Sociology Perspective on Latino Communities Exam 2

A Tale of Three Cities: New York City, Hartford, and Orlando

New York City, Hartford, and Orlando are very different cities with considerably different historical origins They vary in size, with over 8 million inhabitants in the immediate New York City area and over 20 million in the wider metropolitan area; Hartford has over 125,000 people residing in the city and over 1.2 million in its metropolitan area; and Orlando has nearly 260,000 people in its city and over 2 million in the metropolitan area New York City's Puerto Rican population expanded dramatically via direct migration from the island in the 1950s During the 1960s, net migration from Puerto Rico to the United States declined compared to the previous decade Although the net migration flow was still in the direction of New York City, return-migration patterns were already emerging, thus reducing the rate of growth of the Puerto Rican population in New York City compared to the 1950s In 1970, Puerto Ricans made up approximately 11 percent of the New York City population; this figure has shown a steady but not precipitous decline, reaching 8.6 percent by 2015 The growth in the number of Puerto Ricans living in New York City between 1980 and 2015 has been low compared to previous decades Despite the slight decline in the percentage of New York City residents who are Puerto Rican, an upsurge in Puerto Rican migration during the 2000-2015 period seems to have stabilized the long-term decline From the 1970s, however, the natural increase in the population—that is, births minus deaths—determined population growth, at least until the upsurge in migration from 2000 to 2015 In 1970 approximately 75 percent of Puerto Ricans residing in New York City and 53 percent of the whole city's population were younger than thirty-five, a twenty-two-point gap that shrank by half to an eleven-point gap in 1990 First, they reflect the decline in Puerto Rican migration to the city until the 2000-2015 period Hartford began to see an influx of Puerto Ricans in the 1950s Some light manufacturing took place in Hartford, the home of the Royal Typewriter Company, another source of employment for Puerto Ricans, but the city suffered a decline in its manufacturing base in the 1970s, as did much of the Northeast The Puerto Rican population in Hartford became particularly noticeable during the decade of the 1980s, when it grew by 55 percent Whereas the 1950s was the decade of substantial growth in the numbers of Puerto Ricans in New York City, for Hartford the decade of most rapid growth was the 1980s The growth of the Puerto Rican population in Connecticut during the 1980s coincided with a period of relatively slow population growth in the state With Puerto Ricans representing 34 percent of Hartford's population, the city is one of a handful of US localities that has elected Puerto Ricans The city with the third-largest concentration of Puerto Ricans in 2015, it has been the only major city in the United States that has elected two different Puerto Rican mayors The Puerto Rican percentage in Orlando is almost double that of New York City in 2015 but less than half of Hartford's While 39 percent of all Puerto Ricans who left New York City between 1985 and 1990 returned to the island, 14 percent moved to Florida—many to Orlando In Kissimmee approximately 24 percent of the city population was Puerto Rican as of 2000, and the figure has risen significantly since then By 2015, Puerto Ricans constituted almost one-third of Kissimmee's population Drawing Puerto Ricans to central Florida, particularly Orlando and Kissimmee, is the economic boom that the state experienced during the 1990s and the employment opportunities that became evident as tourism and other sectors flourished There a more highly educated Puerto Rican population, the core of an emerging middle class, is making inroads in such communities, although their impact is still nascent

how do the boys internalize the labels?

being labeled or marked for minor transgression would place the boys at risk for being granted additional, more serious labels

hypermasculinity

can be a response to masculinity challenges

symbolic criminalization

surveilence and profiling and stigma, degrading interactions, racial micro aggression more of the stuff said

"doing gender"

engage in gender through interactions in our daily lives

how are the discourse of manhood and masculinity related to the criminalization that the boys experience

have to prove manhood in different forms

"dummy smart"

men would self consciously act stupid as a form of resistance attempting to play the system related to the hifi movement

DIVISIONS AMONG YOUTH

During the fall 1992 semester, I became aware of differences in the types of students who congregated inside and outside the cafeteria during lunch This wedge is evident in the attitudes and perceptions these youth hold regarding one another and in the reasons that they provide for the divisions that exist among them

The perpetuation of international movement

Immigration may begin for a variety of reasons-a desire for individual income gain, an attempt to diversify risks to household income, a program of recruitment to satisfy employer demands for low-wage workers, an international displacement of peasants by market penetration within peripheral regions, or some combination thereof The general thrust of these transformations is to make additional movement more likely, a process known as cumulative causation

Conclusion

Theories developed to understand contemporary processes of international migration posit causal mechanisms that operate at widely divergent levels of analysis We hope that by explicating the leading theories of international migration and by clarifying their underlying assumptions and key propositions, we have laid the groundwork for that necessary empirical work

punitive social control

an over arching system of regulating the lives of marginalized young people created a youth control complex

courtsey stigma

stigma that someone has by being associated with someone who has a stigma ex. uncle in a gang, you are tarnished by that

social incapacitiaton

stripped them of their dignity and humanity by systematically marking them and denying them the ability to function in school, in the amor market and as law abiding citizens

Subtractive Assimilation

As advanced by Cummins and Gibson, the concept of "subtractive assimilation" is predicated on the assumption that assimilation is a non-neutral process and that its widespread application negatively impacts the economic and political integration of minorities Merino and coworkers note that American institutions have responded additively to immigrant groups who come to the United States either as members of an educated class or as speakers of high-status languages Because of its focus on how immigrants and non-immigrants learn rather than how they are schooled, the subtractive assimilation literature accords insufficient attention to how the organization of schooling can be just as consequential to the academic progress of minority youth Research into the effects of caring and the role of social capital provide guidance in evaluating the significance of social ties at school

Initiation of International Migration: Neoclassical economics

Economics push-pull perspectives have a long tradition in efforts to understand human migration The macro variety of the neoclassical economics perspective focuses on the disequilibrium of the supply and demand for labor across labor markets As such, the individual form of the neoclassical economics perspective is relevant to understanding Latin American immigration to the US, but as part of a larger framework that incorporates reliance on social networks and social capital

Religious Immigrant Males

Gregorio, Juan Marco, and Demetrio are all recently arrived sophomore males He sees Chícanos as giving all Mexicans a bad name: As it is, they don't like us And then these Chícanos act crazy and all Our teachers see us as better students, Juan Marco said Smug in his certainty, a prescient Gregorio countered, We're the same people from the same root If we do not completely look the same right now, we will within one generation Demetrio quickly seconded Gregorio's opinion that Mexicans on both sides of the border are similar: There as much as here, we are working-class people Inferring support for his own perspective from Juan Marco's remarks, Gregorio flatly stated, As Mexican people, it doesn't pay to go against the current We have to be better mannered U.S.-born youth resist not education but schooling Perceptions of gender role differences suggest some promising avenues for cross-generational alliances

Borderline Gang Members

In this group of three freshmen males only two spoke, as the third listened on That is, they claim ownership over that which they have been denied, especially their sense of history and their bilingualism

Stages of industrialization and race relations

Race relations in U.S. classified into 3 stages preindustrial, industrial and modern industrial System of production social relations of production the state's autonomy Plantation competitive modern-rational and secular institutions basis for class inequalities

ANTECEDENTS OF HOUSING INEQUALITY

SOCIAL ISOLATION OF POOR-SEGREGATION AFFECTS BLACKS MORE-ONLY 8% POOR LIVE IN UNDERCLASS NEIGHBORHOODS CHRONIC HOUSING SHORTAGE LACK OF COHERENT PUBLIC POLICY TAX CREDITS, ZONING, OTHER INSTITUTIONAL ACTORS FAVOR UPPER/U.M.C.

THE STIGMA OF PLACE

SOCIAL SIGNIFIERS OF BARRIO/GHETTO POPULAR CULTURE-TEMPORARY AND LESS CONCENTRATED BEFORE WWII RESULT OF EXPLICT PRACTICES PLACE=SET OF EXPERIENCES CULTURAL, ECONOMIC, ETC SEGREGATION LIMITS ACCESS TO JOBS BUNDLE OF HOUSING=OPPORTUNITIES/LACK OF-LIMITS ACCUMULATION OF HOUSING EQUITY

Theoretical Perspectives

Theoretical perspectives have been developed to understand how individual and structural factors impact the labor market outcomes of individuals For the most part, individual and structural factors are related in similar fashion to the three stages of labor market outcomes

how was the youth control complex enacted by parents?

courtesy stigma stigma that someone has by being associated with someone who has a stigma affilation high school apart less strict parent stigma reputation based on class, race, social position enter mental illness, tattoos, disabilities

what does it mean to "flip the panopticon?"how is this related to the boys experiences with the youth control complex

flipping the pan optical debilitating and rehabilitate social control normal shaming and pathological shaming

how does rios apply labelling theory to the experiences of the boys in his study?

mass incarceration labeling is also a process by which agencies of social control further stigmatize and mark the boys in response to their original label mass criminalization is responsible for social exclusion and diminished social expectations have big effect on young people's social mobility

how was the youth control complex reflected in probation practices?

probation officers have high expectations but didn't help them realize expectation or with how to get out of their situation community center increased stigma flipping the panoptical debiliatating and rehabilaitative social control-normal shaming and pathological shaming in community centers

World systems theory

Building on the work of Wallerstein, a variety of sociological theorists has linked the origins of international migration not to the bifurcation of the labor market within particular national economies, but to the structure of the world market that has developed and expanded since the sixteenth century Land- In order to achieve the greatest profit from existing agrarian resources and to compete within global commodity markets, capitalist farmers in peripheral areas seek to consolidate landholding, mechanize production, introduce cash crops, and apply industrially produced inputs such as fertilizer, insecticides, and high-yield seeds Raw materials- The extraction of raw materials for sale on global markets requires industrial methods that rely on paid labor Labor- Firms from core capitalist countries enter developing countries to establish assembly plants that take advantage of low wage rates, often within special export-processing zones created by sympathetic governments Material links- In order to ship goods, deliver machinery, extract and export raw materials, coordinate business operations, and manage expatriate assembly plants, capitalists in core nations build and expand transportation and communication links to the peripheral countries where they have invested Ideological links- The process of economic globalization creates cultural links between core capitalist countries and their hinterlands within the developing world Global cities- The world economy is managed from a relatively small number of urban centers in which banking, finance, administration, professional services, and high-tech production tend to be concentrated Native workers with modest educations cling to jobs in the declining middle, migrate out of global cities, or rely on social insurance programs for support World systems theory thus argues that international migration follows the political and economic organization of an expanding global market, a view that yields six distinct hypotheses: 1 International migration is a natural consequence of capitalist market formation in the developing world; the penetration of the global economy into peripheral regions is the catalyst for international movement 2 The international flow of labor follows the international flow of goods and capital, but in the opposite direction Capitalist investment foments changes that create an uprooted, mobile population in peripheral countries while simultaneously forging strong material and cultural links with core countries, leading to transnational movement 3 International migration is especially likely between past colonial powers and their former colonies, because cultural, linguistic, administrative, investment, transportation, and communication links were established early and were allowed to develop free from outside competition during the colonial era, leading to the formation of specific transnational markets and cultural systems 4 Since international migration stems from the globalization of the market economy, the way for governments to influence immigration rates is by regulating the overseas investment activities of corporations and controlling international flows of capital and goods Such policies, however, are unlikely to be implemented because they are difficult to enforce, tend to incite international trade disputes, risk world economic recession, and antagonize multinational firms with substantial political resources that can be mobilized to block them 5 Political and military interventions by governments of capitalist countries to protect investments abroad and to support foreign governments sympathetic to the expansion of the global market, when they fail, produce refugee movements directed to particular core countries, constituting another form of international migration 6 International migration ultimately has little to do with wage rates or employment differentials between countries; it follows from the dynamics of market creation and the structure of the global economy

"AMERICANIZED" IMMIGRANT YOUTH

In a schooling context that privileges a North American or English-speaking identity over a Mexican or Spanish-speaking one, there is strong pressure to assimilate subtractively The following situations provide some insights that help explain the finding of "accelerated subtractive assimilation" among some immigrant youth Ha fal¬ lecido mi papá y tenemos que irnos a México y vengo a la escuela a descubrir esto?" she cried In a soft voice with her head lowered, the daughter said, "Amá, tengo que entregar estos libros Ahorita vuelvo por usted Es cuando empezó a vestirse como un Chicano Siempre ha sido importante para ella ser aceptada por sus amigas y la influyen mucho" she mused She laments that although she speaks to Elvia in Spanish, Elvia responds primarily in English: " Y si puede hablar el Espanol pero parece que no le gusta She left her children with their grandparents until they completed primaria Then Mrs. Treviño sighed Smiling faintly, she confessed with rueful affection, "Me la traje conmigo Yo no pude dejar a mi bebita, mi Elvita Although expressed off-handedly, Elvia's dismissal of immigrants reveals the complexities of a colonized mestiza undergoing a personal decolonization process Notwithstanding his mother's efforts, Ignacio dropped out of school at the beginning of his tenth-grade year "porque no le gustó Creo que ahora quiere regresarse a la casa" she told me También le gustaba la tomada" she added Plaintively, Mrs. Galvez summed up the situation: "Ni una sola llamada Ésto es lo que mas ha afectado a mis hijos, especialmente al mayor Ignacio may have been angry with his father for not keeping in touch with the family, "Pero también lo extraña mucho" Mrs. Galvez observed No lo podía creer she exclaimed What most worried his mother was that, except for the girlfriend, Ignacio did not seem to have any friends, " Y rehusa hablar conmigo Espero que regrese pronto a la casa Creo que ya se le ha acabado el dinero," she confided Sería bueno" I agree Mrs. Galvez said that Ignacio had been a diligent student in Mexico but that the primaria he had attended through the fifth grade had not been particularly good The following section examines some of the ways in which students resist these messages

THE TALENT SHOW

On February 10, 1995, the dimly lit auditorium was packed to overflowing for Seguín's student talent show The group of young men I stood next to in the upstairs balcony began yelling, Take your clothes off Take your clothes off The singer's appeal heightened suddenly, as she began shaking her hips and sensuously moving her body while she sang the words to a Mexican-rap tune entitled, Old Shoes When she finished, she jumped off the stage into the now stimulated and welcoming audience All kinds of screams filled the air And again, the male students near me began yelling, Take your clothes off Take your clothes off Some of the students in the audience booed at him, calling him queer Others began laughing, calling the performer a "freak" and a "joto Several of the young men who had yelled "Quítate la ropa!" moments earlier now motioned to other young men to meet them downstairs The response, from nearly the entire audience, upstairs and downstairs, came in the form of a single word, culero, chanted, hundreds of voices strong, in a measured, trisyllabic cadence: "CU-LE-RO. Culero is similar in meaning to "*******," but it is even more negative With his jaw hanging open, he looked like he had seen a ghost, I didn't like it It was horrible A group of female immigrant youths said that they felt very angry with the school because the staff allowed the show to degenerate into chaos or "desorden Everybody participated, not just us **** she yelled, as her body struck the metal, producing a muffled clang What motivated the audience to use culero can be gleaned from students' commentaries about what they saw Also noteworthy is how students' educación cultural model of schooling surfaces Specifically, they resisted the double standard: by prematurely bringing the school program to an end, the assistant principal was a "culero" for backing down from his established premise of sexual licentiousness In conclusion, these diverse accounts of student resistance reveal how students' educación cultural model of schooling informs their critique of and expectations concerning schooling Perhaps it is only in settings such as these where what Raymond Williams has termed a "structure of feeling"—one rooted in a sense of injustice, deeply felt but not articulated politically—may be found

youth control complex

"a system in which schools, police, probation officers, families, community centers, the media, businesses, and other institutions systematically treat young people's everyday behaviors as criminal activity"

Attitudes among Mixed-Generation Groups

Paula's group was the only one I came across whose members embrace their indigenous identity and past In contrast, cross-generational friendships between youth in U.S.-born and more recent immigrant youth groups are rare

The Establishment of the Border Patrol

As a compromise for Mexico being exempted from immigration quotas constituted by the Immigration Act of 1924, the US established the US Border Patrol in 1924 as part of the US Department of Labor with the passage of the Labor Appropriation Act of 1924 Border Patrol agents are referred to as "la migra" by Mexicans on both sides of the border

How to set a poverty line

BASIC EXPENSES: 1. FOOD 2. CLOTHING 3. SHELTER OTHER EXPENSES: 4. TRANSPORTATION 5. PERSONAL CARE 6. HOUSEHOLD SUPPLIES HOW TO SET IP UP: DO CONSUMER EXPENDITURE SURVEYS ADJUST FOR ECONOMIES OF SCALE AND THE FACT CHILDREN CONSUME LESS ADJUST FOR GEOGRAPHICAL AREA

THE DREAM DIVIDE

COST FOR FAMILY 4:OWNING SINGLE FAM.HOME HEALTH INSURANCE CHILD CARE 4 YEAR OLD SAVINGS FOR COLLEGE

CROSS-GENERATIONAL GENDER AND SOCIAL CAPITAL

Close to half of the groups I interviewed contained both females and males Lo hago porque él trabaja mucho y no tiene suficiente tiempo Como quiera aprendo, he counters Norma replies that now that she's had her quinceañera, or her sweet fifteen ceremony, her parents feel that she is old enough to date They think he's agringado," she explains She says that he needs to listen to more Mexican and Tejano music So I always tell him to take me to Tejano clubs when we go out He's starting to get into Selena, La Mafia, and Emilio Navaira What I think is if he's more Mexican or Tejano, there's more to live for To underscore the importance of social capital to adolescents' academic achievement, I present below an analysis of an exceptional case of a U.S.-born youth group with a strong, collective orientation toward schooling

Theoretical Perspectives

Due to the functionalist perspective notion that we live in a meritocratic society in which everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed, individual and cultural factors are often considered the primary causes as to why Latinos lag academically behind whites The following theoretical frameworks have been used to account for Latino educational attainment: (1) biological determinism (2) cultural determinism (3) structural-environmental explanations Below we discuss both of these perspectives

Social Capital

Emanating from an exchange theory perspective in sociology, social capital is especially appropriate for addressing the structure of relationships among immigrant and non-immigrant youth, as well as highlighting the effects of breakdowns or enhancements in the flow of school-related information and support Social capital is defined by its function in group or network structures Rather, it comes into being whenever social interaction makes use of resources residing within the web of social relationships Academic competence thus functions as a human capital variable that, when marshaled in the context of the peer group, becomes a social capital variable Despite ample evidence that U.S.-born youth are achieving at a much lower rate in comparison to their immigrant peers, the theoretical question that emerges from the framework I have elaborated is not whether achievement declines generationally but rather how schooling subtracts resources from youth

BROKEN WINDOWS THESIS

Failure to attend to maintenance of social norms in neighborhood signals tolerance crime and disorder Attention to low level problems decreases crime Failure to account for intervening factors between community structure & delinquency

Career-Minded Females

I conclude this discussion on immigrants by returning to Maricela, the after-school math tutor first introduced in chapter 4's opening vignette What are you doing? I asked Octavia responded, We're doing our homework All three had completed elementary school before leaving Mexico, and then they all had attended Houston middle schools Her parents, who have a primaria-level education, earn a hard living from a fruit stand they own in a market located near their home in one of Mexico City's many neighborhoods Smiling with pride, Maricela said, My aunt is a real Chicana She said that though Clementina can speak Spanish like a Mexico-City Mexican, she prefers mixing the two languages as she speaks One of her friends, listening to the conversation, commented, with a smile, She's very daring So how has your aunt helped you?" I asked, seeking to satisfy my intrigue about her "Chicana-like" aunt My aunt is real nice with me We're good friends It was her aunt's idea that she become a tutor My aunt wants me to accumulate more experience In contrast, she sees Mexicans as backwards, always wanting to keep their women at home Even here at Seguín, we, the Spanish-speakers, always get the best grades You're the only one Having overheard the tail end of the conversation Maricela and I were having, Paula agreed, The language does have something to do with it So how does it make you feel?" I asked You're jealous of rae?" Maricela asked, incredulous Sounding like Aaron who had tried to convince his friend Michael that Michael's Spanish was just fine, Maricela responded: Look, I hope you take this well We can keep helping you—Octavia, Angelica, and me And you know what else? You speak Spanish very well What you need is practice and we can help you out with that, too Paula accepted Maricela's offer of friendship and support, saying, Thanks, I do need the help It just doesn't stick in my head Maricela added, Don't worry Really After Paula left, Octavia asked Maricela whether Paula was Mexican or not Maricela said, Though she was born in Mexico, she's from here You heard her Why? Maricela helped fill in some of the blanks by informing the group that Paula is the youngest sibling in a large family; only her oldest brother and sister are Mexicanized There are many differences between us, she said Maricela said that in Mexico, it would be unthinkable for a waiter or any other service worker to condescendingly coach a "gringo" tourist or resident on the proper way to speak Spanish If anything, Mexicans cater to "gringos" by acquiring English conversational skills Sighing deeply, Angelica wondered, What does this mean for us? With a sudden intuitive realization, Maricela said, Learn the language but stay Mexican Her openness toward Marciela and the other girls is in keeping with the attitudes and demeanor I observed among other members of her mixed-generation friendship group

Attitudes among Immigrant Groups

Immigrant youths' responses to questions about why they do not associate with U.S.-born youth took many different forms across friendship groups The most common answers mentioned linguistic and cultural differences, traits that were frequently conveyed through the evaluative comment, they are Americanized Amalia's description of U.S.-born youth as spoiled and unappreciative of their teachers is a variation on this theme Finally, U.S.-born youth are viewed as preferring English over Spanish and as aloof and distant from Mexico and the Mexican immigrant experience

