rule (London, 1964)) Butt set up an Amnesty Association, which kept the plight of the Fenian prisoners in the public eye. The emergence of the Fenians and the attempted rising against British rule was a turning-point in Anglo-Irish politics. Fenianism served as a school for sedition in the next generation with ex-Fenians playing a prominent role in the Home Rule movement, raising the threshold level of constitutional demands and infusing constitutional politics with a vigour and determination previously lacking. In Britain, anti-Irish feeling was aroused in some quarters, building on earlier anti-Irish prejudice, but consistent with liberal doctrines and a desire for equality before the law, liberals and others wanted to identify the cause of the violence and provide a remedy via reform to bring peace to Ireland. The most prominent politician holding this view was Gladstone, who stated in 1868 that his mission was to pacify Ireland.

The Liberal Reform Bill, 1866

The death of Lord Palmerston in 1865 removed the most important individual obstacle to a more positive parliamentary response to the pressures for reform. The pro-reform Lord John Russell succeeded him and Gladstone (his likely successor as leader of the Liberal Party) had publicly declared his (ostensibly) enthusiastic conversion to moderate reform in 1864. Gladstone argued in the Commons that a partial reform would help the 'public interest' by reducing the influence of separate classes in Parliament. In March 1866, Russell's government duly introduced another Reform Bill. It was a mild measure, proposing a modest extension to voting numbers in both town and county that would have added about 400,000 voters in all, most of them better-off working-class men. However, the combined opposition of Conservatives and 40 or so Palmerstonian Liberals, the so-called 'Adullamites', led by Robert Lowe, defeated the bill and forced the government to resign. As Lowe famously said in the House of Commons (summing up the attitudes of many MPs towards the working classes): 'If you want venality, if you want ignorance, if you want drunkenness, and facility for being intimidated; or if ... you want impulsive, unreflecting, and violent people, where do you look for them in the constituencies? Do you go to the top or to the bottom?' (speech to the House of Commons, 13 March 1866, quoted in Feuchtwanger (1985)).

The countryside

The division between town and country in Victorian Britain became more apparent as the nineteenth century progressed, Agricultural families, especially those of the labouring classes, appeared to live in worse conditions than in the towns. The rudimentary squalid conditions of much of rural housing was not new but there appeared to be greater awareness among agricultural labourers at the distressed conditions in which they lived. The historian F.M.L. Thompson had suggested that rural workers were more aware of their condition through better communications and a higher rate of literacy. Better transport and the growth of the press united the country to a higher degree and increased awareness of the differences between town and country. As with wages in urban areas, the wages of agricultural workers increased, but at a slower rate than their urban contemporaries—the latter experienced a growth in wages of approximately 50% between 1850 and 1875. Simultaneously, prices increased on average 20% leading to urban workers making an increase in real wages of 30%. Nevertheless, though the money wages of agricultural workers were lower than urban workers, many received payments in kind of food, cheap housing, and fuel in varying quantities from their employers.