Pre-Literate Youth

In early November 1992, an Anglo math teacher mentioned to me that two Spanish-speaking, preliterate students had been misas signed to her ninth-grade class Estéban comments that besides P.E., the only class he likes is art, because there he does not feel too "avergonzado for not being able to read well Perhaps paternalistically, I suggest to Estéban that he should not feel avergonzado but instead consider this an opportunity to learn She is not, she states, so "pendeja not to understand what her teacher was saying So, Lupita's entire first six weeks of school were a miserable waste of time, "A mi me tenían ahí como pendera, como sorda y muda en esa clase For a second time, he states that he is made to feel avergonzado for not being able to read well in either English or Spanish Como si tuvieramos una enfermedad Eventually, Carolina attended a primaria in a distant community for about a year Carolina assumes this was because she shared in the responsibility of tending the sheep and goats on the family's rancho As a six year-old, he traveled to a primaria in a pueblo thirty miles from his home, catching a ride each way with an uncle who commuted for business purposes The new owner became Estéban's father's patrón Despite her lack of secundaria schooling, Lupita, too, had enrolled at Seguín, hoping to learn enough English to get a job as a receptionist in an office somewhere Revealing his working class consciousness, Estéban observes, cynically, "No importa que sea gringo, es otro patrón With a clenched fist, he divulges another source of his inner strength and perseverance: "No me quejo mucho porque yo se que ahorita están las cosas durísimas en Mexico Este entendimiento me da mucha fuerza Tengo que seguir dándole la lucha Despite Estéban's inventiveness and empeño, the cards were stacked against him, just as they were for Carolina and Lupita School records show that all three had dropped out by the middle of the spring semester In sum, although empeño is a necessary and important quality, it does not in itself guarantee academic success If students like Estéban, Carolina, and Lupita, who possess abundant amounts of empeño, face tremendous odds in their efforts to achieve an education, how much poorer are the chances for success among the many U.S.-born youth who possess little or no empeño and who participate in peer groups that lack a well-defined and effective achievement orientation Seguín classrooms are filled with students who are described by their parents and friends as "des¬ ganados, the antithesis of empeño Unlike so many immigrant youth who enjoy a pro-school orientation, they lack ganas and are "tuned out" of school A key cause of this apathy is the difference in levels of social capital that characterize each group

The new economics of migration

In recent years, a "new economics of migration" has arisen to challenge many of the assumptions and conclusions of neoclassical theory Crop insurance markets- Whenever farm households put time and money into sowing a crop, they are betting that the investment will pay off at a future date in the form of a product that can be sold for cash to purchase desired goods and services, or which can be consumed directly for subsistence Futures markets- Whenever a household sows a cash crop, it assumes that the crop, when harvested, can be sold for a price sufficient to sustain the family or improve its well-being Unemployment insurance- Nonfarm families, as well as many farm house- holds, depend on wages earned by family workers Capital markets- Households may desire to increase the productivity of their assets, but to do so they need to acquire capital to make additional investments The new economics of migration also questions the assumption that income has a constant effect on utility for an actor across socioeconomic settings-that a $100 real increase in income means the same thing to a person regardless of local community conditions and irrespective of his or her position in the income distribution The new economic theorists argue, in contrast, that households send workers abroad not only to improve income in absolute terms, but also to increase income relative to other households, and, hence, to reduce their relative deprivation compared with some reference group The likelihood of migration thus grows because of the change in other households' incomes Market failures that constrain local income opportunities for poor households may also increase the attractiveness of migration as an avenue for effecting gains in relative income The theoretical models growing out of the "new economics" of migration yield a set of propositions and hypotheses that are quite different from those emanating from neoclassical theory, and they lead to a very different set of policy prescriptions: 1 Families, households, or other culturally defined units of production and consumption are the appropriate units of analysis for migration research, not the autonomous individual 2 A wage differential is not a necessary condition for international migration to occur; households may have strong incentives to diversify risks through transnational movement even in the absence of wage differentials 3 International migration and local employment or local production are not mutually exclusive possibilities Indeed, there are strong incentives for households to engage in both migration and local activities In fact, an increase in the returns to local economic activities may heighten the attractiveness of migration as a means of overcoming capital and risk constraints on investing in those activities Thus, economic development within sending regions need not reduce the pressures for international migration 4 International movement does not necessarily stop when wage differentials have been eliminated across national boundaries Incentives for migration may continue to exist if other markets within sending countries are absent, imperfect, or in disequilibria 5 The same expected gain in income will not have the same effect on the probability of migration for households located at different points in the income distribution, or among those located in communities with different income distributions 6 Governments can influence migration rates not only through policies that influence labor markets, but also through those that shape insurance markets, capital markets, and futures markets Government insurance programs, particularly unemployment insurance, can significantly affect the incentives for international movement 7 Government policies and economic changes that shape income distributions will change the relative deprivation of some households and thus alter their incentives to migrate 8 Government policies and economic changes that affect the distribution of income will influence international migration independent of their effects on mean income In fact, government policies that produce a higher mean income in migrant-sending areas may increase migration if relatively poor households do not share in the income gain Conversely, policies may reduce migration if relatively rich households do not share in the income gain

Conclusion

In this essay, I have analyzed how the scripts of machismo and marianismo have been used by researchers to describe the gendered identities of Latino men and women resulting in the creation of distorted and stereotypical accounts of the Latina/o experience One avenue that offers current and future researchers a great deal of promise is historical and comparative work In the current age of neoliberal policies and globalization, it is clear that future researchers will need to be attentive to the intersections of social class, gender, and sexuality given the flexibility of capital accumulation Although much more work remains to be done, all in all feminist scholars in Latin America, the Caribbean and the U.S. have deepened our analysis of gender in the Latina/o experience and has given us a more sophisticated and complex analysis of Latinas/os as gendered, raced, and classed subjects

Structural familism

Kinship networks provide important resources that Ameliorate effects of poverty More available to second generation Immigrant families depend more on nonkin Older siblings and aunts most important kin Parents frequently adopt a non-interventionist parenting style

CINCO DE MAYO, 1993

Latina and Latino faculty at Seguín typically organize an annual Cinco de Mayo celebration In the 1993-94 academic year, the Cinco de Mayo celebration took place on Friday, May 6, in the boys' gym during the late afternoon Screw your mother, he yelled Screw yours, his assailant shot back Man! It smells like somebody's armpit her Notwithstanding the suffocating heat, the crowded conditions, and the smell of daylong sweat, the jam-packed gymnasium bore testimony to an attendance officer's claim that "Cinco de Mayo is one of our highest attendance days of the year They offered a variety of responses: Because it's a fun day It's a day to be united, all of us, a community Cinco de Mayo is thus viewed as a very special day, and conscientiously selected attire is an important part of the occasion Others began chanting, Long live Mexicans Shouts of Long live Mexico could also be heard, intermittently Their voices booming, they yelled, "Viva Mexico!" And others responded, May it live Two more rounds of call and response occurred, punctuated by the sound of a long and loud yell from a male student The grito produced much appreciative laughter as other students turned their heads to check out the commotion These four told me that they had gotten the flags from another student whose father was on an organizing committee for Houston's Cinco de Mayo parade, scheduled for the following day Every day is American-flag day This is our day Hey, we're Mexican and American and proud of it In her book, Borderlands, Gloria Anzaldúa writes that there isn't a Tejana or Tejano alive who does not know that the lands were taken away from them The second- and third-generation students featured above use the first-person pronouns we, us, and our to at once assert their Mexican cultural identity and to express their collective reaction to the experience of societal exclusion, a macro-drama of which Seguín itself is a part Of all the students whose opinions I solicited after the Cinco de Mayo program, these youths provided the most critical commentary One small-framed girl with glasses said, Well, it's no secret that this land once belonged to Mexico With a scornful grin, she asked, What do they think? That now we're going to take the Southwest away from them? I'm glad they're afraid of us No? a third member of the group interjected laughingly before they all darted off An underlying sense of shared history and culture was certainly present, but an emotional understanding of cultural disparagement—a realization achievable in and through song—seems to have been the immediate catalyst for the unusual display of unity among the students that took part in Seguín's Cinco de Mayo celebration When a female student took the microphone and began explaining the significance of Cinco de Mayo, the noise in the gym was so loud that all I could hear from where I stood were a few disconnected words—"French," "soldiers," and a state in Mexico Then, Seguín's twenty-person, less-than-boldly-voiced chorus sang the first of several songs, Lovely Little Heaven" or, more literally, "Beautiful Little Heaven Singing plaintively, the main vocalist aroused the crowd to the highest level of the afternoon with his renditions of the classic songs, Poor Me and The King In "Pobre de Mi," the lead singer began a cappella He held the first syllable of the word pobre for several long seconds—on key By the time he got to the second syllable, the crowd was beside itself The excitement reached an even higher pitch with the singing of the next tune, "El Rey The King tells the story of a man who asserts his dominance over a partner who has left him, saying that she will surely cry the day he dies At the point in the song when the singers sang the words cry and cry, students in the bleachers on both sides of the gym swayed back and forth to the tune's sentimental refrain, many linking arms with one another at shoulder level The notes I took at the Cinco de Mayo program are filled with expressions of connectedness and pleasure that contrast markedly with the entries for more typical days, where I tended to record impressions of the students as aloof and dispirited The shared experience of culture—which includes singing the infamous "El Rey" largely explains this positive, collective, emotional outpouring They performed the "Jarabe Tapatío," also known as the Mexican Hat Dance They wore white guayaberas, fitted pants, and black boots, garb that accentuated their agility and finesse A Mexican American ESL biology teacher spotted me and commented to me with a wide grin on his face, "The gringos don't understand us Though the emotional distance was experienced by both groups, the teacher's reference to "gringos" may have conveyed his own consciousness of the cultural and linguistic domination of whites that songs sung so openheartedly in Spanish implicitly challenge The relief and release this 45-minute program provided is evident in my own summary of the afternoon's events

Cultural explanations

Lower marriage rates among AA reflect lower employment rates Norms condone "ghetto-related" behavior Critique criminalization for minor offenses, increased incarceration explain fate of young Black males

Subtractive Schooling and Divisions among Youth

Many social forces contribute to the divisions that exist among youth at Seguín I begin by recounting a classroom experience that reveals how Mexicanidad is not only a negotiated identity but a point of contention I conclude by suggesting how the capacity of individuals to manipulate their ethnic identity in educational settings is largely mediated by a schooling process aimed at divesting youth of their Mexicanidad

WHY UNDERCLASS THEORY DOES NOT APPLY TO LATINOS

Most Latinos live outside "Rustbelt reindustrialization in L.A. Continued immigration, not flight of affluent residents, explains persistent poverty strong sense of familism and lower divorce rates concentration encourages ethnic economy

Why it is so difficulty to determine a poverty line

Needs of workers different from nonworkers how to take into account medical care costs significant price variations across country original standards developed in 1955, standards of living have gone up how take into account payroll taxes and benefits like food stamps

"Pushed-Out" of High School

One of the more pressing issues that points to how the educational system is failing Latinos relates to the high levels of high school dropouts As such, the dropout rates for the foreign-born need to be considered with some caution

A culture of poverty?

Oscar Lewis argued that sustained poverty generates a set of cultural attitudes, beliefs, values, and practices Culture of poverty perpetuates itself over time over time, even if structural conditions that originally gave rise to it were to change Blaming the victim

Theoretical Perspectives

Over the last half century, demographers, economists, and sociologists have developed theoretical frameworks to understand the movement of people We draw below on the inventory and assessment of immigration theoretical perspectives undertaken by Massey and his colleagues

Indigenous Mexican American Females

Paula belongs to a generationally mixed group where she and a student named Miriam, both sophomores, are immigrants who are best characterized as 1.5 generation youth Becca, the third female in the group, is U.S.- born from Houston Instead, they reject a language that, in their estimation, they do not speak well The desire to avoid even the possibility of public humiliation is likely to exceed anxiety over the actuality of being misconstrued as "snobs" who reject their Spanish tongue Paula says that she rarely hears Nahuatl spoken at home, however, because her father is both Spanish and Indian and speaks only Spanish Words mentioned included turkey, grass, chocolate, and possum I then asked them how they identified, how they see themselves She said that she and her brothers always used to make fun of her mother for wearing Indian head scarfs and Indian shawls because her attire embarrassed them I realized I missed what made her special— the bright colors, the Indian designs, and the rebosos" Paula said, "Now she only wears her rebosos on Sundays Because of Paula's mother's influence, these young women were unusually conversant about the indigenous aspect of their Mexicanidad, uniquely so among the Seguín students I interviewed In their view, one's Mexicanidad is grievously narrow if it is bereft of an indigenous perspective This group helps underscore the complexities of Mexicanidad, and their comments suggest that a fully relevant and additive curriculum must address the ongoing hemispheric project of de-Indianization That youth in other generationally mixed groups experienced far less angst about their Mexicanidad attests to the supports in their environment which help promote their bicultural and bilingual identities Youth in these groups unanimously lament the divisions that exist among them by asserting the benefits of their culture and language-affirming friendships and the enriching experiences that tend to follow from these liaisons

Developmental consequences and Risks

Post-traumatic stress Premature entrance into adulthood Desensitization to danger Gang life can become attractive

Why study poverty

Poverty associated with delinquency, low self-esteem Low levels of educational attainment Thriving societies the result of the expansion of Consumer markets-when demand new products grows Average standards of living improve Public confidence in democratic institutions tied to How well society addresses peoples' needs

The Growing Geographic Dispersion

Puerto Ricans are an extremely mobile population Rivera-Batiz and Santiago claimed, based on the 1990 census, that 33.8 percent of Puerto Ricans residing in the United States had moved from one residence to another in the previous five years This compares with 25.9 percent for the population at large The Puerto Rican population in the United States is often referred to as resilient, a characteristic initially pointed out in 1994 in the first comprehensive review of Puerto Rican socioeconomic progress in the United States In this work, based on the 1990 decennial census, Rivera-Batiz and Santiago write, "Given the dramatic changes occurring among Puerto Ricans in the United States during the 1980s, the authors can only conclude by expressing awe at the resiliency and adaptability to change of the Puerto Rican population" Whether leaving Puerto Rico to escape rural poverty in the 1950s, or dispersing from New York City during its default in the mid-1970s, or searching for employment in the midst of the Great Recession of 2007, Puerto Ricans have utilized "mobility" as a means to stabilize their life circumstances Even before the mid-twentieth-century Great Migration, 80 percent of the Puerto Rican population residing in the United States lived there Dispersion and subsequent concentration then occurred throughout the metropolitan area, so that by 1970 Puerto Ricans were a majority of the population in Washington Heights, East Harlem, and the Lower East Side in Manhattan, Williamsburg and Green-point in Brooklyn, and the South Bronx Between the 1940s and the 1960s the Puerto Rican government facilitated the movement of this labor force between the island and agricultural areas of New Jersey, upstate New York, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Given the roots established in New York City, Puerto Ricans have traditionally been concentrated in the US Northeast, where over 82 percent of the population resided in 1970 Another 9 percent lived in the Midwest at the time, mostly in Chicago and parts of Ohio This settlement pattern changed dramatically between 1970 and 2015 A major rupture from earlier patterns of settlement occurred during the 1970s in the aftermath of New York City's fiscal crisis New York City's default in 1975 had a devastating impact on the socioeconomic status of the Puerto Rican and African American populations, especially because of the simultaneous decline in the city's manufacturing sector By the 2010-2014 period, the percentage of Puerto Ricans residing in the Northeast had fallen thirty percentage points to 52 percent compared to forty years earlier Over the same time, the population also showed significant growth in the Southeast, where now 28 percent of the Puerto Rican population resides As pointed out in the first edition of this book, between 1970 and 2000 there was a pronounced increase in the movement of US-born Puerto Ricans along the Northeast-Southeast corridor, with Puerto Rican migrants moving from the island to similar points of destination Between 1970 and 2015 Puerto Ricans increasingly gravitated to the South, moved within the Northeast, maintained their presence in the Mid-west, and were found in every state of the union In 1970, over 80 percent of the Puerto Rican population in the United States was concentrated in only three states: New York, New Jersey, and Illinois By 2014, only a slightly lower proportion of the Puerto Rican population resided in New York, Florida, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Illinois, California, Texas, and Ohio For example, between 2010 and 2015, the Puerto Rican population of Florida increased from 864,577 to 1,069,446, a surge of slightly over 200,000, the largest increase in the number of Puerto Ricans of any state However, Florida's total population grew by nearly 1.5 million during the same period, so Puerto Ricans made up only 14 percent of Florida's population growth during that period In contrast, the number of Puerto Ricans in Connecticut increased by 15,362 during the 2010-2015 period; yet Connecticut's total population grew by only 13,813, so Puerto Ricans' net contribution to Connecticut's overall population growth was quite significant Since the 1970s the states that have benefited most from Puerto Rican population growth have been in the Northeast For example, during the 2016 presidential election some believed that the large-scale Puerto Rican migration to Florida might tip the scales to turn the state "blue," given the proclivity of Puerto Ricans to vote for the Democratic Party At the same time, Darren Soto, a Puerto Rican from Florida's 9th Congressional District, was elected to the US House of Representatives If so, this will manifest in urban centers and other gateway cities

Characteristics of a Good Neighborhood

Relatively affluent, ethnically homogeneous, native-born residents Density of adults relative to children, low population density, residential stability Characteristics of nearby neighborhoods Intergenerational closure Presence and participation in voluntary

Critiques of "Social Disorganization" Theory

Stating that social disorganization causes crime is circular reasoning people who don't adhere to social norms violate other social norms Majority of poor African American are law abiding and have daily routines with some semblance of normalcy ordered segmentation Theory depends on vague definitions of social capital Putnam specifies two kinds bonding, which reinforces exclusive identities and homogeneous groups bridging, in which networks are spread across different groups with broader identities and reciprocities

critical criminology

THE STUDY OF CRIME IN RELATION TO POWER WHICH EXPLICITLY EXAMINES CRIME AS A SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED PHENOMENON

The Great Migration and Other Postwar Patterns

The conspicuous presence of Puerto Ricans in New York City during the late 1940s and 1950s led some observers to refer to them as "newcomers", but as we have seen, the massive postwar influx was a continuation of a process that had started over half a century before After their 1948 electoral victory, the Populares took over the reins of the island's government with the overwhelming support of the large majority of the population, making Luis Muñoz Marín the first Puerto Rican governor elected by popular mandate Allowing Puerto Ricans to elect their own governor was the most significant political concession that the United States had made to the island since the 1917 Jones-Shafroth Act granted US citizenship to Puerto Ricans, and it served as a major catalyst for the inauguration of the constitution of the Estado Libre Asociado, or Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, on July 25, 1952 In this respect, the population of Puerto Rico grew substantially over the twentieth century, with an average annual growth rate of approximately 10 percent There is little doubt that Puerto Rican emigration to the United States during the 1950s represents one of the largest outflows of people relative to the size of the island's population base An estimated net figure of 470,000 people, out of a population of approximately 2.2 million, left the island during the decade of the 1950s, a loss of slightly over one-fifth of the island's population during a ten-year period This represents a remarkable 21 percent emigration rate, one of the highest in modern times Although net emigration has remained sizable since 1960, there was little conception after the Great Migration that it would ever be repeated The 2000 US census indicated that just over 3.4 million According to Table 4.1, just over 3.8 million people were residing in Puerto Rico in 2000 Early writings by Kal Wagenheim suggested that the US Puerto Rican population would surpass the island population by 2000 Falcón applied the percentage of Puerto Ricans living on the island based on the 2000 US census to the annual estimate of the Current Population Survey and compared his estimate to the CPS count of Puerto Ricans in the United States Whereas the decennial census provided a more accurate count than the CPS, one could reasonably conclude that the 2010 census count would show that the number of Puerto Ricans residing in the United States surpasses both the total Puerto Rican population of Puerto Rico and the total island population, which also includes a large contingent of Dominicans and Cubans This is exactly what transpired Clearly the magnitude of recent Puerto Rican migration is reminiscent of the Great Migration of the 1950s From 2005 to 2015 net emigration from Puerto Rico surpassed 400,000 people, and while it did not reach the same 21 percent level of the total population as in the 1950s, it represents a significant change with substantive ramifications for both the island and the recipient communities in the United States Indeed, if we combine the counts of the island-and US-based Puerto Rican populations from the Census Bureau's 2015 American Community Survey, the percentage of Puerto Ricans would reach 16 percent of the total US Latino/a population, far out numbering other groups, with the exception of the Mexican/Chicano/a population, which in that year represented over two-thirds of all US Latinos/as

Theories of Migration and Applicability to Puerto Ricans From the "Great Migration" to the Great Dispersal

The first contacts between Puerto Ricans and United States people probably came as a result of clandestine barter trades where molasses and rum were exchanged for cotton, jute, iron and steel parts, and other products useful for the sugar plantations of the 19th century At a time when Puerto Ricans had gained increasing political autonomy and representation in Spain's parliament, the Spanish-American War returns the Island to a low colonial status with the military in charge under the United States tutelage at the end of the 19th century In 1917 Puerto Ricans are granted citizenship under the Jones Act, start serving in the U.S. Army, and begin a steady migration into the Northeast United States, gaining significant numbers in the city of New York The decline of the agricultural sector in Puerto Rico and the economic re-structuring of the Island economy towards industrial production aided by tax incentives granted to U.S.-owned corporations in the 1940s under "Operation Bootstrap" brings about the displacement of many farm workers in Puerto Rico The city of New York was the main recipient of many of these early migrants, but other east coast states like New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts also experienced a growth of their Puerto Rican populations, and Puerto Ricans in the Midwest also increased their presence One of the startling new developments in the Puerto Rican population dispersal is the increasing preference for "sunshine" or southern and western U.S. cities, such as Central Florida, Houston, Los Angeles, and even Atlanta Thus, Puerto Ricans may be repeating the experiences of many previous migrant groups to the United States in the early part of the 20th century Initially, Puerto Rican migration and adaptation to the United States followed standard sociological stories of population concentrations in older sections of big cities and getting jobs in the manufacturing and service sectors Puerto Ricans were forced into U.S. citizenship with the passage of the Jones Act in 1917 Historians suggest that it was mostly urban and skilled Puerto Rican workers who made the bulk of the migrants coming to New York City during the 1920s and 1930s While the economy of Puerto Rico improved during the 1950s and 1960s and worker wages increased during that period, personal income has never approached the levels of even the poorest state in the United States Meanwhile, by the 1970s the members of the Great Migration were experiencing the negative consequences of the deindustrialization of the U.S. economy Although the above suggests that Boricuas are attracted by better pay and working conditions or that they are escaping high unemployment and crime rates on the island, the reality of the almost complete domination of Puerto Rican economic and political affairs by the United States makes reliance solely on rational choice or individualistic cost-benefit analyses an unsatisfactory model A more appropriate theoretical model is world systems theory with its emphasis on a global economy and globalization processes controlled by highly developed countries and powerful multinational corporations, which exert direct and indirect influence on the movement of capital and labor across the globe In Puerto Rico's case, American corporations decided initially to privilege the production of sugar, buying off larger and larger plots of land from the local small and medium farmers Given the long history of Puerto Rican migration to and from the U.S. states and the multiple diaspora spaces where many Puerto Ricans have spent a lifetime, social networks have also played an important role in Puerto Rican migration strategies Social networks do not discount economic and other factors in decision-making about migration The search for a better quality of life also explains the growth of Puerto Rican communities in places like Florida Juan Carlos García-Ellín's study of Puerto Rican internal migration has confirmed that Sunbelt states continue to be important destinations for Boricuas in the twenty-first century Like Marzan, García-Ellín found housing costs to be a major factor or outcome in the decision to migrate In summary, there is evidence that in the more recent period Puerto Ricans are migrating to both smaller cities in traditional Northeastern destinations and Sunbelt states It also appears likely that in searching for better economic opportunities, Puerto Ricans are moving out of segregated and economically distressed neighborhoods Once their numbers become large enough they attract heightened scrutiny from the dominant population and systematic opposition to their socio-economic integration in the community Finally, at the time this essay was being composed, large numbers of Puerto Ricans were leaving the Island as a result of a financial crisis of the commonwealth government and the steps it took during recent years to meet its budget deficits In the second part of this essay I will examine traditional social science models and their applicability to the cultural and economic incorporation of Puerto Ricans in the United States

The Beginnings of Labor Migration

The history and evolution of Puerto Rican migration to the continent is closely related to the complex subordinate colonial relationship that developed between Puerto Rico and the United States once the latter took possession of the island According to Bonilla and Campos (1986), the first phase of Puerto Rican migration ran from 1873 to 1898, dates that refer to two main events in the island's history: the abolition of slavery and the US invasion of the island This commercial relationship had shifted to sugar production by the 1880s The US occupation of Puerto Rico in 1898 initiated a second migration cycle, which ended in 1929 with the US stock market crash that prompted the Great Depression and an unprecedented worldwide downturn of the capitalist industrial economies This latter cycle continued throughout the 1950s and 1960s By the 1990s, however, scholars were noticing some gains in the socioeconomic profile of the stateside community Rivera-Batiz and Santiago extensively documented and analyzed these "changing realities" in relation to the geographic dispersion of Puerto Ricans to other cities and states The progress became more defined in the 1990s and has continued during the New Millennium Migration years Sugar was the dominant export product from the mid-1820s to the mid-1870s, and the United States was the main market Puerto Rico's hacienda mode of production relied on the labor of agregados, day laborers, and, before the abolition of slavery in 1873, enslaved Africans The demand for workers in the expanding agricultural sector had prompted the colonial government to implement in 1849 the Reglamento de Jornalero, professed anti-vagrancy measures that forced large numbers of peasants to work for the meager wages that the hacendados were willing to pay them Nontenant and landless peasant workers were compelled to carry an official libreta de jor-naleros as a record of their daily employment in order to avoid heavy fines imposed by the ruling colonial authorities This system was in effect for twenty-four years before it was ended in 1873 According to the US census, between 1900 and 1910 the US Puerto Rican population was less than 2,000 people Titles such as Our New Possessions, Our Islands and Their People, Our Island Empire, and America's Insular Possessions began to set the tone for the colonial discourses that introduced Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Filipinos, and Guam's Chamorros to a US audience According to an 1899 report by military governor General George W. Davis, the following conditions prevailed in Puerto Rico at the time of the US occupation: "Nearly 800,000 of the 960,000 population could neither read nor write Governor Allen made reference to the emigration of Puerto Rican workers in his first report about the state of island affairs, submitted to Congress in 1901 The North American governor then referred to the widespread devastation of 1899's Hurricane San Ciriaco, which caused many deaths and destroyed the island's agricultural economy and the livelihoods of the great majority of its peasant population More than half the available agricultural land was soon concentrated in the hands of a few US corporations, which built large, more technologically advanced sugar mills, or centrales Numerous workers, especially from the artisan sector, joined the Federación Libre de los Trabajadores de Puerto Rico, the island's largest labor union, which had been founded in 1899 For the next four decades the FLT was led by Santiago Iglesias Pantín, a Spanish émigré carpenter who had come to Puerto Rico from Cuba in 1896 He traveled to New York in 1900 and developed ties with US workers affiliated with the AFL In 1915 the FLT founded the Partido Socialista, which became the FLT's political arm in challenging the control of local politics by creole landowners The tabaqueros/as, men and women who worked in the island's tobacco factories and shops, were the largest and most vocal group among the artisans and within the wider Puerto Rican labor movement In addition to working in talleres, women engaged in commissioned home-based needlework In 1910 the total US Puerto Rican population was 1,513; it had increased to 11,811 by 1920 and to 52,774 by 1930 By 1940 the US migrant population had increased to 69,967, which was 33 percent higher than the previous decade This increase, however, was much lower than the larger annual percentage increases of the 1910s and 1920s Two major congressional acts have guided Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States: the Foraker Act of 1900 and the Jones-Shafroth Act of 1917 This meant that before the draft was abolished in the 1970s, Puerto Rican men were compelled to serve in the US armed forces Politically, the island was just beginning to develop in the latter decades of the nineteenth century, after languishing as a neglected colony for the first three centuries of the Spanish colonial period, then enduring the burden of authoritarian rule, before finally receiving autonomy from Spain in 1897 The autonomic government that made Puerto Rico a self-governing "overseas province" of Spain was inaugurated in February 1898 and lasted less than six months before it came to end with the US invasion of Puerto Rico Early arguments to explain migration showed a propensity to overemphasize Puerto Rico's extreme poverty, high unemployment, and overpopulation problems, a situation that US colonial and island officials also dealt with by introducing new population-control and family-planning policies that became a significant component of the development discourse of the 1940s and 1950s Mills, Senior, and Goldsen dramatized this perspective in the opening line of The Puerto Rican Journey: "If the United States were as crowded as Puerto Rico, it would almost contain all the people in the world The irony is that while these assertions were being made to justify migration, especially by US researchers and public officials, Puerto Ricans were migrating in large numbers to New York City, which had a population density almost 150 times higher than that of Puerto Rico at the time At the time of the US invasion, about 60 percent of Puerto Rico's population could not read or write, although illiteracy rates went down considerably in later decades An additional factor frequently cited to explain a pattern of increased migration during the early decades of the twentieth century is the granting of US citizenship to Puerto Ricans in 1917, since this allowed island workers to move without restriction to the colonial metropole, although it had been relatively easy for Puerto Ricans to do so since 1898 The geographic proximity of the island to the United States and, since the 1940s, the availability of air travel and inexpensive airfares between Puerto Rico and several major US cities also facilitated the Great Migration Another popular method fostered by the government was the mass sterilization of women through the surgical procedure that became known as la operación These population-control practices intensified during the rapid industrialization period of the 1950s, when Puerto Rico developed one of the highest women's sterilization rates in the world A couple of decades after the beginning of Operation Bootstrap, about 35 percent of all Puerto Rican women were sterilized, compared to 30 percent in the United States Between 1950 and 1970 the fertility rate on the island declined by 48 percent, from 5.2 to 2.7 children per woman These conditions are analyzed in greater detail in Chapter 4

Cultural capital

WIDELY SHARED HIGH STATUS CULTURAL SIGNALS MIDDLE AND UPPER M.C. PARENTS FAMILIARIZE THEIR CHILDREN HABITS BEHAVIORAL STYLES VALUED BY SCHOOLS MUSICAL TASTES, CLOTHING STYLES AND SPEECH PATTERNS SIGNAL CULTURAL AUTHENTICITY

what are the characteristics of the boys at the center of rios study

ages 14-17 working class, working poor, or in extreme poverty black and latino

how did the police reflect domiannt norms of masculinity, according to rios?

aggressive and violent unneccessary at times contradcitions: use violent tactics against boys but then say you need to be a real man and get job

deviant politics

dancing bay area?????

masculinity challenges

interactional threats that can happen with peers, authority figures, etc that makes a person masculinity feel insecure and they have to respond to that challenge in a certain way hypermasculiniy is a response at times

labeling hype

internalizing the label importance of minor citations

infrapolticis

invisible, tactical subjective among oppressed groups which seem to follow status quo but in reality are evading power relations ex. with the ying yang twins, ex. get out all mainstream but flipping it

what do the boys think of snitching

its is collaborating with the youth control complex dont become part of the system that is criminalizing our neighborhood

agents of social control

police teacher stuff like that

Work and Economic Life

the low educational standing of Latinos is associated with the relatively low economic standing of the Latino population The recent economic recession that began in 2007 has impacted Latinos particularly heavily For instance, the job growth between 2009 and 2011 among Latinos and Asians was substantially greater than that of whites and blacks Moreover, Latinos are projected to account for three quarters of the labor force growth in the US between 2010 and 2020 The chapter concludes with a discussion of major trends in the work and economic conditions of Latinos and policies and programs that are needed to improve the overall socioeconomic standing of Latinos

social death

the systematic process by which individual are denied their humanity despite being biologically alive, they are socially isolated, violated and prevented from engaging in social relations that affirm their humanity political and organizational logic of the prison

social control

the various ways societies regulate and sanction behavior to encourage conformity to and discourage deviance form the norms

debiliating social control

if you have the felon label you can be discriminated against for a long time

Bracero Program

Within a few years from the termination of the Mexican Repatriation Program, the US took to the warfront in World War II The US established the Bracero Program in an accord with Mexico in 1942 with "bracero" referring to the Spanish term for manual labor or someone who works with his arms US employers found the program very attractive, so much so that the Bracero Program was extended way beyond the end of World War II with the initial extension occurring in 1951 with the signing of Public Law 78 Most academics simply think of the Bracero Program as an effort that mutually helped Mexico and the US Consequently, there was a certain level of opposition in Mexico to the Bracero Program with fears that Mexican laborers would seek better opportunities in the US either through the Bracero Program or as undocumented migrants As an incentive for braceros to return to Mexico, the Mexican government withheld 10 percent of their wages and held those funds in Mexican banks, money that they would supposedly receive upon their return migration Years later, the Mexican government did not return the funds, which was the impetus for the Bracero Movement in 2004 As they began to enter retirement, the braceros began mobilizations to recover the 10 percent of the wages that had been withheld Hernández points out that "beneath the agreement to import braceros were commitments to prevent Mexican laborers from surreptitiously crossing into the US and to aggressively detect and deport those who had successfully affected illegal entry Nonetheless, as soon as Mexican laborers found out about the initiation of the Bracero Program, many ventured to the Bracero recruitment center in Mexico Upon arriving, however, many discovered that they were ineligible as only healthy young men with agricultural experience, but without land, who had secured a written recommendation from local authorities verifying that their labor was not locally needed, were eligible for bracero contracts The outflow of Mexican laborers as undocumented immigrants resulted in an uproar among agribusiness employers who complained about the decimation of the local labor force By 1943, the US increased dramatically the US Border Patrol's budget and border patrol personnel along its southern border In response, Hernández observes that the chief supervisor of the US Border Patrol, W.F. Kelly, "launched an 'intensive drive on Mexican aliens' by deploying 'Special Mexican Deportation Parties' throughout the country These efforts were successful in increasing the number of apprehensions of Mexican immigrants with the sum more than doubling from 11,775 in 1943 to 28,173 in 1944 Furthermore, the concentration of Border Patrol efforts on the US southern border and on Mexican immigrants resulted in almost exclusively Mexican apprehensions accounting for an average of 90 percent of all persons detained annually between 1943 and 1954 The US and Mexican governments made adjustments to make it more difficult for undocumented immigrants to return to the US after deportation By April 1945, however, Mexican immigrants were routed to the interior and rural places in need of agricultural laborers, thus making return migration to the US more difficult Nonetheless, despite the concerted efforts by the US and Mexico governments to curtail undocumented immigration, the volume of apprehensions continued climbing in the early 1950s For instance, the number of apprehensions of Mexican undocumented immigrants by US Border Patrol agents along the Mexican border increased 80 percent from 279,379 in 1949 to 501,713 in 1951 It is estimated that by the end of the 1940s, one-third of apprehended individuals were "repeat offenders," i.e., they had been apprehended multiple times Early in the 1950s, the US Border Patrol shifted its tactics toward an all-out attack on apprehending and deporting undocumented immigrants, a strategy that would serve as a model for Operation Wetback which would be introduced shortly Hernández describes this heightened approach Quillin's model was dubbed "Operation Wetback US Border Patrol apprehensions nearly doubled from 459,289 in 1950 to 827,440 in 1953 While the volume of apprehensions was inflated by repeat "offenders," the general public in the US and Mexico associated the rising numbers with a crisis

Between Reform and Revolution

While the majority of Puerto Rico's population was dealing with basic survival issues, two major developments were overtaking the political arena Political realignments in Puerto Rico during the 1930s were to influence US policies and shift the balance of power among the major local political parties during the decades that followed First, under the leadership of Pedro Albizu Campos, a charismatic Harvard-educated mulatto lawyer, the Partido Nacionalista Puertorriqueño, originally founded in 1922 after the Unionist Party drifted away from supporting independence, was revitalized in 1930 as the main front of local opposition to US colonialism Luis Muñoz Marín led what became, in 1938, the Partido Popular Democrático, also known as the Populares The group was inspired by the Sinn Féin Irish nationalist liberation movement, which fought against British colonialism and eventually secured the creation of the Irish Free State dominion of the British Commonwealth in 1922 After many years of turmoil and violence the British finally granted sovereign status with the establishment of the Republic of Ireland in 1949 Even those Puerto Ricans favoring statehood for the island, often referred to pejoratively as pitiyanquis, eventually came to endorse a form of estadidad jíbara, rejecting assimilation into Anglo-American culture, affirming their belief that Puerto Rico's cultural and linguistic distinctiveness and patrimony must be preserved under this status, and arguing that Puerto Rico could be a bilingual state of the American union The insurgent activities of the island's Nationalist Party from the 1930s to the 1950s posed a threat to the United States The killing of four Nationalist University of Puerto Rico students by the Río Piedras police in October 1935 pushed members of the party to seek retribution in the month of February 1936 by assassinating the North American chief of the island's police force, Colonel Francis Riggs In 1937, the Puerto Rican police denied the party permission to hold a rally in the southern city of Ponce, Albizu's birthplace During the scheduled demonstration, shooting broke out, leaving 19 Nationalists and 2 policemen dead and close to 100 people injured The title of an incendiary popular book written by a North American elementary school teacher who went to Puerto Rico in 1936 to teach English characterized the political violence of those years as "dynamite on our doorstep He emphasized his connection with the impoverished peasant by choosing the image of a jíbaro with a straw hat as the symbol of his new party and the catchy and upbeat musical slogan Jalda arriba va avanzando el Popular, which captured the energy and impetus for meaningful social, economic, and political change The PPD campaigned vigorously for land reform by limiting to 500 acres the amount of land that any corporation or landowner could own and by distributing free parcelas to the poor The PPD did not gain an outright win in the first election in which it participated, in 1940, but the close results gave the Populares enough legislative power to start trampling over the opposition and take control of Puerto Rico's politics President Roosevelt's 1941 appointment of Rexford Tugwell to the island's governorship allowed the younger generation of local politicians to push their reform proposals and feel hopeful about securing changes in Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States Unquestionably, Tugwell was the most receptive and successful of a long line of US-appointed governors of Puerto Rico, but the driving forces that eventually carried out the country's socioeconomic and political transformation of the 1940s and 1950s were in the hands of Muñoz Marín and his inner circle of policy advisers and technocrats The president accepted the recommendation and in 1946 appointed Jesús T. Piñeiro, a member of the PPD, as the island's first Puerto Rican governor Another major US concession was the passage of a law allowing Puerto Rico's voters to elect their own governor for the first time in 1948 As the PPD's candidate for the governorship, Muñoz Marín was elected to the post by an overwhelming 61.2 percent of the vote By the end of the 1940s, Muñoz Marín's position regarding Puerto Rico's political status had shifted considerably from that of his younger years, when he was an ardent defender of independence He shuttled between New York, Washington, DC, and Puerto Rico for most of the 1920s, but he finally settled on the island in 1930 in order to follow in his father's footsteps and pursue a career in politics The idea for a new political status, labeled the "Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico" and modeled after the Irish Free State, had floated around island political circles and congressional corridors since the early 1920s As an estado libre asociado, officially known as a commonwealth in English, Puerto Rico would be granted the right to enact its own constitution but would remain a territory "in permanent union with the United States," rather than a sovereign nation Several decades earlier, Pedro Albizu Campos, the main leader of the Nationalist movement, had been found guilty of conspiring to overthrow the US government in Puerto Rico and, along with many of his closest allies, condemned to a federal prison in 1936 He was able finally to return to Puerto Rico in 1947 The sensationalist media coverage of the violent incidents involving clashes between Puerto Rican Nationalists and government authorities in Puerto Rico and the United States reached its peak during the 1950s On October 30, 1950, a Nationalist revolt began in Puerto Rico's mountain town of Jayuya and spread to a few other island municipalities, prompting Governor Muñoz Marín to mobilize the national guard He was pardoned by Governor Muñoz Marín in 1953 but arrested and sent to prison again the following year after three armed Nationalists entered the chambers of the US House of Representatives and started shooting However, because of his failing health, Muñoz Marín pardoned him again, in 1965, and he died in an island hospital a few months later The Ley de la Mordaza, enacted by the Puerto Rican legislature in 1948, basically prohibited any expression of dissent challenging US authority over Puerto Rico or perceived as a threat to the stability of the insular government Instead, he practiced the politics of posibilismo, that is, striving to achieve only those goals perceived to be within the realm of real possibility or settling for more pragmatic alternatives to the colonial condition that presumably would contribute to economic development, political stability and the socioeconomic advancement of the island's population This snapshot of Puerto Rico's socioeconomic and political conditions sets the stage for the events that accelerated the pace of migration to the United States during the 1940s and 1950s A recent example is Víctor Vázquez-Hernández's 2017 study Before the Wave: Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia, 1910-1945 We address what can be learned from studies documenting the migration experiences of Puerto Ricans to diverse stateside geographic locations at different historical periods in Chapter 7

SUBTRACTIVE SCHOOLING

"No Spanish" rules were a ubiquitous feature of U.S.-Mexican schooling through the early 1970s The word, "multilingual," sounds suspiciously ambitious when Seguín has yet to deal effectively with its bicultural student body Taking beginning Spanish means repeating such elementary phrases as My name is María, Your name is José However benign in conception and intention, programs that result in cultural tracking curtail youths' achievement potential and foster divisions among them

Cosmetology Females

A rewarding trip to Mexico was similarly highlighted in a conversation I had with a group of young women who share an interest in becoming cosmetologists Two final examples from interviews with mixed-generation youth reveal how an occasionally hostile and insufficiently sympathetic curriculum can challenge these students' efforts to validate both the immigrant and U.S.-Mexican experience

A Case of Institutional Corruption and Latino Students

A telling case about how Latinos are marginalized in public schools and its association with ethnic and economic segregation is that of Bowie High School in El Paso, Texas, located right up against the border fence that separates the US and Mexico This situation, along with the manipulation of federal funds for at-risk youth, called for a civil rights investigation

The initiation of international migration

A variety of theoretical models has been proposed to explain why international migration begins, and although each ultimately seeks to explain the same thing, they employ radically different concepts, assumptions, and frames of reference Nonetheless, the various models reflect different research objectives, focuses, interests, and ways of decomposing an enormously complex subject into analytically manageable parts; and a firm basis for judging their consistency requires that the inner logic, propositions, assumptions, and hypotheses of each theory be clearly specified and well-understood

Robert Sampson on collective Efficacy

Ability of community to supervise and control teenage peer groups Dense social networks can control delinquency Rate of local participation in formal and voluntary organizations reflects the community's capacity to defend its interests