The Land League and Home Rule

The effects of the agricultural depression of the 1870s also impacted Ireland as well as mainland Britain. Tenant farmers who could no longer pay their rent were evicted, and an agitation against eviction and refusal to pay, the so-called 'land war' was directed by the Land League, established in 1879 by Michael Davitt, a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. The League brought considerable pressure to bear on Gladstone's new government in 1880 to introduce reform, and strengthened by the Liberal loose alliance with the Home Rule League, led by Parnell, after Butt's death in 1879. Gladstone's return to power in 1880 saw his attempt at land reform thrown out by the House of Lords, Land League agitation increased in the countryside, and Parnell raised the question of redress for evicted tenants in the House of Commons. A Coercion Bill with heightened powers for the authorities was passed to deal with the threat of rural disorder. Gladstone came to regard Ireland as divine retribution as 'a judgment for our heavy sins as a nation'. The emergence of the Land League was a symptom of misrule. Gladstone regarded the Land League as a criminal conspiracy, and a fit object for permanent and effective prohibition. Yet the Land League had essentially conservative objectives, for the consolidation of the position of tenant farmers as less of a tenant and more of a farmer-proprietor. In 1881, under the influence of William Forster, Gladstone's new land bill conceded the following important points: 1. Fair rents were to be assessed by arbitration 2. Fixity of tenure on whole rent being paid 3. Freedom for the tenant to sell occupancy at the best market price The Land Bill of 1881 set out to destroy the Land League. The provision of the Land Court was the salient point and cardinal principle of the Bill, creating stability and reconciliation. Here was a dilemma for the Land League: should they advocate rejection of a Bill which was popular in Ireland or acceptance of a bill which would legitimate Westminster rule. The Land Act and arrests of leading agitators successfully undercut the Land League. The twin pillars of Gladstone's policy were to extend political liberty and to enable peasants to acquire small properties, effectively ending divisions between large proprietors and small cultivators by the creation of a class of small proprietors. By 1880, Gladstone's natural tendency was towards a political and constitutional settlement towards Ireland, and by the following year was considering Home Rule. By establishing local government structures and institutions, devolved power would work to promote civic responsibility for the public good of all the people. This was a political solution to the Irish difficulties which conceded much to the Irish Nationalist movement. Gladstone made the Kilmainham 'Treaty' which was really an informal agreement in which Parnell (imprisoned in Kilmainham jail, after being arrested for verbal attacks on British Ministers) agreed to use his influence to try and quell the violence in Ireland, and to advance a constitutional approach for a settlement, while Gladstone promised to resolve the question of rent arrears of tenant farmers. Parnell and other nationalists were released from prison, and subsequently the Arrears Bill of 1882 compensated landowners for the rent arrears of tenant farmers, but the 'treaty' was undermined by the murder four days later of Sir Frederick Cavendish, newly-appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Thomas Henry Burke, the senior civil servant in Ireland in Phoenix Park, Dublin. This atrocity illustrated that Parnell could not control the nationalist movement in the way he had stipulated. There was a tacit understanding between constitutional politicians and the Roman Catholic Church to undermine the forces of disorder but the agreement collapsed with the Phoenix Park murders. Parnell's position was not weakened by the events of 1882. Parnell had emerged just at the time that the Home Rule movement needed a leader with his strength of purpose and dynamism. Parnell's decision, as leader of the Home Rule League, to cooperate with the Land League, was an inspired one and gave great momentum to the Home Rule movement. By making the connection between land and politics, the Irish Nationalist movement was strengthened and the Liberals increasingly were forced to look for a constitutional settlement rather than social and economic reforms. Parnell established his power in Ireland through the establishment of the National League, effectively the Land League under a new guise, which was well-organized, with a wide popular base, and offered the chance of combining land and politics within a disciplined parliamentary party. His skilful parliamentary management of Irish MPs led to his Nationalist party holding the balance of power in Parliament. In the Third Reform Act of 1884, the Irish electorate was increased to 16% from 4.4% of the adult population, and the new voters consolidated Parnell's position - with the Home Rule party winning 85 seats at the 1885 General Election. As the undisputed leader of the party, Parnell gave it a strong degree of cohesion. He urged Irish voters to support the Tories, under the impression that the Tories were becoming friendlier towards Home Rule. Within six months, the Liberals, with the support of Parnell, were back in power and Gladstone's Home Rule Bill was laid before the House of Commons. Parnell had not expected a measure quite so far-reaching as Gladstone's Home Rule Bill, and acceptance of it ended the independence of Parnell's party. Gladstone was coming to realise what the Tories refused to acknowledge: that if Ireland were to be pacified, leaders of constitutional opinion would have to be accommodated within the framework of the UK, and Parnell was the best bet. Divisions over Ireland within the Liberal party were however very deep, and the party split over Home Rule. Though not as severe as the Conservative split of 1846, this allowed the Conservatives back into power in 1886 after a fractious period in British politics.

What were the main features of British manufacturing and industrial dominance in the third quarter of the nineteenth century?

The following factors were central features: - Export boom of manufactured goods - Shipping buoyant with ports providing services for international trade - Technological and scientific progress - Cheap imports of raw materials, technical prowess in manufacturing goods, and export boom in manufactured goods - All underpinned by open markets, free trade, and mostly peaceful international relations

Disraeli in power, 1874-80

The historian A.J.P. Taylor famously and disparagingly said that Disraeli's novel Sybil said nothing about British society, except that the rich are rich and the poor are poor, and that Disraeli's policy turned out to be one of municipal wash-houses. Historical debate centres on whether Disraeli gave the Tories a reforming and social emphasis. Disraeli's own words suggest so: arguing that public health was the 'first consideration' for a Minister: 'pure air, pure water, the inspection of unhealthy habitations, the adulteration of food, these and many hundred matters may legitimately dealt with by the legislature'. Early twentieth century historians gave Disraeli credit for an idea of social change and some historians consider that he did have a commitment to Tory Democracy which was more than sloganeering though perhaps less than a full plan of action. Robert Blake attributed Disraeli as primarily acting in response to Gladstone's great reforming governments. In 1874 it was not accepted practice to produce a Manifesto of policy proposals but he was faithful to his stated view that useful, non-contentious social reform measures were an appropriate form of action for Conservatives as an antidote to the apparent Liberal obsession with attacking national institutions. At first glance the record of his 1874-80 Ministry would seem to show that he succeeded in doing both of these things, thus fulfilling his election promises. One trade union leader said 'The Conservatives have done more for the working class in five years that the Liberals have done in fifty'. However, because of their reluctance to use central state compulsion, in contrast to Gladstone's Liberals, there remains a question mark over the effectiveness of their reforms. It could be argued that Disraeli had little hope of really improving the condition of the people, as this would have alienated his own party and trampled on the values of localism, and so what he could do was limited. A few historians have gone further, to argue that his promises were merely a cynical ploy to gain working-class support and he had no real intention of doing anything concrete to improve their lives. However, that remains a minority view in the historiography, and the fact remains that Disraeli and the Conservatives did pass laws to try and better the condition of the people.

What were the main causes of the depression in industry after 1873?

The main causes of the depression in industry were as follows: - The fall in commodity prices and lower profitability - Slower industrial growth - Supply outstripping demand - Foreign competition in domestic and foreign markets - The revival of protectionism in Germany and the United States - Manufacturing progress in other countries, especially in major industries like coal and iron, closing the gap on Britain's lead in manufacturing - Longer-term structural factors such as foreign competition coming to fruition coincided with short-term difficulties like bad harvests, causing trade stagnation.

Disraeli and social reform

The main social reforms of the Disraeli administration were as follows: - Artisans Dwellings Act (1875) - Public Health Act (1875) - Sale of Food and Drugs Act (1875) - The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act (1875) - Employers and Workmen Act (1875) - Factory Acts (1874 & 1878) The government began with a flurry of legislation, and during the 1875 Parliamentary session, nine important bills were presented, seven of which were passed. The Public Health Act and the Artisans' Dwellings Act were designed to improve the health of the working class, as was the Sale of Food and Drugs Act. However, the Public Health Act, although it laid down minimum standards of hygiene in towns, was in reality the consolidation of many previous articles of public health legislation. Similarly, the Artisans Dwelling Acts gave local authorities the powers to carry out slum clearance. Opposition from within the party, however, meant that its provisions were weakened. It was seen by some Conservatives to be an attack on the rights of private landlords and so the compulsory central element was removed, leaving it as 'permissive' legislation, that is, left to the local authorities to decide whether or not to make use of the powers. On the other hand, the Employers and Workmen Act was an important step in labour law by making breach of contract a civil rather than a criminal matter, and The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act 1875 allowed peaceful picketing once again. Both of these Acts were of obvious benefit to the growing trade union movement. There were improvements in working conditions, with the Factory Acts setting a code of regulations for factory conditions, and limiting working hours for women and children and indirectly reducing men's working hours. A State Inspectorate was established bring other factories into line with the textile industries; this established the principle of State intervention in governing factory conditions. The Merchant Shipping Act of 1876 set limits on the loads carried by merchant ships, thus making them safer. However, the law was passed only after constant pressure from Samuel Plimsoll and until 1890 the ship owners could draw the 'plimsoll line' where they wished. Sandon's Education Act was designed to encourage children to take advantage of the education system by creating School Attendance Committees and encouraging them to help out with school fees for elementary education. Once again there was no compulsion to do so and the take up across the country was patchy, weakening the impact of the legislation. It has also been suggested that the motivation for the Act was to stop the spread of the Liberal-dominated School Boards into the counties, which were traditional Conservative strongholds. According to the Conservative historian Robert Blake, the legislation of Disraeli's government 'constitutes the biggest instalment of social reform passed by any one government in the nineteenth century'. Yet much of the legislation was permissive rather than compulsory and its effect on the condition of the people varied across the country. Disraeli had frequently disparaged centralised social reforms as 'those Gallic imitations' which extended central bureaucracy by taking powers from local authorities, thereby damaging local democracy. The reforms really facilitated change and improvement rather than forcing it, and this non-compulsory element meant their impact was in many respects uneven, though there were significant changes such as the trade union legislation and Factory Acts. The reforms were indicative of the Conservative awareness of the demands for reform from a more assertive working class post-1867, but the political dividends were limited as working-class voters appear still to have favoured Gladstone, and returned him to power at the 1880 General Election. The high imperial business of the latter part of the government led to a critique of 'Beaconsfieldism' by Gladstone, which conjured up apparitions of a sinister policy-making process embroiling the country in immoral, expensive, foreign adventures. At the 1880 election, the Conservatives were forced back towards their heartlands of English rural seats, as the image of the Conservative party as the vehicle for the defence of the landed interest (regardless of its truth) was a significant weapon employed by the Liberals. The Conservatives seemed to some voters and party members increasingly old-fashioned. Middle class provincial activists were beginning to worry about this anachronistic image and began raising demands for change through the National Union and the Fourth Party.