Dual labor market theory

Although neoclassical human capital theory and the new economics of migration lead to divergent conclusions about the origins and nature of international migration, both are essentially micro-level decision models Structural inflation- Wages not only reflect conditions of supply and demand; they also confer status and prestige, social qualities that inhere to the jobs to which the wages are attached Motivational problems- Occupational hierarchies are also critical for the motivation of workers, since people work not only for income, but also for the accumulation and maintenance of social status Economic dualism- Bifurcated labor markets come to characterize advanced industrial economies because of the inherent duality between labor and capital The demography of labor supply- The problems of motivation and structural inflation inherent to modem occupational hierarchies, together with the dualism intrinsic to market economies, create a permanent demand for workers who are willing to labor under unpleasant conditions, at low wages, with great instability, and facing little chance for advancement Although not in inherent conflict with neoclassical economics, dual labor market theory does carry implications and corollaries that are quite different from those emanating from micro-level decision models: 1 International labor migration is largely demand-based and is initiated by recruitment on the part of employers in developed societies, or by governments acting on their behalf 2 Since the demand for immigrant workers grows out of the structural needs of the economy and is expressed through recruitment practices rather than wage offers, international wage differentials are neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for labor migration to occur Indeed, employers have incentives to recruit workers while holding wages constant 3 Low-level wages in inmmigrant-receiving societies do not rise in response to a decrease in the supply of immigrant workers; they are held down by social and institutional mechanisms and are not free to respond to shifts in supply and demand 4 Low-level wages may fall, however, as a result of an increase in the supply of immigrant workers, since the social and institutional checks that keep low-level wages from rising do not prevent them from falling 5 Governments are unlikely to influence international migration through policies that produce small changes in wages or employment rates; immigrants fill a demand for labor that is structurally built into modern, post-industrial economies, and influencing this demand requires major changes in economic organization

Current Events/ESL Students

Americanized girls are perceived as having more independence in other areas besides their relations with boys I go crazy, she said In Graciela's view, It's not fair When I asked Graciela about her parents' opinion of her boyfriend, Armando, who was listening patiently to our conversation, he volunteered: They don't know that we're together But it's not true I got together with Armando before I came to know Debbie In the interim, it seems reasonable to posit that Americanization underlies much of the familial strain that occurs between immigrant parents and their children, perhaps especially with their daughters, and notably in the areas of sexuality and gender roles

Segmented Assimilation Theory

As classical theories were limited to the experiences of the Anglo-centered assimilation path of the middle-class, Portes and Zhou introduced Segmented Assimilation theory, which extended Gordon's model by incorporating patterns of second-wave immigration from Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and some parts of Asia The "out of the barrio" outcome is premised on the expectation that those born in the U.S. will attain higher levels of education, will enter more prestigious occupations and will convert those gains into geographical proximity with dominant group members, that is, they will disperse into more affluent and more ethnically heterogeneous neighborhoods The 'downward' assimilation outcome was advanced as a result of the presence of barriers to middle-class assimilation with the principal barriers defined as "color", "location", and "absence of mobility ladders Ethnic enclaves represent the third trajectory of incorporation, which ease the transition to the host society for new immigrants by adopting a more collectivist mode of accommodation and/or settling in ethnically "dense" neighborhoods However, geographical concentration might negatively affect the economic prospects of an ethnic group through an intensification of competition for available jobs or "crowding" into an ethnic labor market associated with lower wages and fewer occupational choices The value of the segmented assimilation model lies in imagining different outcomes for different immigrant groups arriving at about the same time, and in its power to allow the possibility of different outcomes for the same ethnic group when it settles in different geographical areas Some aspects or assumptions of the segmented assimilation model have been found to be problematic by some scholars Although a minority of the second generation does experience difficulties in completing school and finding employment, and some members of the second generation end up involved in criminal activity, it is not particularly different from what an earlier generation of European origins experienced during the first decades of the 20th century In addition, the authors do not provide any explanation as to why West Indians and South Americans are racialized differently than Puerto Ricans

Institutional theory

As the flow of immigration emerges for one country to another, private institutions and voluntary, non-profit organizations arise to meet the imbalance between the large number of people who seek to enter a developed country, such as the US, and the limited number of slots available to accommodate people's desire to immigrate As these individuals, businesses, institutions, and organizations providing goods and services to immigrants become firmly established and known to immigrants, they become part of the stock of knowledge and social capital that immigrants draw on to navigate immigration and facilitate settlement in the country of destination As such, these entities serve to ensure the continuation of immigration

An Assessment of Earnings Inequality

As we saw in table 7.3, there are significant differences in the median wage and salary incomes of workers across race/ethnic groups, with some Latino groups being particularly at a disadvantage Following this approach, we continue to use data from the 2011 American Community Survey Public-Use File or persons 25 to 64 years of age who worked during the previous year We use ordinary least squares multiple regression to conduct the analysis with our two major variables of interest being the log of the wage and salary income of workers in 2010 and race/ethnic group member The results examining the relationship between race/ethnic members and earnings are presented in table 7.4 Note that the values shown in table 7.4 for males and females across place-of-birth groups are in proportion format the asterisks denote statistical significance - i.e., the differences are large enough that they could not have occurred by chance - at the 0.05 level and at the 0.01 level with the latter associated with a higher level of statistical significance The results show that even after differences in the control variables are accounted for, Other Latino men have wages that are 9.2 percent lower than those of white men, with the penalty being 7.0 percent for Other South Americans, 6.8 percent for Salvadorans, 5.1 percent for Mexicans, and 2.3 percent for Puerto Ricans Finally, it is important to take note that black men pay the steepest penalty for their racial membership, with this group having earnings that are close to 14 percent lower than those of whites even after differences in the control variables have been taken into account In particular, Dominican women have wages that are 7.9 percent lower than white women with the gap being 6.0 percent for Other Latina women and 1.5 percent for Mexican women Black women, again, pay a race penalty with their wages being 1.4 percent lower than those of white women, a penalty comparable to native-born Mexican women The results for foreign-born workers involving the sex-specific comparisons of 11 race/ethnic groups in comparison to the foreign-born white group are stark These findings examining earnings inequality provide added substance to the earlier results presented in tables 7.1-7.3 For the other groups whose histories in the US are relatively shorter, there is quite a degree of variation as the findings here show, ranging from Colombians and Other South Americans doing fairly well and Dominicans and Salvadorans lagging behind

CONCLUSION

At this juncture in history, the future of Puerto Ricans in the United States is uncertain, although we can safely say their life chances are partially based on their individual attributes and the positions they hold in the occupational structure Coupled with increasing levels of outmigration from Puerto Rico in the first half of the second decade of the twenty-first century that can lead to more densely populated co-ethnic communities, Puerto Ricans might be facing a process of racialization more in line with the racialized place inequality model than with the classical assimilation model

Evaluation of theories

Because theories proposed to explain the origins and persistence of international migration posit causal mechanisms at many levels of aggregation, the various explanations are not necessarily contradictory unless one adopts the rigid position that causes must operate at one level and one level only In this case, international migrants may be negatively selected with respect to variables such as education and job experience Verifying the existence of such systems is a straightforward empirical matter of establishing some threshold of intensity for inclusion of a flow within a systematic structure, and then applying it to identify those prevailing in the world today Some efforts along these lines have already been attempted

Cultural Explanations of the Latino-White Gap in Education

Blaming the victim explanations of the Latino-white gap on education have shifted from biological to cultural perspectives Consequently, attention has turned to frameworks rooted in the culture of poverty and other similar theoretical perspectives based on assumptions of white middle-class superiority and the devaluation of other cultures Ogbu, for instance, coined the oppositional culture perspective that categorized groups into voluntary and involuntary minorities More recently, Portes and Zhou developed the segmented assimilation perspective that has gained more notoriety Expanding on the cultural mismatch between Latino students and educational institutions, Angela Valenzuela's Subtractive Schooling: US-Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring highlights how Latino youths' conceptualization of education is downplayed and assimilationists' policies and practices minimize Latino culture This in turn hampers the educational attainment of Latino students most of whom are working class

Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986)

By the mid to late 1970s, as undocumented immigration, particularly hailing from Mexico, rose significantly, many Americans were calling for major changes in immigration policy After much debate, President Ronald Reagan signed into law the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, also known as the Simpson- Mazzoli Act of 1986 IRCA consisted of four major provisions: (1) amnesty for individuals who could document that they had been living in the US continuously since January 1, 1982; (2) employer sanctions for persons who had knowingly hired undocumented workers; (3) an assurance that there would be an adequate amount of seasonal and replacement agricultural workers for agricultural employers; and (4) an increase in funds to bolster enforcement at the US-Mexico border IRCA had a significant impact on the structure of immigration in several ways Thus, employers are not liable given that they do not directly hire undocumented workers and the subcontractors benefit by retaining a portion of workers' wages for the provision of the legal buffer

Coping with poverty

Child Labor Consensual Marriages and matrifocal household Illicit activities overpolicing" to barrios Informal economic activities Cross-border kin networks-"Clustered households"

Does the underclass theory apply to Latinos?

Concentration of the poor in Latino neighborhoods is true only for Puerto Ricans External actions often cause concentrated poverty Many barrios are scattered throughout MSA in Southwest-did not start near downtown

The Poverty-Stricken Island

Conditions in Puerto Rico during the years before and after the Great Depression were precarious, to say the least, in both economic and social terms The situation deteriorated even further when sugar and tobacco production continued to decline in the early 1920s, as the prices of these products in the international market began to plummet The downturn in local agricultural production foreshadowed the broader economic crisis that was to come in 1929 with the Great Depression and lasted for most of the 1930s As if dreadful economic conditions were not enough, the forces of nature brought added desolation to Puerto Rico with two devastating hurricanes: San Felipe in 1928 and San Ciprián in 1932 But the jibarito finds no buyers and is forced to return home empty-handed, overwhelmed by sadness and hopelessness, lamenting his fate and wondering what the future will bring to the island, to his children, and to his home The capitalist economic collapse that shattered the lives of so many workers in the United States and other parts of the world during the Great Depression years was only magnified in the deplorable socioeconomic conditions that prevailed in the Puerto Rico of the 1930s and 1940s Porto Rico: A Broken Pledge, by Bailey W. Diffie and Justine Whitfield Diffie, captured the realities that burdened the majority of Puerto Ricans during that period The Diffies' scolding assessment of the island's state of affairs contradicted President Herbert Hoover's statement to the press about being "well satisfied" with the conditions he found in Puerto Rico after a brief visit in 1931 He occupied the post from 1941 to 1946 On his first visit to Puerto Rico in 1934, seven years before his appointment to the island's governorship, Tugwell was an assistant secretary of agriculture Some of the New Deal emergency measures directed at getting the United States out of the Depression had been transferred to Puerto Rico, where the Puerto Rico Emergency Relief Administration, a federal agency popularly known as "la Prera," was established in 1933 He returned to the island in 1926 to become editor of the newspaper La democracia, originally founded by his late father in 1890, but was drawn into the world of politics shortly thereafter By 1932, he was serving in the island's Senate as a member of the Liberal Party and had some accessto members of the US Congress and of the Roosevelt administration In 1934, the year of Tugwell's first visit to Puerto Rico, the Plan Chardón was being formulated The plan called for land reform and economic reconstruction and, subscribing to neo-Malthusian "overpopulation" claims promoted by scholars, policymakers, and government officials in the 1940s and 1950s, stressed the need to reduce population growth on the island As a result of these proposals, in 1935 the Roosevelt administration authorized the creation of the federal Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration and placed at its helm another North American New Deal liberal, Ernest Gruening This project provided the initial steps for the process of change that was to overtake the island during the 1940s and 1950s

Neoclassical economics: Micro theory

Corresponding to the macroeconomic model is a microeconomic model of individual choice In theory, a potential migrant goes to where the expected net returns to migration are greatest, leading to several important conclusions that differ slightly from the earlier macroeconomic formulations: 1 International movement stems from international differentials in both earnings and employment rates, whose product determines expected earnings 2 Individual human capital characteristics that increase the likely rate of remuneration or the probability of employment in the destination relative to the sending country will increase the likelihood of international movement, other things being equal 3 Individual characteristics, social conditions, or technologies that lower migration costs increase the net returns to migration and, hence, raise the probability of international movement 4 Because of 2 and 3, individuals within the same country can display very different proclivities to migrate 5 Aggregate migration flows between countries are simple sums of individual moves undertaken on the basis of individual cost-benefit calculations 6 International movement does not occur in the absence of differences in earnings and/or employment rates between countries Migration occurs until expected earnings have been equalized internationally, and movement does not stop until this product has been equalized 7 The size of the differential in expected returns determines the size of the international flow of migrants between countries 8 Migration decisions stem from disequilibria or discontinuities between labor markets; other markets do not directly influence the decision to migrate 9 If conditions in receiving countries are psychologically attractive to prospective migrants, migration costs may be negative In this case, a negative earnings differential may be necessary to halt migration between countries 10 Governments control immigration primarily through policies that affect expected earnings in sending and/or receiving countries-for example, those that attempt to lower the likelihood of employment or raise the risk of underemployment in the destination area, those that seek to raise incomes at the origin, or those that aim to increase the costs of migration

Educational Trends among Latinos

Data from the 2011 American Community Survey Public-Use Microdata Sample are used to examine the educational outcomes of Latino groups and two comparative groups along three dimensions: dropouts, high school graduates, and college graduates This analysis - carried out on the basis of national origin, place of birth, and sex - allows us to determine how the various Latino groups are doing along various educational outcomes

Labor Market Patterns of Latino Groups

Data from the 2011 American Community Survey Public-Use Microdata Sample are used to examine the labor market outcomes of Latino groups and two comparative groups along three dimensions: job attainment, job quality, and economic rewards Because labor market outcomes vary by age, the analysis is carried out for only the "experienced labor force," that is persons 25 to 64 years of age who have the most stable labor market experiences Note that among Puerto Ricans, those born on the island and mainland are part of the native-born population while those born in a different country make up the foreign-born portion of this group

Other Migration Destinations

Despite the growth of the Puerto Rican population in cities like Hartford and Orlando, Philadelphia and Chicago still remained, after New York, the cities with the second-and third-largest percentages of the total US Puerto Rican population in 2015, respectively holding 2.6 and 2.0 percent He also noted that despite the initial dispersal of Puerto Ricans in several areas of the city, by 1960 there was a Puerto Rican enclave taking shape in the West Town/Humboldt Park area of Chicago In the mid-1990s Division Street was renamed Paseo Boricua, which today stands as one of the most vibrant Puerto Rican neighborhoods in the United States During 1966, Chicago's Puerto Rican riots were a response to segregation, racial conflicts, and the overall socioeconomic marginality experienced by the community Agricultural work in Vineland, New Jersey, and factory work in Camden, New Jersey, are representative of the contract labor that started in the late 1920s and continued through the 1950s Other cities, like Lorain, Ohio, recruited workers for the US Steel plant, providing the foundation for the larger Puerto Rican community that exists today in that city

New Immigration Patterns from Mexico and Latin America

Despite the major increases in the volume of immigration from Latin America during the twentieth century, as shown in the analysis above, there has been a noticeable slowdown in Latin American immigration to this country Thus, the volume of Asian immigration for the first time surpassed that of Latin American immigration in 2012-13 In addition, it has been observed that the number of unauthorized immigrants in the US, the majority of whom are from Mexico, peaked at 12 million in 2007 and has fallen to 11.1 million over the period from 2009 to 2011 Moreover, demographic analysis has shown that after four decades of ongoing net migration from Mexico to the US, the flow has reversed during the 2005-10 period when 1.39 million Mexicans moved from the US to Mexico compared to 1.37 million Mexicans who migrated from Mexico to the US The major question is whether the recent declines in immigration from Mexico to the US are short- or long-term trends

Declining significance of race?

Disproportionate black representation in the underclass-macrosociological changes in modern economy, accumulation disadvantages across generations more important than modern racism Critique gains AA middle class have stagnated and are dependent on segregated markets Critique whites demand accommodation to their cultural ways Critique we are in "managerial" stage where superfluous labor is unwanted

Subtractive Schooling: U. S. - Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring conclusion

Drawing from folk and theoretical traditions, the composite imagery of caring that unfolds in this study accords moral authority to teachers and institutional structures that value and actively promote a search for connection, both between teacher and student, as well as among students themselves I don't get with the program because then it's doing what they want for my life I see Mexicanos who follow the program so they can go to college, get rich, move out of the barrio, and never return to give back to their people Additionally compromised is students' folk model of education embedded in the concept of educación However, because immigrant youth feel that they should be "agradecidos" or "grateful" for the opportunity to attend secondary schools in the United States, their comparative frame also works to mute any criticisms they may have of schooling I worry about immigrant youths' frequent mention of feeling too quiet and subdued in Seguín classrooms What may be helping students learn the curriculum in Mexico may be its challenging national curriculum at the primaria level, as Macías suggests That immigrant youth are still able to paddle upward and toward the academic mainstream—albeit within the constraints of regular-track placement—attests to the potency of their academic competence, diligence, and supportive networks He suggests instead his desire for educación—that is, to learn how to live in the world as a caring, responsible, well-mannered, and respectful human being At this point in his life, his world is his barrio and he, like Tisa, feels that the goal of an education should be compatible with love of family and community Perhaps most heartening is the finding that the mainstream curriculum is demonstrably accessible through a route responsive to students' definition of caring

IMMIGRANT YOUTH AND THE QUESTION OF EMPEÑO

During the discussion I had with the English-Speaking Immigrants group, Lázaro suggested that empeño is an individual attribute that places many immigrant youth in a favorable light with their teachers, who regard them as "model students An individualistic perspective on empeño, however, disregards Mexicans' historic socioeconomic position as members of the working class who continue to predominate in the manufacturing and lower-level service sector jobs that prop up Houston's underbelly That Seguín students' parents exude empeño and work with smiles on their faces for minimum and subminimum wages does not mean that they would not work for more money if given the opportunity In her response to Lázaro, Linda proposes an alternative interpretation of empeño She sees empeño as a process about which a teacher must remain conscious when dealing with youth This leads her to suggest that the job of teaching includes caring for students regardless of their levels of empeño Students will always vary in the extent to which they manifest such qualities as empeño and perseverance Linda's conceptualization of empeño as process approximates my critique of the caring literature Focusing on the dynamic and reciprocal aspects of empeño helps make clear how returns to empeño depend on the level of human and social resources youth have or have access to and the extent to which such resources are collectively marshaled to promote their achievement The most significant way in which immigrant groups differ from U.S.-born youth—as well as from youth in mixed friendship groups—is their marked tendency to combine empeño with other resources in a collectivist fashion As this cut into the family's dinner time, parents of the participating youth—including Cuahtemoc's and Joaquín's—contributed dishes of freshly made fideo, enchiladas, or frijoles so that the tutoring could proceed uninterrupted A similar admixture of empeño and social capital is also found among other members of the group Probably because of his 'machismo"' she tells me, in Spanish A los hombres siempre les gusta que les ayudes, pero luego tienes que doblarles el brazo para que te ayuden

MEXICAN IMMIGRANT AND MEXICAN AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENT

Explanations for differential academic achievement among immigrants and non-immigrants are many and varied Then, in the theoretical framework section, I discuss the subtractive assimilation, social capital, and caring and education studies that inform and frame my subtractive schooling explanation of underachievement

Globalization and Gender Inequality

Feminist researchers have poured their analytic might to capture the emerging complexities of globalization in the hemisphere, the new chapter in the global division of labor Studies of maquila workers in the new international division of labor continue to deepen our analysis of production, reproduction, and the gender division of labor At the turn of the twenty-first century, new scholarship about gender in Latin America has moved beyond the exploitation/integration framework to recognize that neither perspective is in itself adequate to explain women's diverse motivations for waged employment and its social consequences In Cuba, women's incorporation into paid employment was a result of a state-promoted policy connected to the Cuban revolution In closing, when seen from a historical perspective, it is clear that the idea of Latin American and Caribbean societies as "traditional" supported by the ideology that women belong in the home does not square with the historical reality of women's work and family experiences Further, women's involvement in twentieth century revolutionary movements in Mexico, Cuba, Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, Peru, Colombia, and Chile also challenges the notion of the assumed submission and passivity of Latinas

Beyond Gender Dichotomies: Towards a New Century of Gendered Scholarship in the Latina/o Experience

Feminist scholars frequently describe gender as "like fish talking about water In twenty years, feminist and non-feminist scholars have not only contributed to the theoretical grounding of gender as a unifying category of analysis, but more importantly have managed to produce an extraordinary body of scholarly literature across the social sciences and humanities For those interested in doing research about gender, today there is a battery of concepts and theories to help us describe, analyze, and explain how gender is socially constructed and produced at both the individual and institutional levels; how gender intersects with social class and race to create complex hierarchies of power and inequality; and the consequences of gendered systems for families; institutions; and, the global economy This essay seeks to deconstruct the stereotypical notions of how gender operates in the Latina/o community and attempts to map out a new scholarly agenda that is attentive to gender as a socially constructed category that is relational, contested, negotiated and historically grounded These stereotypes rest in the pervasive distortion of Latin America and the Caribbean as societies where Latino men are "traditional and machistas" and Latina women as submissive "marianistas This chapter is organized in the following fashion I recognize that this essay addresses several theoretical and conceptual issues that might shape the future of scholarship and research in this area As a Latina feminist, this essay is part of a broader effort to animate the work of feminist cross-cultural analysis, an important component of feminist scholarship that has been recently subject of criticism Like Ruth Behar, I believe the Latina/o experience offers an exciting location to reflect about gender and for "doing gender as a form of critical practice

IS THERE A "COMPASSION" GAP IN THE UNITED STATES?

MORAL FOCUS ON POVERTY LEADS TO WAR ON BAD BEHAVIOR-PERSONAL RSPONSIBILITY AND WORK OPPORTUNITIES RECONCILIATION ACT SINCE ASSISTANCE IS NOT ENOUGH, RECIPIENTS BREAK THE RULES MOTHERS FORCED TO WORK LEAVING CHILDREN

The Rise of Nation-States, Capitalism, and Gender Inequality

Historians agree that the wars of independence in Latin America were long, bloodied, and brutal contests, yet very little is known about the role that women played in such movements Anthropologist Harry Sanabria writes that "after independence from colonial rule, national elites went about consolidating their nation-states, and in so doing often viewed 'well-ordered' families and states as mirror images of each other Evidence from Peru also suggests that although women across social classes were economically active in a multiplicity of ways, there was also a "fairly high degree of patriarchal control over women, exercised within the household and reinforced through legal and political institutions The transition to capitalism under the auspices of export agricultural production, a significant economic strategy used by many countries in the region in the early parts of the twentieth century, affected men and women differently This is also the historical juncture when the region became subject to the influence of a newly emerging colonial power, namely the United States The legacy of this new form of colonialism and the newly implemented economic reforms of the new colonial power created widespread poverty and destitution among the lower and working classes, thus driving men to take work as contracted workers in order to provide for their families Did the increasing economic role of women at this point in time lead to a redefinition of the gender division of labor and power relations within the family? Mallon summarizes the predicament of women as follows: Whether rich or poor, however, women faced subordination at the hand of their men, playing roles in the overall management and reproduction of their households already blocked out for them by existing patterns of gender hierarchy and ideology—participating in the reproduction of class relations in ways that were both dependent on and fundamentally different from the roles played by men

Caring and Education

How teachers and students are oriented to each other is central to Noddings's framework on caring When the cared-for individual responds by demonstrating a willingness to reveal her/his essential self, the reciprocal relation is complete Noddings and others contend, and this study confirms, that schools are structured around an aesthetic caring whose essence lies in an attention to things and ideas In a similar vein, Prillaman and Eaker critique the privileging of the technical over the expressive in discourse on education Mexican youths' definition of caring, embodied in the word educación, forms the basis of their critique of school-based relationships Educación has cultural roots that help explain why authentic, as opposed to aesthetic, caring is particularly important for Mexican youth Educación is a conceptually broader term than its English language cognate It refers to the family's role of inculcating in children a sense of moral, social, and personal responsibility and serves as the foundation for all other learning Though inclusive of formal academic training, educación additionally refers to competence in the social world, wherein one respects the dignity and individuality of others Educación thus represents both means and end, such that the end-state of being bien educada/o is accomplished through a process characterized by respectful relations Conversely, a person who is mal educada/o is deemed disrespectful and inadequately oriented toward others Non-Latino teachers' characteristic lack of knowledge of the Spanish language and dismissive attitude toward Mexican culture makes them unlikely to be familiar with this cultural definition of educación Immigrant and Mexican American youth at Seguín, despite a shared understanding of the meaning of educación, define their own schooling experiences differently U.S.-born youth, in contrast, demonstrate their sense of entitlement to educación when they demand, either with their voices or their bodies, a more humane vision of schooling Thus, an obvious limit to caring exists when teachers ask all students to care about school while many students ask to be cared for before they care about While issues of class, race, and gender are of increasing concern to caring theorists, the curriculum, and its subtractive elements therein, remains a sacred cow, powerful and unassessed

Endnotes

I am aware that pan-ethnic labels lend themselves to numerous interpretations thus, in order to avoid confusion, here is a brief explanation of the usage adopted in this essay The gender role paradigm represents an important but now nearly obsolete way to think about gender relations Term associated with the Spanish word "macho" and used to define a hyper-masculine aggressive and virile male Marianismo is also a gender ideology used to describe women who are submissive, passive, and self-sacrificing We know that the Caribbean Taino Indians had a matrilineal family structure and that indigenous women had access to the highest political position in Taino society as caciques, tribal leaders; that their religious culture included both male and female gods and that, as agricultural societies, a gender division of labor assigned both men and women important tasks in the production and reproduction of food, shelter, and clothing Another area that has not been investigated is the experiences of Spanish women who accompanied the Conquistadores to the New World Many questions can be raised about the role they played in the colonization process and their role as women and agents of the empire in the emerging gendered and racial hierarchy of the colonies

Latina Female Friends

I met the three young women who make up this friendship group on my very first day of participant observation at Seguín in 1992 What is she doing here?" they asked one another, in voices meant for her to hear All I did was watch Mexican soap operas all day long, every single day, for about a year," she told me in Spanish Although she did not realize it at the time, upon reflection much later, Teresa concluded that her family's move to the North was so traumatic for her that it had left her severely depressed She said, They raised us well and my parents trusted that I would make the right decisions even if they weren't here with me This potential is especially evident in the following discussion, which describes the views and opinions of three religious immigrant males

WHY INDIVIDUALS FALL INTO POVERTY

I. STRUCTURAL AND ECONOMIC FACTORS LACK OF EDUCATION OR SKILLS GEOGRAPHIC MISMATCH DEINDUSTRIALIZATION AND GLOBALIZATION II. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL=LOW ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION ATTITUDE TOWARDS CONVENTIONAL MEANS OF SUCCESS ANOMIE=ABSENCE OF A SHARED NORMATIVE STRUCTURE THAT GOVERNS SOCIAL INTERACTION III. THEY ENGAGE IN BEHAVIORS THAT HAVE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES CRIMINAL ACTIVITY DRUG AND ALCOHOL ABUSE WELFARE DEPENDENCY DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL HAVING CHILDREN OUT OF MARRIAGE UNDESERVING POOR IV. ECOLOGICAL DIMENSION PHYSICAL ISOLATION OF THE POOR IN DETERIORATING NEIGHBORHOODS DECLINE OF INSTITUTIONS LIKE CHURCHES AND BUSINESSES FLIGHT OF "CONVENTIONAL" FAMILIES WHEN CRITICAL DENSITY REACHED IT IS AN UNDERCLASS AREA

Everyday Experiences in the hives of Immigrant and U.S.-Born Youth

If schools are to become truly caring institutions for U.S.-Mexican youth, they must begin with a more complete understanding of both the social and academic milieu confronting Mexican immigrant and Mexican American youth I examine the intersection of social capital with gender, on the one hand, and juxtapose it to the concept of empeño as an emic explicator of immigrant achievement, on the other These students' experiences help illuminate the everyday ways in which friendship groups generate social capital, and how that capital, in turn, positively shapes individual and group perceptions of, and experiences with, schooling

Cumulative causation

Immigration is sustained in yet another way There are various ways in which immigration alters the social context which leads to ensuing immigration being more likely Finally, as immigrants are drawn to certain low-paying jobs in the country of destination, those positions become known as "immigrant jobs," which reduces the likelihood that native workers will take such employment In sum, we have provided an overview of the different theoretical approaches that help us understand how immigration is initiated and how it is sustained over time Below we discuss US policies and programs over the last century which at times have facilitated the movement of people from Latin America, especially from Mexico, and at other times made it increasingly difficult for individuals from this region to immigrate to the US

LOVE IS ONE TAQUITO AWAY

In a late-morning visit with Mr. Sosa in early fall 1992, he told me that when he first arrived at Seguín, the students did not respect him He then pulls out a taquito and offers it to me I'm dying to taste Mr. Sosa's taquitos and so I accept his hospitality At Seguín, where the importance of personal worth is often overlooked, where the links between academic achievement, cultural integrity, and mutual respect are so fragile, and where helpfulness and hopefulness are often in short supply, Mr. Sosa reminds us that a different, more affirming and positive world may be only a taquito away—that is, if it is one made with sincerity and love

Cumulative causation

In addition to the growth of networks and the development of migrant- supporting institutions, international immigration sustains itself in other ways that make additional movement progressively more likely over time, a process Myrdal called cumulative causation The distribution of income- As we have already noted, people may be motivated to migrate not only to increase their absolute income or to diversify their risks, but also to improve their income relative to other households in their reference group The distribution of land- An important spending target for migrants from rural communities is the purchase of land The organization of agrarian production- When migrant households do farm the land they own, moreover, they are more likely than nonmigrant families to use capital-intensive methods since they have access to capital to finance these inputs The culture of migration- As migration grows in prevalence within a community, it changes values and cultural perceptions in ways that increase the probability of future migration The regional distribution of human capital- Migration is a selective process that tends, initially at least, to draw relatively well-educated, skilled, productive, and highly motivated people away from sending communities Social labeling- Within receiving societies, once immigrants have been recruited into particular occupations in significant numbers, those jobs become culturally labeled as "immigrant jobs" and native workers are reluctant to fill them, reinforcing the structural demand for immigrants Immigration changes the social definition of work, causing a certain class of jobs to be defined as stigmatizing and viewed as culturally inappropriate for native workers Viewing international migration in dynamic terms as a cumulative social process yields a set of propositions broadly consistent with those derived from network theory: 1 Social, economic, and cultural changes brought about in sending and receiving countries by international migration give the movement of people a powerful internal momentum resistant to easy control or regulation, since the feedback mechanisms of cumulative causation largely lie outside the reach of government 2 During times of domestic unemployment and joblessness, governments find it difficult to curtail labor migration and to recruit natives back into jobs formerly held by immigrants A value shift has occurred among native workers, who refuse the "immigrant" jobs, making it necessary to retain or recruit more immigrants 3 The social labeling of a job as "immigrant" follows from the concentration of immigrants within it; once immigrants have entered a job in significant numbers, whatever its characteristics, it will be difficult to recruit native workers back into that occupational category

Structural Explanations of the Latino-White Gap in Education

In addition to the importance of examining the role of educational institutions in the Latino-white educational gap, another nuanced approach entails an analysis of societal structures that hamper Latino educational outcomes Illustrating this idea is Bonilla-Silva's concept of racialized racial systems which refers to "societies in which economic, political, social, and ideological levels are partially structured by the placement of actors in racial categories or races" Therefore, the educational system is prepping Latino students to be a part of the working class rather than for professional positions

Attitudes among U.S.-born Groups

In contrast to the immigrant and mixed-generation friendship groups, whose respective attitudes coalesce around certain themes, the attitudes toward immigrants displayed by youth in U.S.-born friendship groups followed no clear thematic pattern Except for a single mention of immigrant males as being more macho than Mexican American males, I heard no discussion of gender roles or sexuality to parallel those that had occurred among immigrant youth groups In the conclusion, I consider the equivocal responses of U.S.-born youth groups

MUTINY IN MR. CHILCOATE'S CLASSROOM

In fall 1994, the school's journalism teacher, Mr. Chilcoate, was asked to teach a couple of freshman English classes His journalism students' writings appear in an impressive school-sponsored student publication, East End Stories In accordance with authentic caring, Mr. Chilcoate's apprehension of "the other"—that is, his appreciation of his students' culture and their educación model of schooling—enabled him to successfully navigate through troubled waters It is thus no accident that one student drew on her collective cultural experience with resounding disapproval at some of the criticism aimed at Mr. Chilcoate, to implicitly silence the extremists among her classmates: "We were raised to respect our elders and it's not right for anyone to be so disrespectful

Operation Wetback

In response to the increasing public concern, the US government officially launched Operation Wetback in May 1954 As Hernández notes, despite the lack of novelty with the official Operation Program compared to Quillin's model, Swing boasted about the success of the program which netted nearly 1.1 million apprehensions This figure, however, truly overestimated the impact of the official Operation Wetback program as it reflects the number of apprehensions during Fiscal Year 1954 which terminated on June 30, 1954 As such, the existence of the official Operation Wetback program occupied only the last two weeks of Fiscal Year 1954 The following fiscal year, which contained the largest segment of Operation Wetback, resulted in only approximately 254,000 apprehensions Operation Wetback officially was terminated in the late 1950s coinciding with the end of the Eisenhower administration The Immigration and Naturalization Service estimates that approximately 1.3 million apprehensions occurred during the course of the program, although some suggest that this figure is inflated The Bracero Program would go on to outlive Operation Wetback Due to its popularity with US growers, the program survived significantly past the end of World War II The Bracero Program finally came to a close in 1964 Approximately 4.8 million Mexicans came as contract workers as part of the Bracero Program It is important to understand that the Bracero experience was quite instrumental in the development of social capital and social networks on the part of braceros There is a postscript to the termination of the Bracero Program that needs to be told here, even though it does not involve US-based policy It was feared that once the program ended, braceros would remain in Mexican border communities rather than return to their homes in the interior of Mexico, thus exacerbating the already high unemployment rates along the border To avert such problems, the Mexican government established the Border Industrialization Program in 1965 as a way to stimulate foreign investment and develop its northern border region The program stipulated that foreign corporations establish "twin plants," one on the Mexican side and the other on the US side The plants were referred to as maquiladoras, reflecting the Spanish term signifying the portion of the product that the miller retains after grinding the stock Videla notes the factors that BIP capitalized on in establishing the program: "proximity to the US; use of favorable articles of the US Tariff Code, which permits firms to import goods manufactured abroad with US components to reenter the US, paying duty only on the value-added, cheap labor; and a Mexican government friendly to investors Videla intimates that BIP translated into "tax incentives for foreign firms, lax enforcement of environmental laws, and a blind eye to the breaking of labor laws From the beginning of BIP, US firms have taken advantage of the program incentives and Mexico's cheap labor force Maquiladora operations soared after its implementation and were an especially bright economic spot in the Mexican economy during the 1980s when the country experienced a major economic crisis which saw the peso plummet significantly There are now approximately 3,000 maquiladoras which employ about 1.3 million workers along the northern Mexican border The geographic and economic impact of maquiladoras expanded dramatically with the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994 Again, the BIP and, as we will see later below, NAFTA, represent routes through which the US made inroads into the Mexican economy in search of labor and consumer markets While the mid-1960s saw the termination of the movement of contract labor from Mexico to the US as part of the Bracero Program, it would result in a major shift in immigration policy that led to a significant change in the source of immigrants to the US

The Achievement Gang

In this group, Jerry, who is third generation, went with Betty, who is 1.5 generation, on a family trip to Mexico over the summer While Jerry's affinity to Tex-Mex music with Spanish lyrics may very well have contributed to his competence in Spanish, his closeness to Betty and her family has also placed him in numerous situations where he has had to speak the language

Perpetuation of International Migration: Network theory

International migration is not a solitary act Rather, people rely on their social networks to facilitate movement across international borders Massey et al. define migrant networks as "sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin Potential migrants draw on the stock of knowledge accumulated by members of the community, including relatives and friends, to gain important information as they seek to immigrate and subsequently look for employment in the place of destination As Massey et al. point out: "Once the number of migrants reaches a critical threshold, the expansion of networks reduces the costs and risks of movement, which causes the probability of migration to rise, which causes additional movement, which further expands the networks, and so on" Moreover, while originally the immigration flow consists of a selective population, such as young men, over time the immigration stream includes a broader segment of the population

Gender Inequality: Historical Overview

It is beyond the scope of this chapter to offer an exhaustive analysis of the last five hundred years of Latin American and Caribbean history, yet this historical overview offers a point of departure to historicizing the development of gender inequality in the continent and how it has been produced in the context of changing historical conditions Gender and sexuality represent a significant dimension of pre-Colombian life that needs to be addressed here, albeit briefly

Historical Latin American Immigration to the US

It is difficult to obtain the data necessary to directly enumerate the volume of immigration We draw here on historical immigration data from the US Department of Homeland Security on the volume of persons obtaining legal permanent resident status extending back to 1820 Historically, nearly 78.5 million immigrants have obtained legal resident status in the US between 1920 and 2012 Of these, the country of last residence is known for close to 72.8 million individuals with approximately 55 percent originating from Europe Nonetheless, the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965 represented a watershed event for Latin American immigrants They have constituted the largest segment of all immigrants who attained legal permanent residence status between the decades of the 1960s and that of the 2000s, with the peak taking place during the 1990s when they comprised about 52 percent of this total The percentage of Asians has also grown since the 1960s when they made up 13 percent of immigrants that obtained legal permanent resident status at that time to a high of more than two- fifths in the 1980-9 and 2000-12 periods In fact, Asians outnumbered Latin Americans for the first time with respect to the number of immigrants securing legal permanent resident status during the 2010-13 period, coinciding with the noticeable decline in Mexican immigration over the last few years For Latin American and Asian immigrants, the decade of the 1990s represented each group's pinnacle with respect to the number of persons becoming legalized with 4.9 million Latinos and nearly 2.9 million Asians becoming legal permanent residents at that time In contrast to the overall expansion of Latin Americans and Asians since the 1960s, the share of US immigrants attaining legal permanent resident status that are European has dropped from 32 percent in the 1960s to a low of 7 percent in the 2010- 12 period The peak level of Europeans receiving legalized status occurred more than a century ago when close to 7.6 million Europeans obtained legalization in the 1900-9 decade Ten countries accounted for slightly more than three quarters of all Latin American immigrants receiving legal permanent resident status between 1820 and 2012 However, Mexicans stand out in this field Indeed, nearly 8.1 million Mexican immigrants have obtained legal permanent residence status between 1820 and 2012, accounting for about 45 percent of all Latin Americans who have received legalized status historically In the post-1960 period the share of Mexican representation among Latin Americans receiving legal permanent resident status peaked in the 1980s but the portion has declined progressively to a low of close to 36 percent in the 2010-12 period The peak period of the attainment of legalized status has occurred in the last couple of decades For example, the largest number of persons obtaining legal permanent resident status occurred in the 1990-9 period for people moving from Mexico, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, while the peak decade of legalization took place in the 2000-9 period for people migrating from Cuba, Colombia, Guatemala, Peru, and Ecuador The increasing diversity of Latin Americans gaining legalized status is reflected in the rising prevalence of particular groups of immigrants For instance, three Latin American countries made up slightly more than a quarter of Latin American immigrants legalized during the 2010-12 period We can obtain an estimate of the number of Latino immigrants that were in the US in 2010 through the examination of data from the 2010 American Community Survey Public-Use File In 2010 there were approximately 18.8 million Latinos who immigrated at some time to the US The groups vary widely in the median amount of time that immigrants have lived in the US, with a range from 10 to 25 years The groups with the greatest longevity in the US include Panamanians, Spaniards, and Nicaraguans, while those with the shortest stay in this country include Hondurans, Uruguayans, Venezuelans, and Guatemalans

Urban Underclass and Culture of Poverty: Do they apply to Puerto Ricans?

It is problematic to apply assimilation theories developed for European immigrant groups to Puerto Ricans When Puerto Ricans experienced a sharp deterioration in their economic situation during the decade of the 1970s, a development that ran counter to the gradual improvement expected under the assimilationist model, they were characterized as being at risk of becoming an urban underclass When Puerto Ricans made economic gains between 1980 and 1990, it became obvious that the reversals of the 1970s were largely attributed to the fiscal crisis and accompanying downturn that the city of New York was experiencing during that period It is clear, then, that the concept of the underclass does not readily apply to Puerto Ricans and that it is by itself inadequate to explain their heterogeneous performance in the United States When Puerto Ricans improve their levels of human capital and leave areas of economic distress and move to areas with more favorable labor markets their fortunes improve

Education

It is widely acknowledged that whites surpass Latinos on educational achievement and attainment We then highlight issues in the political climate that can hamper academic success for Latinos in the future - corruption in educational institutions that are forcing Latino students out of the classrooms and policies aimed to erase Latino culture and language

why does rios use the term "at promise" youth instead of "at-risk" youth?