Topic 3 - Pressure for change

The mid-Victorian era was an era of 'improvement' when pressure groups and social reformers aimed at removing the most obvious abuses in living and working conditions in British society. It was a great era of philanthropy and humanitarianism amidst an often squalid, dirty, and insanitary environment. Attempts at improving conditions were more successful owing to an increasing expertise, more receptive governments, and tenacious campaigns for social reforms. As industrial towns and cities developed further, the notion of 'public health' become a vital one, and administrators attempted to plan the urban and rural environment with more care and attention, though with mixed success. Political pressure groups had less success in the mid-Victorian period, and after the failure of Chartism there was a lull in overt activity, with attempts at piecemeal parliamentary reform easily defeated. Opinion was however changing, and by the 1860s both major political parties were more prepared to enact further reform. The condition of Ireland continued to be problematic, with the emergence of a more aggressive form of nationalism in the form of the Fenian movement, which was prepared to use violence to achieve its objective of independence from Britain. Gladstone's bold attempts to undercut support for Fenianism by passing land reforms only seemed to make things worse and the Home Rule party under Parnell went from strength to strength.

Topic 2 - Government and democracy

The rivalry between Gladstone and Disraeli was not merely personal but a reflection of fundamental differences in relation to political conduct, policy-making, and the application of political principles to legislation. Yet both leaders, while taking a very different approach stylistically to politics, advanced important legislation which left a lasting effect on British society. Amidst the legislative record, the Second Reform Act of 1867, the Third Reform Act of 1884, and the Redistribution of Seats Act in 1885 stand out as landmark reforms in advancing democracy in Britain. The Acts extended the suffrage by lowering the franchise qualifications, redistributing seats to new centres of population, and removing many anomalies within the electoral system. After 1832, political parties heightened their organisation as a way of more directly engaging with a mass electorate. Another important aspect of this engagement was by reforming the constitutional basis of the British state, most notably Gladstone's disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Ireland and by the 1872 Ballot Act providing for secret voting. Gladstone also encouraged promotion by merit in the professions but Disraeli's government was arguably more active in approaching social reforms, and passed a raft of legislation across a wide range of policy areas with a varying degree of success. Both were prepared to show that government was the vehicle for reform when it was necessary but government intervention, especially in the larger economy, remained minimal and the state relied more on 'permissive legislation'.