Just cause they are not viewed in society as having promise and he is trying to correct that

Immigrant Achievement

Linguistic and anthropological studies of immigrant academic "success" evident at Seguín point to cognitive and psychocultural factors, respectively, that enhance their adaptability to new school settings Thus, Mexicanidad as a national, rather than ethnic minority identity, contributes to the self-fulfilling expectations evident in both positive school orientations and high academic performance Widening the analysis to examine the ways in which schools promote cultural and linguistic subtraction enhances our understanding of why regular-track, immigrant youth tend to outperform their U.S.-born counterparts

Increasing Influence of Women in Latino Workforce and Family Finances

Over the last several decades, Latinas have increased their participation in the workforce For example, over the course of the last four decades, the share of women among Latino workers has risen from 39 percent in 1980 to 43 percent in 2010 For instance, among in-married Latino couples, the percentage of such couples in which wives brought more money to the household than did husbands rose from 11 percent in 1980 to 20 percent in 2010 First, as we saw in chapter 6, Latinas have experienced significant gains in educational attainment and they now surpass Latino men on level of education Finally, as we will observe in chapter 8, the share of families that are headed by Latinas has increased substantially over the last several decades

Network theory

Migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin Declining costs- The first migrants who leave for a new destination have no social ties to draw upon, and for them migration is costly, particularly if it involves entering another country without documents Decdining risks- Networks also make international migration extremely attractive as a strategy for risk diversification The conceptualization of migration as a self-sustaining diffusion process has implications and corollaries that are quite different from those derived from the general equilibrium analyses typically employed to study migration: 1 Once begun, international immigration tends to expand over time until network connections have diffused so widely in a sending region that all people who wish to migrate can do so without difficulty; then migration begins to decelerate 2 The size of the migratory flow between two countries is not strongly correlated to wage differentials or employment rates, because whatever effects these variables have in promoting or inhibiting migration are progressively overshadowed by the falling costs and risks of movement stemming from the growth of migrant networks over time 3 As international migration becomes institutionalized through the formation and elaboration of networks, it becomes progressively independent of the factors that originally caused it, be they structural or individual 4 As networks expand and the costs and risks of migration fall, the flow becomes less selective in socioecononmic terms and more representative of the sending community or society 5 Governments can expect to have great difficulty controlling flows once they have begun, because the process of network formation lies largely outside their control and occurs no matter what policy regime is pursued 6 Certain immigration policies, however, such as those intended to promote reunification between immigrants and their families abroad, work at cross- purposes with the control of immigration flows, since they reinforce migrant networks by giving members of kin networks special rights of entry

Classic Assimilationist Model

Milton Gordon's seminal work on assimilation assumes immigrant groups would undergo a process of gradual incorporation into the dominant ethnic group by adopting the culture of the host society In its final stages Gordon's assimilation model calls for members of the settling ethnic group to undergo a psychological conversion in which they identify more closely with the dominant group and greatly diminish their emotional attachment to the national origins of their ancestors Classic assimilation theory also assumes that English-language use is a crucial determinant of Latino mobility patterns There is evidence that some tenets of the assimilation model apply to Puerto Ricans Besides the obviously ethnocentric expectation that minority groups would assimilate into the cultural ways of middle-class Protestants of British ancestry, Gordon did not see a positive role for ethnic communities Finally, it has become clear that the original emphasis of the assimilation model on white Anglo Saxon protestants as the mainstream or dominant ethnic group was misguided in the sense that Judaism and Catholicism are viewed today as mainstream American religions Collectively, Puerto Ricans are far from achieving the substantial economic mobility that would qualify them for the structural incorporation promised by the assimilation model In fact, the poverty rate for Puerto Ricans in 2008 was twenty-five percent, higher than any other Latino sub-group and about two and a half times the poverty rate experienced by non-Hispanic whites These contradictory trends suggest the presence of some upward mobility among Puerto Ricans and the parallel economic struggles of a significant proportion of its population

THE STUDY

My decision to pursue a modified ethnographic approach, one that combined collecting and analyzing both quantitative and qualitative data on generational differences in academic achievement among Mexican youth, was guided by several considerations They bring to light the ways in which mainstream institutions strip away students' identities, thus weakening or precluding supportive social ties and draining resources important to academic success

The Expanding Role of Immigrants in the Workforce

Over the last several decades, immigration has accounted for a significant proportion of the rapid growth of the Latino population The share of immigrants among Latino workers has grown from 38.5 percent in 1980 to 53.2 percent in 2010 As such, immigrants have accounted for the majority of Latino workers since 2000 While the Senate passed an immigration reform bill with 67 in favor and 27 opposed in the summer of 2013, the bill emphasized border security with a plan to double the size of the Border Patrol, extend fences an additional 350 miles, and a lengthy process for citizenship attainment As the business and labor sectors realize and as figure 7.1 shows, the US is heavily dependent on immigrant labor The failure to provide a path toward US citizenship will represent a major setback for the estimated 11 million unauthorized persons in the US, many of these Latino The lack of path to citizenship signals the scarcity of a route to more favorable economic conditions for unauthorized Latinos

Barrios Can Be Good Too-arguments In Favor

PRESERVATION OF A VALUED LIFESTYLE REGULATION OF THE PACE OF ACCULTURATION GREATER SOCIAL CONTROL OVER THE YOUNG ACCESS TO COMMUNITY NETWORKS FOR BOTH MORAL AND ECONOMIC SUPPORT

NEIGHBORHOOD SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

PREVALENCE, STRENGTH, & INTERDEPENDENCE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS EXTENT OF COLECTIVE SUPERVISION & PERSONAL REPONSIBILITY RESIDENTS ASSUME IN ADDRESSING NEIGHBORHOOD PROBLEMS RATE OF RESIDENT PARTICIPATION IN VOLUNTARY & FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS HIGH LEVELS OF NEIGHBORHOOD JOBLESSNESS TRIGGER OTHER PROBLEMS THAT UNDERMINE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION THEORY

PROPOSITION COMMUNITY LEVEL VARIATIONS IN SOCIAL CONTROL CONTRIBUTE TO VARYING CRIME RATES DENSE SOCIAL TIES POTENTIALLY HAVE BOTH POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE RAMIFICATIONS A neighborhood's collective efficacy exists relative to specific tasks and is embedded in conditions of mutual trust & social cohesion

Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal

OVER THE PAST 30 YEARS, immigration has emerged as a major force throughout the world After 1945, virtually all countries in Western Europe began to attract significant numbers of workers from abroad Although the migrants were initially drawn mainly from southern Europe, by the late 1960s they mostly came from developing countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Middle East By the 1980s even countries in southern Europe-Italy, Spain, and Portugal-which only a decade before had been sending migrants to wealthier countries in the north, began to import workers from Africa, Asia, and the Middle EastIn undertaking this exercise, we seek to provide a sound basis for evaluating the models empirically, and to lay the groundwork for constructing an accurate and comprehensive theory of international migration for the twenty-first century

A New Framework for Understanding Puerto Ricans' Migration Patterns and Incorporation

Of all the ethnic groups in the U.S. classified under the Latino banner, Puerto Ricans hold a unique place through its unique political and legal status This essay examines and discusses some of the social science paradigms developed to explain the initial migration of ethnic and racial groups in the United States and the applicability of these theories to the Puerto Rican experience I will frame the discussion around the applicability of these theories to the Puerto Rican experience

North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)

On the heels of the establishment of the European Union on February 7, 1992, the US, Canada, and Mexico signed the North American Free Trade Agreement in December 1992, with President Clinton signing NAFTA into law in the US in December 1993 and the program going into effect in 1994 Indeed, Mexico opened its doors for business to the US extending back to the mid-nineteenth century under the Benito Juárez presidency and intensified under the 27-year Porfirio Díaz regime commonly known as the Porfiriato More recently, as noted above, the Border Industrialization Program, beginning in 1965 after the termination of the Bracero Program, opened up Mexico's northern border to foreign businesses, especially American ones As the world system perspective suggests, the implementation of NAFTA led to major transformations in the Mexican economy including the uprooting of workers in some industrial sectors that could not compete with American producers As NAFTA went into effect on January 1, 1994, the Zapatista Nationalist Liberation Army, under the direction of Subcomandante Marcos, rose to protest NAFTA and the anticipated negative economic impact on the population in Mexico's poorest regions, such as Chiapas As O'Neil notes, "some of the biggest aggregate losers from NAFTA were Mexico's small farmers, and rural poverty increased in the years following the passage of the free trade agreement" Thus, just as we saw global forces affecting the meat-packing industries in the late 1970s and 1980s with the ensuing development of Latino new-destination areas in the US Midwest and South regions, so too do we see international elements creating new-sending areas in Mexico NAFTA now has been in place for nearly two decades In addition, poverty has dropped significantly since the mid-1990s For example, the percentage of people classified as poor under Mexico's governmental measures dropped from 70 percent to nearly 40 percent today O'Neil observes that "In the last fifteen years, Mexico's middle has blossomed An open and diversifying economy, expanding home ownership and credit, new schools, new products, and new opportunities have all worked in its favor

Institutional theory

Once international migration has begun, private institutions and voluntary organizations arise to satisfy the demand created by an imbalance between the large number of people who seek entry into capital-rich countries and the limited number of immigrant visas these countries typically offer The recognition of a gradual build-up of institutions, organizations, and entrepreneurs dedicated to arranging immigrant entry, legal or illegal, again yields hypotheses that are also quite distinct from those emanating from micro- level decision models: 1 As organizations develop to support, sustain, and promote international movement, the international flow of migrants becomes more and more institutionalized and independent of the factors that originally caused it 2 Governments have difficulty controlling migration flows once they have begun because the process of institutionalization is difficult to regulate Given the profits to be made by meeting the demand for immigrant entry, police efforts only serve to create a black market in international movement, and stricter immigration policies are met with resistance from humanitarian groups

SOCIAL CAPITAL AMONG U.S.-BORN YOUTH

One U.S.-born youth group departed from the norm of noncol¬ lectivist orientations toward academic- or school-related matters I refer to this gender-mixed group of five individuals as "Spanish Speakers" because of their positive orientation toward the Spanish language Por que hablas tanto Inglés? Deberíamos de hablar mas español que inglés Using a ridiculing term that immigrants use to refer to acculturated Mexican Americans, she exclaims, "I'm just a pocha, dude Yo escogí computers pero me dieron español Michelle? Porque no quiere hablar español? Tiene verguenza, Jason supplies, softly, surprised by my interjection Mi Ama no me dice nada, Jason replies, adding, "I don't have a father Los míos tampoco, Edward chimes in We're all good friends because we all like to dance and we're all good dancers," Elizabeth elaborates So I exploded with that gringo and asked him who he thought we were, just a bunch of stupid Mexicans? There's so many tíos and tías and a lot of them are like teachers and counselors—you know, people with good jobs and nice families From talking to her family, the main thing I learned is if you're a poor Mexican, you gotta take caca in this life Pero éste lugar me da ansias The high levels of social capital embedded in their web of relations make it likely that these youth will successfully negotiate their passage into productive adulthood

Gender and the Migration Process

One of the most significant contributions of research about Latino/a immigration has been the work that focuses on gender as a constitutive dimension of the migration process Researchers have also documented the recruitment of mostly male workers from Latin America and the Caribbean, but frequently failed to see the gendered and racialized dimensions of such recruitment processes A gender-specific labor recruitment program brought Puerto Rican women to Chicago in the 1950's Gender scholars in the field of migration have proposed that any formulation of the macro-structural determinants of migration must also include gender oppression and patriarchy as hidden causes for the migration of women Ethnographic research among Mexican immigrant communities in California has yielded fascinating and critical insights about the consequences of migration for Latino families, in particular the impact of migration on the gender division of labor My own work with Puerto Rican migrants in Chicago suggests that even though men tried to impose a more traditional division of labor by taking on two jobs, thus freeing women to stay home and care for children, women found ways to work outside the home Research with Central American immigrants has shown that, in the U.S., women have become primary breadwinners for their families, but it does not produce a drastic change in gender relations Research with Dominican immigrants in New York has shown that immigrant women are more likely to express a desire to settle permanently abroad as a way to protect their new found roles and opportunities, whereas men seek to return home in order to regain the status and privileges lost as a result of migration Once in the U.S., researchers have also studied the gendered arrangements of Latino families Inter-ethnic comparative research among Latinos is rare, but, when it is done, it reveals fascinating results with respect to gender issues Similarly, comparative research between African American, European American, and Latino families is also rare, but it has shown that African Americans and Mexicans have more liberal attitudes toward the idea of women's work roles, but tend to endorse a view of men as providers, a notion connected to the rather fragile position African American and Latino men face in the U.S., namely subject to unemployment, underemployment, and racism

conclusion on Subtractive Schooling and Divisions among Youth

One type of response that I received from U.S.-born youth groups remains to be examined: reticence When the organization of schooling deprives youth of historically derived understandings and the interpretive skills with which to assess these intergenerational cross-currents, divisions and misunderstandings can be expected to prevail

Neoclassical economics: Macro theory

Probably the oldest and best-known theory of international migration was developed originally to explain labor migration in the process of economic development The perspective contains several implicit propositions and assumptions: 1 The international migration of workers is caused by differences in wage rates between countries 2 The elimination of wage differentials will end the movement of labor, and migration will not occur in the absence of such differentials 3 International flows of human capital-that is, highly skilled workers- respond to differences in the rate of return to human capital, which may be different from the overall wage rate, yielding a distinct pattern of migration that may be opposite that of unskilled workers 4 Labor markets are the primary mechanisms by which international flows of labor are induced; other kinds of markets do not have important effects on international migration 5 The way for governments to control migration flows is to regulate or influence labor markets in sending and/or receiving countries

The Urban Character of the Communities

Puerto Ricans in the United States have, by and large, resided in urban areas Increasing evidence indicated that the United States was embarking on a process of economic structural change, later to be referred to as "deindustrialization," which culminated in New York City's fiscal default in the mid-1970s Despite a steady exit of Puerto Ricans during the 1970s, to this day New York City still has the greatest concentration of this group According to the 2015 ACS, 728,947 Puerto Ricans resided there By 2010, however, Philadelphia overtook Chicago as the second-largest concentration of Puerto Ricans It is noteworthy that the dramatic increase in Puerto Rican migration between 2010 and 2015 enhanced existing Puerto Rican populations in the United States almost across the board The relative growth of the Puerto Rican population in Philadelphia in particular, even while New York City and Chicago declined between 2000 and 2010, is significant Philadelphia's Puerto Rican population practically doubled between 1990 and 2015 The thirty-two cities with the highest concentrations of Puerto Ricans contained 63 percent of the total US Puerto Rican population in 1980 But in 2015, these same cities contained only 33 percent of the total By 2015, New York City was home to only 14 percent of the total US Puerto Rican population This contrasts sharply with the nearly 43 percent of the Puerto Rican population that resided in New York City in 1980 Another important observation is that many midsize US cities with a relatively small Puerto Rican population in 1980 showed considerable growth over the three and a half decades that followed In addition, new areas of settlement that are not confined to a particular part of the country have become quite pronounced since the 1980s The ring of sizable Puerto Rican communities within a 100-mile radius of New York City grew proportionately larger between 1980 and 2015 than the overall decline in the numbers of Puerto Ricans residing in New York City The rather dramatic changes mean that Puerto Ricans now constitute over 20 percent of the total population in fifteen different midsize cities This is all the more remarkable in that thirty-five years ago the Puerto Rican presence did not reach 20 percent in any of these cities In 2015 over 40 percent of the population of Holyoke, Massachusetts, was Puerto Rican Now Puerto Ricans comprise over 30 percent of the population in six different north-eastern cities Much of the cursory evidence suggests that it has not yet, but the potential remains for greater influence in these communities as their numbers increase

Colonization and Gender Inequality

Recent archeological research has shown that gender relations and practices among pre-Colombian cultures were complex, varied, innovative and open to many interpretations Yet, after five hundred years of colonization, the notion of indigenous people as traditional and primitive persists Although much has been written about the new world mestizaje in the Americas that produced complex multiracial and multilingual societies in the aftermath of European colonization, there is still much to be done to fully analyze how colonial ideologies with respect to race, social class, and gender were imposed, resisted, and reformulated by indigenous groups, elites, and emerging social groups in both colonial and post-colonial societies It is common knowledge that indigenous men and women in the Americas bore the brunt of the colonization process as their gendered worlds were disrupted and turned upside down Ironically, at the turn of the twentieth-first century, descendants of Mayan and indigenous people in the Americas continue to feel the impact of colonization and capitalist development Radcliff, Laurie, and Andolina report that in the Andes the gender division of labor continues to allocate women agricultural work that is undervalued and unacknowledged Now, regional and international migration have become ways to resolve the structural inequality faced by indigenous communities in the midst of neoliberal and globalization policies that continue to uproot them from their land and turn them yet again into laborers for multinational corporations in the region or nannies for highly educated women in North America

Clarifying the meaning of Culture

Repertoires "modes of Action" or toolkit available to individuals Narratives-how individuals view themselves in relation to others, make sense of their constraints/opportunities Symbolic boundaries differentiating oneself from others Example- "decent" families versus "street"

Second and Third Generation Latinas/os and Gender

Research among second and third generation Latinos has yielded important insights relevant to efforts to theorize the transmission of gender identities and how social class and race shapes socialization and family formation Toro-Morn and Alicea conducted interviews with second and third generation Puerto Ricans in Chicago and found that Puerto Rican parents worked hard to reconstruct family life in Puerto Rico in keeping with perceived traditional cultural norms and expected their children to conform to traditional gender roles and values, processes that have been found among Puerto Rican parents in New York Toro-Morn and Alicea explain that underlying parental expectations and conflicts was a desire to define a cultural space challenging definitions of Puerto Ricans as second class citizens Research with dual earner Chicano couples has also revealed some fascinating insights Co-provider families equally shared housework and child care Coltrane and Valdez argue that, because there was no fixed standard against which they judged themselves, these families have become "post-modern, a concept first develop by sociologists Judith Stacey to signify "the contested, ambivalent, and undecided character of contemporary gender and kinship arrangements

Self-propelling agents

Research by Silvia Domínguez shows immigrant women to display agency, that is, to be self-propelling agents who interact with each other and develop support and leverage networks to facilitate socioeconomic mobility positioning themselves within a homogenous social network of friends and family as social and emotional supporters while leveraging heterogeneous ties as bridges to resources and opportunity structures outside of the public housing projects

PERCEIVED SELF-EFFICACY

SELF-EFFICACY REFERS TO BELIEFS IN ONE'S OWN ABILITY TO TAKE THE STEPS NECESSARY TO ACHIEVE THE GOALS REQUIRED IN A GIVEN SITUATION-OWN CAPABILITIES OR RESTRICTIONS FROM A HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT RATIONAL DECISIONS BASED ON AVAILABLE CHOICES WORK PROVIDES FRAMEWORK FOR DAILY BEHAVIOR AND PATTERNS OF INTERACTION-DISCIPLINES AND REGULARITIES-STATE SANCTIONED

THE SUBTRACTIVE ELEMENTS OF CARING AND CULTURAL ASSIMILATION

School subtracts resources from youth in two major ways First, it dismisses their definition of education which is not only thoroughly grounded in Mexican culture, but also approximates the optimal definition of education advanced by Noddings and other caring theorists Although educación has implications for pedagogy, it is first a foundational cultural construct that provides instructions on how one should live in the world The composite imagery of caring that unfolds accords moral authority to teachers and institutional structures that value and actively promote respect and a search for connection, between teacher and student and among students themselves

Developing a Puerto Rican-centric model of mobility: The Racialized Place Inequality Framework

Since most Puerto Ricans living in the mainland United States are native born and are two or more generations removed from their Island roots, it is more appropriate to classify them as a native minority group I propose Puerto Ricans have been subject to discriminatory practices that have limited their chances for upward mobility The place stratification model focuses on the structural obstacles that have reinforced abnormally high levels of racial segregation for African Americans and Latinos Residential segregation has been linked to a host of social ills, including increased health risks factors, educational disadvantages, concentrated urban poverty, economic disinvestments, crime, social disorder, and housing inequalities But the presence of a large number of co-ethnics at the city or county level can sometimes confer an advantage to an ethnic group according to the ethnic enclave perspective If one assumes that Puerto Ricans are moving out of their traditional gateway destinations in search of economic opportunities, then the local characteristics play an important role in mediating the effects of human capital and other individual attributes on their economic performance in the new destinations Alternatively, since there is evidence to suggest that Puerto Rican out-migration from former gateways is proceeding in a bifurcated mode and that some emerging gateways do not confer any advantages on newcomers, it is also important to consider structural factors that might depress their socioeconomic attainment The combination of the place stratification model, the ethnic enclave theory, the local structure of opportunity in a dynamic interaction with micro-level processes has led me to apply a theoretical approach and analytical strategy first proposed by Burgos and Rivera as the Racialized Place Inequality Framework The Racialized Place Inequality Framework conceptualizes the life chances of individuals belonging to racialized groups from a multilevel context, comprising micro, meso, and macro levels pathways José Itzygsohn offers an alternative model to the RPIF based on what he calls "stratified ethnoracial incorporation As Puerto Ricans, especially those born on the mainland, continue to geographically disperse and move away from the segregated barrios of the northeast and Midwest, they might be able to attain the socioeconomic mobility promised by the RPIF to those who settle in more integrated neighborhoods Another Puerto Rican scholar who finds support for RPIF is Fernando Rivera, who strongly argues for the primary role played by residential segregation in accounting for the physical and mental health of Puerto Ricans in the United States One of the studies of disability rates among Puerto Ricans discussed by Rivera appears to conclusively establish a relationship between residential segregation and disability rates, "to the extent that the rate of disability was twice as high in the most segregated county than in the county with the lowest level of segregation

The "social incapacitation" of deviant boys

Some minority Boys are criminalized from a young age by teachers, police, probation officers Shame, exclusion, punishment, racialization, surveillance Stigmatization and exclusion from productive activities leads to resentment and resistance resulting into deeper criminalization and prison From "normal shame" held accountable for a transgression by way of shaming, so he learns, makes amends and becomes reintegrated into the group; to "pathological shaming" transgressor permanently stigmatized, humiliated, stays as outsider

Erasure of Latino History and Culture in the Academic Curriculum

Some school districts and governments across the US have been on a mission to erase Latino history and culture from the educational curriculum This is an example of what historian Yolanda Leyva refers to as an erasure of memory that deletes the cultural history of Latinos from US history The superintendent who pushed the law publicly scrutinized Chicana/o classics such as The Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Occupied America on the claim that they "inappropriately teach Latino youths that they are being mistreated" and that ethnic study instructors were sometimes unconventional by sprinkling their lessons with Spanish words In sum, educational policies designed to improve the academic outcomes of Latino students need to work in congruence with the Latino family and cultural practices

WHEN TEACHERS DO NOT INITIATE RELATION

Students' desire for reciprocal relationships with adults at school is tempered by their experience, which teaches them not to expect such relationships He regretted losing touch with his former teacher, paying her homage with his description: She was "really, really cool," with all her students Not only was he an unusually talented geographer, he was also a special person, capable and worthy of the friendship of the "really, really cool" Sister Mary Agnes It's not that I don't want to learn, it's what I learn that matters This corrosive daily atmosphere negates the possibility of creating the collective contexts that facilitate the transmission of knowledge, skills, and resources

urban ethnography

THE SYSTEMATIC AND METICULOUS METHOD OF EXAMINING CULTURE UNFOLDING IN EVERYDAY LIFE observing a complete social setting and all that it entails A detailed description of a particular culture primarily based on fieldwork