The iron and steel industries

There was also a great demand for good-quality iron, an essential material in industrial development. Earlier developments, such as John Neilson's hot blast of 1827 and Naismith's steam hammer of 1844 were responsible for the significant increase in iron output from 1850 onwards, with railways, bridges, iron steamships, textile machinery, and tools, as well as all the great engineering projects of Victorian Britain, entirely dependent on the continuous production of good-quality iron. Consequently, iron ore production increased from 9 million tons in 1855 to over 15 million tons in 1875. The use of steel in manufacturing also increased during this period. Steel was tougher and more versatile than iron, and in the 1860s new processes enabled steel to be produced cheaply and quickly and ion large quantities. By 1870 many railways companies had replaced iron tracks with steel ones. - Railways and engineering By the 1850s the main contours of the rail system had been laid down, and by 1870 few towns of any size lacked a station. In contrast to railways in other European countries, railway construction was entirely conducted by private enterprise and was unplanned by the central state. The more immediate economic demands were those that any large construction undertaking could place on raw materials, labour and capital. In terms of capitalisation, turnover, and number of employees (250,000 by 1873) railway companies were by far the largest companies to appear in Victorian times. 1,253 miles of track was constructed in 1848. By 1851, total mileage reached 6,802, representing an enormous expenditure on ages and material. Profitability of numerous lines varied, and profits were often delayed after large lay-out of capital. Between 1846 and 1848 as much as 5-7% of total national income was being invested in railways and by mid-century the railway system was itself a substantial employer of labour. Amalgamation brought the number of companies down from approximately 200 in 1843 to 22 far larger ones by 1850.

Developments in coal mining

There was immense growth in coal mining in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. From the 1850s when production levels typically amounted to 50 million tons, to 1875 when the total production amounted to 130 million tons and rising, the coal industry was one of the most vibrant in the British economy. Falling prices and increasing demand stimulated further production hikes at mid-century after which industrial demands kept growing. The manufacture of iron depended on coke and by 1870 the iron industry was purchasing one-third of the coal produced in Britain. Coal was needed to power steam-engines, an integral element in the development of railways, and steam-engines were applied to most major industries. The development of iron-hulled steam ships demanded coal to fire the ships engines and iron for the construction of the ship itself. Not only was the domestic demand for coal great but when other countries began to experience industrial development they began importing coal from Britain. Surprisingly, the rise in production was not primarily the result of technological development in the coal industry. Coal was still dug by hand, and there were no technical developments which fundamentally changed the extraction of coal from often difficult seams. The introduction of wire-rope and steam-driven winding gear at the top of the coal shafts replaced the hemp rope and the system of the horse-gin, which dealt more effectively with the large amount of coal handled at some of the larger pits, but this in itself did not raise production levels very much.

Public Health reform

Urbanisation and industrialisation had created huge problems in the provision of basic amenities. Water, drainage, sanitation in clean, well-lit streets remained an aspiration but was far from the reality for most Victorian towns and cities. There were multiple health problems, outbreaks of disease, and unacceptably high death rates, which were the direct result of dirty and insanitary living conditions. Disease was a major problem. The first cholera outbreak appeared in 1832, in Sunderland. Victims succumbed within hours from vomiting and violent diarrhoea and kidney failure, and slowly turning a ghastly blue, then purple, and finally black before death. Thousands died but the cause, in a time of rudimentary medical knowledge, remained a mystery. Most outbreaks occurred in poor areas but no-one was safe. Dr John Snow suspected contaminated water was to blame and in an outbreak in Soho in London in 1854 he isolated a local water pump as the source of contaminated water. After this discovery, the incidence of cholera fell. Chadwick's earlier report from 1842 provided the blueprint for the 1848 Public Health Act (For the earlier Report, see Unit 3 - Topic 1 - Government & Unit 3 - Topic 2 - Pressure for change). Although Chadwick based his reasoning on economics, for he believed if attention was given to improve the health of the poor and particularly to address problems of infectious diseases, fewer people would need poor relief. Thus, it was sensible economics to spend money on improving public health but Chadwick's views were met with much opposition from vested interests and from those who opposed state expansion in this area. Chadwick's efforts were acknowledged by at least one health reformer of the day: William James Erasmus Wilson dedicated his 1854 book Healthy Skin to Chadwick "In admiration of his strenuous and indefatigable labours in the cause of Sanitary Reform". It was the outbreak of cholera which forced the issue. The formation of the Health of Towns Association and the creation of various city-based branches followed rapidly. The national and local movements contributed to the passing of the Public Health Act 1848. The Public Health Act set up a General Health Board in London with three members, Chadwick, Lord Shaftesbury, and Lord Morpeth, and Local Boards of Health each run by medical officers in areas where the death rate was above the national average. The marker was set at 23 deaths per 1,000 as being unacceptably high. Once the cholera epidemic was over, there was lingering resentment from those who disliked what they perceived to be excessive State interference in their personal lives. Chadwick was dismissed from the Health Board in 1854 and the Board itself was dissolved in 1858, with its administrative functions placed in the hands of the Home Office. Dr John Simon was appointed Medical Officer of Health and oversaw piecemeal improvements but a strong statutory centralised body was needed to tackle the deep-seated and endemic problems that persisted in the poorer urban areas. In spite of the introduction of the registration of doctors and the passing of a Food Adulteration Act, problems caused by poor sanitation and fresh water supplies continued. With no proper coordinating body and with deficient administrative structures, most local authorities were left wanting. An 1871 Royal Commission on sanitary matters recommended that the fragmentary and confused body of sanitary laws should be made uniform. As a result, the Local Government Board was established, which recognised health administration as an office and more importantly as a responsibility of central government. Despite its limitations, the Public Health Act had set a precedent for further public health reform into the twentieth century.

Money wages and real wages, U.K. 1850-1885

Wage rates in 1850 are taken as base 100, against which to measure the movement of money wages and the value of wages in terms of purchasing power. Year, money wages, real wages: 1850 - 100 - 100 1855 - 116 - 94 1860 - 114 - 105 1866 - 132 - 117 1871 - 137 - 125 1874 - 155 - 136 1877 - 152 - 132 1880 - 147 - 132 1883 - 150 - 142 1885 - 148 - 142 Higher wages and shorter hours in the urban areas encouraged rural depopulation, and as the historian Keith Robbins has argued, the agricultural sector had to submit to the wealthy urban sector, for the notion of advancement and progress with urban areas became virtually synonymous. The press generally encouraged a view of the towns as bastions of knowledge and progress, compared to the backwardness of the countryside, and this became a powerful dichotomy in the public mind which persists to some degree to the present day. Part of these differences resided in the increasing leisure time enjoyed by urban workers. For many town-dwellers, the countryside became an amenity to be visited. With the coming of the five and a half day working week in the 1870s, urban workers could contemplate a visit to the countryside on the new railways, while agricultural workers toiled in the fields. Additionally, the 1871 Bank Holiday Act provided statutory holidays for workers, many of whom worked all year round, except for Christmas, Easter, and other religious and traditional festivals.

The extent of change

Was this Act truly an extensive change? We are in the fortunate position of seeing that it was part of a democratic trend, starting in 1832 and going on to 1928 and beyond. This was naturally less clear at the time, although many contemporaries certainly regarded the changes as extensive. MP Robert Lowe expressed the fears of many in the governing classes who foresaw the emergence of working-class leaders as leading the country into anarchy. Thomas Carlyle wrote an article entitled Shooting Niagara and After, implying that the country was on a dangerous path. Matthew Arnold, the poet, critic and educationalist, citing the Hyde Park riots, saw civilised values collapsing and anarchy taking over. Other contemporaries, though, were more confident that the Act didn't represent too radical a change or a commitment to anything approaching full democracy. We can include the prime mover behind the Act, Disraeli, in this number. His attitude towards reform has been hotly debated. One traditional picture painted of him is of a politician intent on 'educating his party' to accept the need for and provide more democracy and social reform. However, it is not the democratic aspects of the 1867 Act, but rather its conservative nature in limiting voting extensions in the Conservative-dominated counties and in rationing the creation of new urban seats, that is arguably most striking. The increased number of borough voters were not a concern for Conservatives too much, as borough voters were already predominantly Liberal in their loyalties. Equally important, an improvement in Conservative prospects in urban constituencies might well arise from the gratitude of new voters to the party that actually gave them the vote. The number of voters in the traditional Conservative strongholds of the counties only went up by about 40%, which hardly threatened their dominance there. As we have seen, the Redistribution Act accompanying the extension of the franchise only redistributed 52 seats, of which 25 went to counties. London, Lancashire and Yorkshire continued to be considerably under-represented in proportion to their population. With less than half a million people, Dorset and Wiltshire had 25 MPs. London had 24 members for 3 million and Yorkshire 22 for 2 million. Over 70 boroughs with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants continued to have their own MPs. There were other anomalies, aside from the fact that the female half of the population were disenfranchised, a system of 'plural voting' was permitted for those owning property in both a borough and a county, and seats were reserved for prominent universities (they were not abolished until the 1940s).