Migration to Hawaii

The 1900-1901 migration of agricultural workers to the sugarcane plantations of Hawaii was the first large exodus of contract labor out of Puerto Rico, but Hawaii was not the only destination Puerto Ricans leaving for Hawaii were desperately searching for any source of employment following the aforementioned destruction caused by Hurricane San Ciriaco in 1899 Laborers were recruited for the sugarcane fields of the Hawaiian Islands, and entire families traveled there in the course of eleven expeditions beginning in November 1900 and ending a year later A 1903 government report spoke disparagingly about the Puerto Ricans workers transported to Hawaii Economic necessity propelled another small contract-labor wave of Puerto Rican migration to Hawaii in 1921, but by then most migration was to New York City Research into the early migrations of Puerto Ricans to certain US localities like Hawaii, before it became a state in 1959, only began in the 1970s Some of the descendants of Hawaii's Borinkis started the Puerto Rican Heritage Society of Hawaii in 1980 to promote the documentation of their presence in and contributions to the islands Several important studies released in the 1980s detailed the formation and evolution of this particular community The number of self-identified Puerto Ricans residing in the state of Hawaii was 44,116 in 2010, according to the US census This figure constitutes 2.5 percent of the total population of the islands and less than 1 percent of the total Puerto Rican population in the continental United States The existence of community organizations such as the Club Puertorriqueño de San Francisco, founded in 1912, reveals the presence of those Puerto Ricans who stayed in San Francisco on their way to Hawaii or settled there on their way back from the islands Another community organization, the Liga Puertorriqueña de California, was established in 1922 More than half a century later, in 1973, the Western Region Puerto Rican Council was founded to draw attention to the needs of Puerto Ricans in that part of the country and to their presence there since the early decades of the twentieth century A pattern of Puerto Rican labor migration to closer destinations, most notably to the neighboring Caribbean islands, developed after the United States purchased the Virgin Islands from Denmark in 1917 This exodus intensified after 1927, but an exchange of agricultural workers between Puerto Rico's eastern island municipality of Vieques and St. Croix had existed since the nineteenth century With the large expropriation of almost two-thirds of Vieques's territory by the US Navy in 1941, migration of viequenses from Puerto Rico to St. Croix sharpened Migration from other Puerto Rican towns to St. Croix augmented in later years In 2010 about 20,000 Puerto Ricans lived in St. Croix, representing a notable portion of the island's total population

Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (Hart-Celler Act)

The 1960s represented an era of social change in the US In particular, groups that had been historically marginalized, most notably blacks, called for their inclusion in all societal institutions The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ushered in significant policies that sought to do just that in the areas of education, housing, employment, and voting The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, also referred to as the Hart-Celler Act, ended the immigration quota system In signing the bill, President Lyndon B. Johnson observed that the policy will "repair a very deep and painful flaw in the fabric of American justice It corrects a cruel and enduring wrong in the conduct of the American Nation And this measure that we will sign today will really make us truer to ourselves both as a country and as a people The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 additionally included two major provisions First, the Act created two broad categories - exempted immediate relatives and a preference system based on other family relations and occupation and skills The three immediate-relative categories included spouses of US citizens, children under 21 years of age of US citizens, and parents of US citizens Individuals entering as immediate relatives were excluded from the hemisphere and country numerical limits of immigrants Second, the Act placed numerical limits on immigration, excluding exempted immediate family relative immigrants, based on hemisphere There is a romanticized interpretation of the Immigration Act of 1965 as a policy that corrected a temporary lapse of the equitable and democratic American character However, as Luibheid argues, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 was meant as rhetoric rather than to open the doors for non-white groups such as Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans In fact at the time that the bill was signed, President Johnson indicated that the policy was "not a revolutionary bill" and that it would "not affect the lives of millions For example, Attorney General Robert Kennedy noted at most 5,000 Asians would enter the US the first year with the number virtually disappearing afterward Similarly, Mexicans would now be subjected to immigration limits due to the ceiling of 120,000 for the western hemisphere In reality, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 dramatically transformed the source of immigration from Europe to Latin America and Asia The policy's focus on family benefitted Mexicans tremendously as US citizens were able to petition for close relatives to gain entry into the US and undocumented immigration from Mexico rose with approximately one million undocumented immigrants apprehended along the US-Mexico border by the end of the 1970s Indeed, from the 1960s to the present, immigrants originating from Latin America have constituted at least two-fifths of all immigrants admitted to the US with Asians accounting for at least an additional one-third, with the percentage of immigrants from Europe ranging from 10 percent to 18 percent

The Repatriation Program

The Great Depression ushered in a new economic era which displaced people from their jobs and placed them on breadlines As such, despite efforts to curtail immigration legislatively at the beginning of the 1920s, by the end of the decade the flow of immigration to the US came to a halt due to the Great Depression Quickly President Hoover authorized the Mexican Repatriation Program in 1929 and his successor, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, prolonged the program until 1939 Countless numbers of Mexicans, along with persons born in the US, were deported or coerced into voluntarily returning to Mexico with estimates ranging from 400,000 to 2,000,000 individuals The most commonly cited figure of 500,000 suggests that approximately one-third of Mexicans counted in the 1930 US census were returned to Mexico This repatriation program illustrates the way in which the US government has tended to view Mexican immigrants, as a workforce that is welcome when needed but an easily disposable labor pool and convenient scapegoat during economic downturns

Questions Related to the Future of Latino Education

The educational disparities among Latinos outlined above not only have implications for the Latino community, but for the nation considering the growing presence of this group Below we discuss some examples of the racialization in educational politics that impede Latino educational attainment

Spanish-Speakers and Mixed-Raced Students

The first group— comprised of three female and two male Spanish-speaking students—offered the most positive outlook toward immigrants Explaining further, she continued, "It's like we're Mexican and American and we need to be able to talk English and Spanish 'cause that's who we are At worst, Seguín reinforces differences with its subtractive schooling policies and practices

The Pilgrims of Freedom

The first indications of a Puerto Rican presence in the United States came in the second half of the nineteenth century, when many individuals were forced to abandon the island to escape the tyrannical rule of the Spanish colonial authorities Among them were leading members of the creole propertied class and the intellectual and political elites, as well as self-educated artisans, most notably tabaqueros/as and typographers In the larger cigar factories, most women were employed as despalilladoras, performing the labor-intensive task of stripping the tobacco leaves from the stalk by hand Puerto Rican political émigrés settled mostly in New York, although other cities like Philadelphia, Boston, New Orleans, Tampa, and Key West developed neighborhoods or settlements, called colonias, that attracted Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Spaniards, and other Latin American and European immigrants Expatriates from the Caribbean and Latin America started coming to the United States during the early 1800s when the creole elites, in what were then the Spanish New World colonies, began to stake their claims for independence from Spain and revolutionary wars broke out in some of these territories As early as the 1820s, many Puerto Rican separatists, who supported independence, were forced into exile by the Spanish colonial regime, a practice that intensified during the last few decades of the nineteenth century In 1824 the Spanish Crown authorized foreign trade with the colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico, the first step in the development of a commercial relationship with the United States that significantly expanded and continued for most of the nineteenth century Such was the case of Puerto Rican liberal journalist Julio Vizcarrondo, publisher of the newspaper El mercurio, who was forced to leave the island in 1850 because of his abolitionist views This time he went to Madrid and continued his political activities there, creating the Sociedad Abolicionista Española, collaborating with the newspaper El abolicionista español, and supporting the political efforts that led to the Revolution of 1868, which removed the Spanish monarch from the throne and eventually led to the establishment of the First Spanish Republic in 1873 Collaborations between Cuban and Puerto Rican separatists provided the impetus for the 1865 founding in New York of the Sociedad Republicana de Cuba y Puerto Rico to gather support for armed revolutions from those sympathetic to their cause in the United States and throughout the continent Basora was also one of the editors of New York's Spanish-language newspaper, La voz de la América, published between 1865 and 1867 and aimed at advancing the separatist cause The first steps were taken when Betances left New York for the Caribbean in 1867 to make arrangements for a shipment of armaments and supplies to Puerto Rico's insurgents He then left for Paris, where he had lived as a medical student in the 1840s and 1850s From Paris, in the 1890s he accepted a diplomatic post representing the expatriate Cuban provisional government, a position that also facilitated his efforts on behalf of Puerto Rico's independence Betances's "Los diez mandamientos de los hombres libres" inspired, less than a year later, Puerto Rico's Grito de Lares separatist revolt of September 23, 1868, a cry for freedom from Spanish colonial rule More than two weeks later, on October 10, rebels in Cuba also proclaimed a free republic with the Grito de Yara, marking the beginning of Cuba's Ten Years' War of independence against the Spanish The arrival of Eugenio María de Hostos in New York in 1869 added another important Puerto Rican voice to the expatriate Antillean separatist movement Shortly after his arrival in the city, Hostos was named editor of the Spanish-language news-paper La revolución, published from 1869 to 1876 by the Junta Central Republicana de Cuba y Puerto Rico He spent the next decade living in Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Argentina, and Brazil before finally settling down in the Dominican Republic in 1879 He returned to New York for the last time in 1898, after the US invasion of Cuba and Puerto Rico, with the objective of creating the Liga de Patriotas Puertorriqueños Being "in the belly of the beast," as he once said, inspired Martí to write his most important essays about what he called nuestra América, referring to the new Latin American nations that had emerged from the demise of Spanish colonialism Tabaquero and labor activist Flor Baerga arrived in New York in the 1880s, after participating for many years in labor organizing in Puerto Rico In New York, Baerga, together with Cuban cigar rollers Juan Fraga, Rafael Serra, and others, founded the Club Los Independientes in 1881 Puerto Rican expatriate pharmacist Gerardo Forrest, for instance, started the separatist publication Cuba y Puerto Rico in New York before leaving to join the Cuban insurgency The alliance between Cuban and Puerto Rican separatists in New York City, which started in the 1860s, continued for several decades The founding of the Partido Revolucionario Cubano in New York in 1892 was a significant moment, since its platform included support for Puerto Rico's independence This revolutionary club was headed by Sotero Figueroa, a mulatto artisan typographer and journalist who had emigrated to New York in the late 1880s Figueroa's Ensayo biográfico de los que más han contribuído al progreso de Puerto Rico had won a prize in an island writing contest and been published by Acosta's printing press After settling in New York, Figueroa started the Imprenta América, the press that from 1892 to 1898 printed the separatist newspaper Patria, founded by Martí Marín had been exiled from the island because of the publication of his liberal newspaper, El postillón He arrived in New York in 1891 and a year later started publishing El postillón from there, but this time the newspaper described itself in more radical terms as "an unconditional voice of revolution Although Martí left for Cuba in 1895 to fight in the Spanish-Cuban War and was killed during a skirmish with Spanish troops shortly after arriving in his homeland, his death inspired other émigré separatists to join the rebel army He was killed on the battlefield in 1896 Also included among the many Puerto Ricans going to New York during this period was Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, a working-class Puerto Rican mulatto who had migrated in the early 1890s In his Memoirs), Bernardo Vega claims that Schomburg was mostly self-educated and learned his ABCs from being around the tabaqueros, although records show that he enrolled in public school He collaborated with Serra and others in the founding of the Club Las Dos Antillas in 1892 They came to the city first in 1892 and then again in 1895, returning to Cuba in 1898 after the US invasion Women separatists gathered around the Club Mercedes Varona, founded in 1892 and named for a Cuban patriot who supported the Ten Year's War of independence and was imprisoned and exiled by Spanish authorities Another important women's club, the Hermanas de Ríus Rivera, was founded in 1897 and named for a Puerto Rican general who had distinguished himself fighting in both Cuban wars of independence Rodríguez de Tió first published some of her best-known patriotic poems in the newspaper Patria In 1895, only a few months after Martí's death on the Cuban battle-field, a Sección de Puerto Rico of the PRC was established The idea of US intervention in the conflict and the possibility of US annexation of the islands had been supported by a sector of the separatist movement since the 1860s but intensified after Martí's death He lived in upstate New York and for over a decade was the leader of the émigré Cuban revolutionary junta that preceeded the founding of the PRC in 1892 However, behind their support for US intervention in the Cuban War in 1898 was also an agreement that the United States would ultimately grant independence to the island This finally happened in 1902 with the inauguration of the Cuban Republic and the election of Estrada Palma as the first president of the new nation For a brief period, the sección published the separatist newspapers Cuba y Puerto Rico and Borinquen After the outbreak of the Spanish-Cuban-American War, Todd and Henna played a key role in encouraging US officials to invade Puerto Rico, providing them with information about the location of Spanish military installations and troops around the island Little did Betances know that only several weeks before his death in 1898 his worst fears would become a reality with the outbreak of the Spanish-Cuban-American War and the US invasion of Cuba and Puerto Rico

RELATIONSHIPS AND THE "POLITICS OF DIFFERENCE"

The following account of a discussion in a sophomore English class helps concretize the meaning of McCarthy's "politics of difference Just because I speak it a little doesn't mean I speak it Smiling, Aaron muttered loudly under his breath, So I'm a Chicano and Mexican," Michael retorted The most poignant statement she made was that her cousins referred to her as a white female because of her poor command of Spanish. And I ain't no gringa," she told the class, still looking down at the floor They laughed when I said I was Mexican And they said I lived in Gringo-landia It means 'Gringo-land' or America—the land where white people live," I explained No, it don't," Jenny agreed, interrupting, "but that's how I deal with it when my grandfather says not to speak Spanish if me and my sisters are going to speak it all pocho I think he wishes we were all Mexican Mexican only, 'cause he tells me and my sisters we're 'Americanized For real, I heard him say 'whitened' women about us one time But I sure ain't agringada Dear," he began, "I'm sorry they were mean to you, but can you help me understand just a little bit Uh, you are American and, uh, is it the word gringo or gringo-landia that hurt the most? Flicking the blade of grass in the air like a tiny airplane, Aaron announced, Okay, okay, man you Mexican, me Mexican, we all Mexican Within this brand of Mexicanidad, the presumed association between the ability to speak Spanish and the possession of a Mexican identity is relaxed Second, immigrants like Aaron have trouble seeing beyond their framework of Mexicanidad as a national identity, inextricably linked to Mexico In their social world, Mexicanidad is an ethnic minority experience that has evolved in relation to the dominant culture Their very identity as Mexicans is challenged when friends or relatives refer to them dismissively as "gringa," "agringada," "pocho" or "americanizada With his use of the Ebonics be-verb, "be Mexican," Jamail further invites a transborder interpretation of Mexicanidad as ever-present, embodying past, present, and future Mr. Perry's shallow, knee-jerk analysis of Mexicanidad was of great concern to me initially, but a conversation that I held with him later showed that he had grown significantly from the experience This situation is mediated by a host of schooling practices, to which I now turn

The Growth of the New York Community

The New York Puerto Rican community was the largest and fastest-growing one during the early decades of the twentieth century, but according to the US census, it numbered less than 2,000 in 1910 The granting of US citizenship to Puerto Ricans in 1917 encouraged the island's largest labor union, the FLT, to point out the advantages and protections that Puerto Rican workers would gain if they sought employment in the United States rather than going to other countries Census data from the 1920s and 1930s showed that New York City was becoming the preferred point of destination for Puerto Rican migrants The Chelsea area was the site of more than 500 Hispanic-owned tobacco factories and shops The socialist tabaqueros/as were an important sector of the community, since they tended to be active in grassroots organizing, which translated into the creation of organizations and publications aimed at empowering community members to speak out and denounce the injustices endured by migrants in the work-place or in the society at large The overrepresentation of Puerto Rican workers in semiskilled, low-wage manufacturing and agricultural employment was not to change until the 1980s Important Puerto Rican organizations that emerged during the 1920s fostered a sense of community cohesiveness and facilitated the early migrants' incorporation into the host society These concerns also lay behind the 1927 creation of the Liga Puertorriqueña e Hispana, which published a biweekly bulletin for six years To this day, the city halls of all municipalities in Puerto Rico hold celebratory activities during their respective annual fiestas patronales to welcome los puertorriqueños ausentes, those Puerto Ricans who have left the island and live abroad, mostly in the United States The Puerto Rican Merchants' Association was founded in the 1940s to promote and protect the interests of these small businesses Small entrepreneurs started bodegas, restaurants, travel agencies, banks and finance companies, record stores, beauty parlors, barber shops, auto dealer-ships, dry cleaners, clothing stores, moving companies, and traditional botánicas As discussed in Chapter 8, the writings of grassroots activists and journalists Bernardo Vega and Jesús Colón, who migrated to New York in 1916 and 1918, respectively, provide a detailed record of this earlier stage of community formation Along similar lines, the writings of Joaquín Colón López, Jesús Colón's older brother, collected and published posthumously, have been indispensable for unveiling the early history of New York's Puerto Rican community

Unity in Resistance to Schooling

The October 1989 walkout at Seguín High School remains one of the largest organized manifestations of East End students' discontent Since class-based identities are not extended to Seguín youth or, for that matter, to most youth in U.S. society either through the media, schools, or organizations, class remains obscure and works through the more palatable category of ethnicity, who sees alienated, working class Mexican American youth as acting out their class interests when they repossess the space of the classroom to subvert the educational process When this "knowledge" is further imbued with political content, entailing an affirmation of that which has been historically denied, namely, students' Mexicanidad, ethnicity becomes a readily available collective resource through which the status quo can be challenged While their actions may not in any ultimate sense transform the power relations that circumscribe their lives, the content of their resistance nevertheless reveals a substantive critique that follows the general storyline of caring and subtractive schooling presented herein In a school-sponsored Cinco de Mayo program, the cultural nationalism of many Mexican American youth surges into the open when some students begin waving Mexican flags during the American national anthem When a vice-principal tries to cut short the performance of a heavy metal band because growing numbers of students begin pushing down to the stage to dance, nearly the entire audience responds by chanting an extremely derogatory term that means at the administrator In all three situations, students' justifications for their actions illuminate their overall critique of schooling

The "Splendid Little War"

The Spanish-Cuban-American War broke out after the mysterious explosion of the battleship Maine, a US naval vessel stationed at the port of Havana Claiming that the explosion was an act of sabotage, the North American yellow press accused the Spanish government of responsibility and rapidly promoted a "Remember the Maine" mentality aimed at galvanizing public opinion to demand retribution for what was described as "an act of aggression" and encouraging US intervention in Cuba's ongoing war against Spain The "Remember the Maine" battle cry evoked the "Remember the Alamo" frenzy that half a century earlier prompted a declaration of war against Mexico and the subsequent annexation of almost half of Mexico's territory by the United States after the conclusion of the Mexican-American War In response to mounting public pressures and its own expansionist designs, the US Congress used the sinking of the Maine to declare war against Spain and invade its colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico Thus, for more than half a century, Cuba remained within the US sphere of influence until the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 In 1911, Schomburg was among the founders of the Negro Society for Historical Research, and in later years he presided over the American Negro Academy Opened to the public in 1927, the center and its vast collection became focal points during the years of the Harlem Renaissance and attracted numerous US and foreign researchers interested in the diverse African diasporas From 1930 to 1932, Schomburg had a brief academic career as a lecturer and bibliographer at Fisk University, helping this institution develop its black archival collection, but he eventually left to accept the post of curator of his own collection at the New York Public Library Two years before his death, he wrote the column "Our Pioneers" for the New York newspaper Amsterdam News, which gave him the opportunity to celebrate the achievements of notable black personalities from various parts of the world, including Hispanic countries The war also made Teddy Roosevelt a legendary military hero and facilitated his winning the US presidency in the 1904 election While Cuba was finally granted its independence in 1902, Puerto Rico was kept as "an unincorporated territory" of the United States, establishing a colonial political status examined in more detail in later sections of this chapter The US-Puerto Rico connection intensified after the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898 Its designation as "an unincorporated territory" relegated the island to a powerless colonial status under the jurisdiction of the US Congress

US Immigration Policies and Programs

The US has established a variety of policies and programs, at times in conjunction with Mexico, over the last century which have impacted the flow of immigrants from Mexico and the rest of Latin America to the US Over the course of the nineteenth century and into the first couple of decades of the twentieth century, US immigration policy toward Mexico and Latin America was mute This situation contrasted sharply from the major US immigration policies and programs that sought to limit immigration of certain groups including Chinese with the creation of the Chinese Exclusion Acts of 1882 and 1892, Japanese with the signing of the Gentlemen's Agreement in 1907, and Southern and Eastern Europeans with the passage of the Immigration Acts of 1917, 1921, and 1924 In fact, while many Americans rabidly called for policy to curtail or eliminate immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe which led to the establishment of immigration policy between 1917 and 1924, US agriculturalists from the Southwest argued vociferously to exempt Mexicans from the literacy requirement and head tax imposed by the Immigration Act of 1917 and from the quota system that limited the number of people allowed to immigrate from specific countries which was stipulated by the Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924 This incident almost a century ago illustrates the long and established dependence of US employers on cheap labor from Mexico and subsequently from other parts of Latin America

CARING AND PEDAGOGY

The art of initiating a relationship is well expressed through the words of one of Seguín's most beloved social studies teachers, Ms. Aranda Such continuity permits the development of trusting relationships and preempts students from turning exclusively to peers and strategies for academic survival that often increase their marginalization

Social Relationships

The influence of factors affecting people's labor market outcomes stem beyond one's own personal attributes Information drawn from more varied sources are particularly valuable to people