Gladstone and reform legislation

When we look at the detail of Gladstone's reforms we see an attempt being made to refurbish British society, based on the aspirations of advancing the principle of merit and equality of opportunity. In Liberal hands, this involved an expansion of the State and increasing the intervention of government in the economy, though at this stage, intervention was minimal in scope. In relation to education in an age of scientific and technological advances, it was essential to have a better-educated workforce. For Gladstone, a national system of education would be efficient and would contribute towards the development of a meritocratic society. It would also bring economic advantages in the longer term by creating workers with vocational and technical skills, which would assist Britain to be internationally competitive. This became doubly important after the 1867 Reform Act, by which a large number of working class voters had been enfranchised. The Education Act of 1870 made provision for elementary schools to be established across the country, wherever there were gaps left by existing (mostly Church) provision. The Act was important in that it saw a more active role for the central state in social policy by government and acknowledged the responsibility of the Government for educating children. Reform of the civil service (1870) and judiciary (1873) made for greater efficiency but were more controversial as they attempted to establish the principle of advancement by merit rather than connection, which created ill-feeling towards the Government from traditional Whigs. In civil Service reform the principle of entry by competitive examination was established. Gladstone's Ministry assumed that it would bring in more candidates with intellect and administrative ability, which it was hoped would improve professionalism and efficiency at a minimal cost. Although ultimately the changes were slow to take effect, it was nonetheless a measure which won the support of many middle-class liberals and radicals. Military reform seemed also necessary, for the military was perceived as riddled with inefficiency and incompetence. Wealthy families often bought commissions for their sons to become officers. The abolition of the purchase of commissions presented a difficult challenge for Cardwell for he was attacking a fundamental tradition in the landed class. After a contentious and hard-fought debate, the legislation was finally passed whereby selection and promotion of officers would be based on merit. Gladstone also legislated for trade unions, and his Trade Union Act of 1871 established the legal right of unions to hold property and funds and have them protected by law, while also protecting the individual's right to strike. However, he followed this legislation up with the Criminal Law Amendment Act (1871), which made any form of picketing illegal - thus criminalising the trade unions' vital weapon of last resort in economic disputes, despite trade unions being legal entities. This latter legislation was something of a political misjudgement by Gladstone, because it led to working class disappointment at the lack of any real support for trade unionism and workers' rights by the Liberals. Gladstone's missionary zeal was displayed more forcefully with the 1872 Licensing Act, which allowed magistrates the power to issue licenses to publicans that would fix opening and closing hours of public houses. It was a measure that satisfied neither side. For temperance reformers did not think it went far enough while publicans condemned it as an interference with trade and an attack on their industry. Brewers and distillers were alienated by the Act, and it spurred these industries to move towards supporting the Conservative party. There were a few progressive measures which impacted on women's rights. The Municipal Franchise Act of 1869 gave single women ratepayers the right to vote in local elections, and the 1870 Married Women's Property Act gave married women some legal status separate from that of their husbands - allowing a woman to keep a portion of her earnings. The Education Act of 1870 had also proved enlightened in this respect as it made provision for girls to attend school, and it was the daughters of that generation who benefited from the further measures of women's suffrage in 1918 and 1928.

What evidence is there against the idea that there was a Great Depression in industry and agriculture?

While there was already a slowdown in economic growth and a fall in prices, with prices falling in the 1860s, there had in any case been no consistent rise in prices between 1850 and 1873. The boom between 1868 and 1873 pointed the contrast with what followed and perhaps allowed greater exaggeration. Foreign competition and cheap imports clearly affected agriculture which was arguably more affected as a sector than industry, though particular industries such as silk manufacturing and sugar-refining had suffered for some from foreign competition. However, there was no return to a protectionist commercial policy though there were many advocates for tariffs on foreign manufactured goods.

In what ways had the political role of the monarchy changed? What were the causes of this change?

With the passage of the 1832 Reform Act, the House of Commons established supremacy within the Constitution and parliamentary sovereignty became an established fact. Monarchs could no longer appoint Ministers and form governments of their own choosing when the electorate had decided General Elections which created the basis for majorities in the House of Commons. While the monarchy under Queen Victoria maintained a degree of political influence, there was a gradual but perceptible erosion of the power of the monarchy, as the political system became more democratic, and more responsive and beholden to the wishes of a mass electorate.