Early Migrations to the United States

The island of Puerto Rico has long served as a crossroads—between the North and the South American continents, between the Old and New Worlds, between memory and opportunity, and between native and new-comer In the 1930s, the prominent intellectual Antonio S. Pedreira wrote aclassic treatise about the sense of insularismo that he believed engulfed Puerto Rican life For stateside Puerto Ricans, these are reflected in the murals on the walls of New York City's barrios, subway stations, and other public spaces, in those of Boston's Villa Victoria and Philadelphia's Taller Puertorriqueño; in the monumental Puerto Rican steel flags and murals of Chicago's Paseo Boricua and the exhibits and collections of the National Museum of Puerto Rican Arts and Culture; in the numerous institutions and organizations established to provide a wide range of services to Puerto Rican communities; in the over fifty parades and festivals of varying sizes held annually in numerous US cities with concentrations of Puerto Ricans; in the bodegas and other small businesses of Lorain, Ohio, and Kissimmee, Florida; in the enticing aromas of the typical cuchifritos stands on the streets of most barrios; and in the bumper stickers and flag-bearing pennants that hang from the rearview mirrors of newer or well-worn automobiles in cities throughout the United States They are also at the core of Puerto Rican cultural expressions By the 1920s, migration was turning into a more frequent and persistent occurrence in the lives of island Puerto Ricans This chapter provides a synthesis and analysis of the historical, socioeconomic, and political factors that contributed to the first waves of Puerto Rican migration to the United States, which began even before the US invasion of the island from Spain

CONTRIBUTIONS AND LIMITATIONS OF THE CARING AND EDUCATION LITERATURE

The literature on caring is properly premised on the notion that individuals need to be recognized and addressed as whole beings All people share a basic need to be understood, appreciated, and respected The few students who are adept articulators, like Rodrigo, condemn schooling, not education The marching band's successes are a testimony to the effectiveness of meaningful relationships in promoting competence and mastery of worldly tasks

Individual Perspectives

The most basic perspectives developed to understand labor market outcomes are situated at the individual or personal level If they desire more favorable outcomes in the job market, individuals need to invest in attaining higher levels of education and related factors in order to reap more favorable labor market outcomes

Questions Related to Latino Immigration in the Future

The movement of people from throughout Latin America to the US has occurred over a sustained time period Through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848 at the conclusion of the Mexican-American War, Mexico ceded more than half of its territory to the US, much of the southwestern portion of the US today Furthermore, the proximity of Mexico to the US has historically allowed Mexicans to move back and forth relatively easily, although the militarization of the border after 9/11 has made this more difficult Immigration has been important in other ways besides altering the demography of the Latino population In addition, as noted in chapter 1, with the growth of the Latino population we have also seen the increase of Spanish-language instruction as well as the rising popularity of Latino foods and music Yet, as the Latino population has expanded in the US, there has been a backlash against the group, with immigrants becoming a primary target of those that want to halt immigration One of the most recent treatises warning against the detrimental impact of Latino immigrants on the country's cultural fabric is Samuel Huntington's book titled Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity He contends that the values of Mexicans clash with those of the puritanical and British values that form the foundation of the US Severe cuts in the availability of Latino immigrant labor in these industries would have a tremendous effect on these sectors of the economy and would drive up consumer costs significantly

Dual labor market theory

The neoclassical and new economics of migration perspectives focus primarily on decisions that individuals and households make to maximize income or minimize risks As opposed to international migration driven by push factors in the country of origin and pull factors in the country of destination, the dual labor market perspective argues that the movement is due simply to the latter factors However, the boosting of wages for low-skill jobs would put pressures on employers to elevate the wages for jobs slightly higher in the hierarchy of occupational prestige, with the raising of such wages leading to further pressures to increase wages at still higher levels of the echelon of occupational prestige - a situation referred to as "structural inflation Second, occupational hierarchies are essential for the motivation of workers, who can earn status for holding certain jobs as well as seeking to climb higher in the job echelon Third, due to the duality of capital which is fixed and labor which is flexible, labor markets are segmented into the primary sector and the secondary sector Fourth, the need for immigrant labor to fill low-wage, dead-end jobs has been exacerbated by the decline of two segments of the labor force whose supply has dwindled due to demographic forces In sum, the dual labor market perspective illustrates the forces that made low-wage immigrant labor a necessary part of the labor force of developed countries Simply put, the economies of developed countries, such as the US, depend very heavily on immigrant labor originating from developing countries, such as Mexico and other Latin American countries

Structural Factors

The value of human capital characteristics and social networks in influencing labor market outcomes is pretty intuitive In the 1960s and 1970s, when manufacturing was a staple of the US economy, workers with a high school diploma had high levels of employment and wage earnings in certain industries, such as the automobile industry Massey and Denton, in their influential book titled American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass, show the historical processes that have created high levels of residential separation between whites and blacks in many US cities In their study of the nation's 95 largest cities, Dickerson vonLockette and Johnson found that between 1980 and 2000 Latinos tended to fare the worst in employment in cities where they were the most segregated from whites Douglas and Sáenz identify 25 Mexican occupations comprising immigrant sex-specific occupational niches using 2000 census data Ethnic and immigrant niche jobs tend to offer workers low wages and Central American and Mexican co-ethnic jobsites are generally forms of segregated employment with limited protection from discrimination

Migration systems theory

The various propositions of world systems theory, network theory, institutional theory, and the theory of cumulative causation all suggest that migration flows acquire a measure of stability and structure over space and time, allowing for the identification of stable international migration systems Although not a separate theory so much as a generalization following from the foregoing theories, a migration systems perspective yields several interesting hypotheses and propositions: 1 Countries within a system need not be geographically close since flows reflect political and economic relationships rather than physical ones Although proximity obviously facilitates the formation of exchange relationships, it does not guarantee them nor does distance preclude them 2 Multipolar systems are possible, whereby a set of dispersed core countries receive immigrants from a set of overlapping sending nations 3 Nations may belong to more than one migration system, but multiple membership is more common among sending than receiving nations 4 As political and economic conditions change, systems evolve, so that stability does not imply a fixed structure Countries may join or drop out of a system in response to social change, economic fluctuations, or political upheaval

TEACHER CARING

The view that students do not care about school stems from several sources, including social and cultural distance in student adult relationships and the school culture itself During this entire interaction, students were passively sitting in their seats instead of working on the Romeo and Juliet writing assignment scribbled boldly on the chalkboard If the sheer size of this incoming tide were not enough to ensure the counselors' failure, the additional fact that they do not begin processing any students' fall schedules until the week before school opens would settle the matter The following section examines how students' self-representations make them vulnerable to school authorities whose caring for students is oftentimes more centered on what they wear than on who they are

World system theory

The world system perspective for understanding the initiation of international migration stems from the theoretical insights of Wallerstein As capital interests enter developed countries, land becomes an increasingly valuable commodity The penetration of capital affects other industries aside from agriculture The US has a long history of such programs in Latin America, most notably in the form of Operation Bootstrap in Puerto Rico in 1947 and the Border Industrialization Program in Mexico in 1965, which was the precursor of the North American Free Trade Agreement Moreover, transportation routes are established between the developed country and the developing country to ship products The set of theories just reviewed provide us an understanding of how international migration is initiated We now turn to a discussion of the theoretical perspectives that provide insights into how immigration is sustained

Questions Related to the Future of Latino Work and Economic Life

There are several important labor market and socioeconomic trends that we need to be aware of regarding the Latino population for these are likely to play an important role in the future labor market and socioeconomic trends these trends have major implications and questions regarding the future course of Latinos in the labor market and the economy in the coming years

The Criminalization of Immigrants

These efforts to make it increasingly difficult for immigrants to gain entry into the US through its southern border represented a harbinger of policies that criminalized immigrants Two laws that President Clinton signed into law in 1996 set the stage for the criminalization of immigrants: Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act The IIRIRA policy further added a series of additional measures that criminalized unauthorized immigrants In particular, IIRIRA "authorized the construction of a fourteen-mile fence along the US-Mexico border; doubled the force of border patrol agents; allowed for summary exclusion of immigrants; expanded the grounds for deportation; reduced the allowable documents to satisfy I-9 requirements; and prohibited legal immigrants from federal welfare provisions for the first five years of their US residency Furthermore, IIRIRA "required the detention of all immigrants, including permanent residents, facing deportation for most criminal violations until the final resolution of the case In addition, IIRIRA's section 287 established authorized federal immigration officials to sign a memorandum of agreement with state and local law enforcement officials which allowed the latter to execute federal immigration law enforcement activities Policy measures that criminalized immigrants were intensified immediately after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 Furthermore, in late October 2001, he signed into law the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 This Act "significantly increased the budget for immigration enforcement and tripled the number of Border Patrol agents on the northern border; expanded the government's ability to detain and deport terrorists, however defined; instituted a 'Special Registration' program required men aged 16 to 45 from Arab and Muslim countries in residence in the US to register with the Department of Homeland Security and answer questions The three programs outlined above have led to a massive increase in immigrant detainees held in detention centers, many operated by the private sector The average daily immigrant detainee population skyrocketed from 6,785 in 1994 to 33,330 in 2011 Indeed, the number of immigrant deportations reached an all-time high during the 2012 fiscal year at 409,849, 11 percent higher than the 369,221 immigrants deported during the 2008 fiscal year under the George W. Bush administration As can be seen, over the last century there have been major changes in immigration policy At certain periods, immigration policies and associated programs have been favorable toward Latin American immigration - particularly originating from Mexico - while at other times these have sought to deport or halt immigration to the US One thing is certain - immigration policies have changed the face of immigrants in the US

Rio Grande Valley Students and the Kickers

These two groups provided the most caustic remarks toward immigrants that I came across Tony then attempted to explain his sentiments by saying that he knows a lot about immigrants from his father, a labor contractor who hires wetbacks After an embarrassingly long pause, Tony whispered, "James doesn't know how it's easier to be for mojados when you're not around them much We can dance to any tune, but Tex-Mex and country and western is what we like best," Lena told me, explaining the bond among the group members Although they don't always go with one another, all of the Kickers attend every possible school dance, quinceañera, and wedding to take advantage of the opportunities for dancing Lena fantasizes about forming a Tejano or C & W dance club they could belong to at school Though I anticipated a negative response, I nevertheless asked them whether ballet traditional Mexican dance interested them This is Texas Mexican country. After defining Tejano identity as loyalty to Texas, Chris said that his family has been in the United States since the mid-1800s They're too macho With a broad smile on his face, he exclaimed, "Can you believe these guys coming after our women? His assessment was left uncontested

Teacher-Student Relations and the Politics of Caring

This chapter examines competing definitions of caring at Seguín The predominantly non-Latino teaching staff sees students as not sufficiently caring about school, while students see teachers as not sufficiently caring for them Teachers expect students to demonstrate caring about schooling with an abstract, or aesthetic commitment to ideas or practices that purportedly lead to achievement Immigrant and U.S.-born youth, on the other hand, are committed to an authentic form of caring that emphasizes relations of reciprocity between teachers and students They articulate a vision of education that parallels the Mexican concept of educación As discussed in chapter 1, educación closely resembles Noddings' concept of authentic caring which views sustained reciprocal relationships between teachers and students as the basis for all learning This teacher's embodiment of authentic caring, including his apprehension of Seguín students' cultural world and structural position, demonstrates the enormous benefits that accrue when schooling is transformed into education—or more appropriately, educación

Subtractive schooling conclusion

This chapter opened with a description of my chance encounter with Adriana, a disaffected, U.S.-born youth The varied experiences of the students I interviewed at Seguín also make clear that it is neither fair nor accurate to reduce the problem of poor achievement among U.S.-born youth to a lack of empeño Thus, in their peer group, human capital based on the level of schooling and cognitive skills attained in Mexico becomes social capital Finally, if achievement entails a social process whereby orientations toward school are nurtured in familiar contexts, and among those with similar dispositions, and if the curriculum to which youth are subjected is subtractive, then the weakened academic status of U.S.-born youth is best understood as a key consequence of schooling

THE EXPERIENCE OF SCHOOLING FOR MEXICAN IMMIGRANT YOUTH: Urban Youth from Monterrey

This friendship group, comprising five males and three females, met regularly in the center of the cafeteria during fall 1992 Embarrassed for not thinking of this on their own, they quickly reposition their food trays, with one boy saying "Desde luego in a low voice Joaquín says that he believes schooling in Mexico, especially beyond the primaria level, is better Allá en Mexico, es un privilegio poder asistir a la secundaria Cuahtemoc recalls that when he lived in Monterrey, he was enrolled in a colegio de bachilleres, a specialty secondary school with an advanced curriculum designed to prepare students for a university education Cuahtemoc explains that before moving to the United States two years ago, he was close to attaining a bachillerato diploma, which would have secured his entry into a prestigious institution of higher education in Mexico When Amalia asks Cuahtemoc how he felt about having to change his career plans, Cuahtemoc quips in response, "El que adelante no ve, atrás se queda Conveying a kernel of wisdom to the group, Beto remarks, "Tenemos que man¬ tener los pies sobre la tierra" meaning that they should all keep their feet on the ground and be realistic about the possibility that they might never return to Mexico She notes that Mexico has a yearly celebration, Día de la Profesora, that rivals Mother's Day in magnitude and importance As teachers of the fifth- and sixth-grade levels at a primaria in one of Monterrey's impoverished fringes, her parents, Amalia says, dedicated their lives to teaching the children of the poor and made great sacrifices for their students Acknowledging that her family's economic situation in Mexico was stressful, Amalia also points out that it never compared to "la miseria" that others cope with on a daily basis Her parents had taught at the same primaria for ten years, and they were well known In a demonstration of great respect and cariño, the community traditionally honored her parents with a grand feast, games, and generous gifts for the whole family Her mother cleans hotel rooms and her father works as a cook in a restaurant that caters to "bolíos" Contradicting her earlier statement, she concludes that despite her love of teaching, she probably would not become a teacher in the United States because students are too "chiflados" and do not appreciate their teachers Cuahtemoc adds that in the secundaria he attended, teachers were less focused on rules than they are in the United States Aquí, nos tienen sentados en las sillas, calladitos, todos humillados When their teacher found out they were all friends, he asked Mona jokingly just how "acercada she was to Cuahtemoc and Evi Que no podemos estudiar juntos? In another class project, one on science and ethics, his class visited several maquilas along the U.S.-Mexican border in order to study the effects of industrial waste in the Rio Grande Pero si aprendi¬ mos todos a leer Amalia, recalling the hardship that the teachers' strike caused her family, offers, "Sí, hay que estar agradecido This assessment of better schools prevails despite proverbial class sizes of thirty or more students in crowded primaria classrooms, as reported on December 17, 1995 by the Houston Chronicle in a special report on Mexican schools titled, "Twilight's Children One question is whether students generally experience more opportunities for individual expression in Mexican classrooms, and whether at the same primaria level, they acquire more academic skills and competence in comparison to their U.S.-born peers as Macías' classroom study in the state of Jalisco suggests Macías further posits that Mexico's challenging national curriculum at the primaria level helps students learn the curriculum because it provides for greater uniformity in the instructional process across the land Even at the secundaria level, strong interpersonal relations with teachers were frequently mentioned To Amalia's critique, I would only add that immigrants could equally benefit from a more profound understanding of Mexican American or Chicano ethnicity—especially their resistance not to education, but to schooling Hurtado and colleagues find that Chicanos have evolved through their historical experience of subordination a "political raza identity that combines the following seven identifiers: "pocho" "Indian," "brown," "Spanish speaker," "Chicano," "raza," and "mestizo As articulated by political leaders throughout the Chicano Movement, Chicanos have not only invested derogatory and stereotypic categories with value, turning them on their heads, they have also affirmed that which they have been denied—that is, their Mexicanidad Instead, they should be agradecidos or "grateful" for the opportunity to attend secondary schools in the United States This is certainly true in the friendship group I turn to next

Historical and Contemporary Latino Immigration

Throughout US history millions of people have come to the US from all around the world In the twentieth century, we have seen the source of immigration shift from Europe at the onset of the century to Latin America and Asia beginning in the mid-1960s and increasingly so toward the close of the century This chapter provides an overview of the historical and contemporary Latino immigration Furthermore, we review the historical and contemporary shifts in immigration to the US with particular emphasis on the expanding immigration from Latin America beginning in the 1960s and intensifying over subsequent decades Finally, we outline the major and most pressing issues related to Latino immigration in the US

U.S.-Born Underachievement

To date, anthropologist John Ogbu has provided the most robust explanation for the underachievement of U.S. minorities, including Mexican Americans Ogbu's cultural-ecological framework emphasizes the role of historical racism and institutional oppression in shaping ethnic minorities' opposition to the conventional routes to success available to the dominant group While some do refer to themselves as "Chicano" or "Chicana," more popular self-referents are "Mexican," "Mexicano" and "Mexican American What they reject is schooling—the content of their education and the way it is offered to them They view this group as "americanizados", while the more culturally assimilated youth shun their immigrant counterparts as "un-cool," subdued, and "embarrassing" for embodying characteristics they wish to disclaim For additional insight into the effects of schools' structured denial of Mexicanidad, I consulted the cultural assimilation literature in general, and the subtractive assimilation research in particular All three perspectives underpin my explanation of underachievement among Mexican American students

THE "UNCARING STUDENT" PROTOTYPE

U.S.-born, Seguín ninth-graders are especially preoccupied with looking and acting in ways that make them seem cool Also popular are pecheras with the top flap folded over the stomach, dickies, khaki pants, earrings, and, sometimes, tattoos on their hands and arms Although immigrant youth are typically appalled by the glaring indifference to schooling displayed by U.S.-born youth, whom the immigrant teens view as having become too americanizados, a small but noticeable segment within their ranks is seduced into this style of self-representation She tries to drill in her students' heads the idea that as immigrants they are uniquely positioned to succeed To varying degrees, the students advance a view that is in line with the meaning of education and conforms to the ideas of caring theorists like Gilligan and Noddings Her precarious life in the barrio, however, places her at great risk She explains that, far from trying to make a statement, she is doing her best to not stand out in her neighborhood In an ironic twist of fate, this group's whole-hearted embrace of American urban youth culture—their grandly successful "assimilation"—is what assures their teachers' propensity to negatively label them

"Machismo" and "Marianismo:" Key Concepts and Assumptions

Unfortunately, the language of "machismo" and "marianismo" has become synonymous with Latino men and women across the hemisphere Writing in the 1970's, anthropologist Nora Scott Kinzer located scientists' commitment to the interpretive power of machismo to researchers - most of whom were male, U.S.-based Latin Americanists - who continuously emphasized women's passivity, overlooking how men also exhibited this characteristic The application and endorsement of Marianismo can be traced back to early efforts to theorize what came to be known as "the cult of womanhood," a concept used in the U.S. and Great Britain to describe women's experiences More recently, a new generation of social scientists in both Latin America and the U.S. has helped "discard manly dichotomies" by producing a new body of work focusing on men, masculinities, and male identities Another theme found in this new body of work is the intersection of race and gender in studies of masculinity in Latin America In the U.S. Latina/o literature, researchers aware of the negative representations associated with machismo have "worked to correct the ethnocentric perspective of machismo" by providing an alternative view of machismo as a form of masculinity and gender ideology with positive dimensions In the end, the constructs of machismo and marianismo do not shed much light on the reality of men and women's lived experiences partly because asymmetrical gender relations are shaped by material and historical conditions In other words, gender inequality in the Latino community has been forged historically and has varied by race and social class, a topic that I attempt to address in the next section

From the Steamship Embarcados to the Transnational Guagua Aérea

Until the 1940s, the principal mode of transportation for Puerto Ricans to travel to the United States was the steamship A few were given familiar Puerto Rican names, including those of island towns: Borinquen, San Juan, Ponce, Coamo The steamship Marine Tiger was so identified with transporting Puerto Rican migrants during the early years that for a while Puerto Ricans were often called "Marine Tigers The Puerto Rican expression se embarcó was commonly used to refer to someone who had left the island for the United States As air travel became available in the 1940s and the jet engine was introduced in the early 1960s, the character of the migratory movements of workers from developing countries seeking employment in highly industrialized societies like the United States began to change One airline commercial luring Puerto Ricans to the city in the 1960s coined the slogan En el Jet 55, a Nueva York en un brinco for a low fare of $55 This uninterrupted ir y venir that stateside Puerto Ricans have with their homeland has introduced a new model of immigrant assimilation and relationship to Anglo-American society that differs from the traditional "melting pot" ideology Puerto Ricans often use the popular phrase brincando el charco to reflect the normality of a people constantly transcending their island's borders para buscárselas in numerous US cities and localities Similarly, some Puerto Ricans continue to return to the island after spending some portion of their lives in the United States, although, except during a few years in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the rate of reverse migration to the island has been much lower than that for emigration Prominent Puerto Rican author Luis Rafael Sánchez, who spent several years living between Puerto Rico and New York, invented the metaphor la guagua aérea to describe Puerto Rico as a nation "flotante entre dos puertos de contrabandear esperanzas Others have referred to Puerto Ricans as straddling two cultures and languages or as constantly on the move or caught up in a vaivén There is no disagreement that the commuting relationship between the island and the US metropolis constantly introduces changing realities and migration patterns; some are now quite evident, others are in flux, and some, as we will see in later chapters, cannot be predicted with any comfortable degree of certainty

Job Attainment

We begin our analysis with the first phase of labor market outcomes - simply whether people have a job Overall, as a whole, Latinos tend to have relatively high levels of employment with approximately 91 percent of males and 89 percent of females holding a job The gender disparity is particularly noticeable among Dominicans with native-born women having almost a 6 percentage point edge over native-born men in the rate of work We illustrate the difference between the two measures using data for males aged 25-54 given that generally females, especially foreign-born Latinas, still are a bit more likely to legitimately not be part of the labor force and some people may retire before reaching retirement age, as early as when they are in their mid-50s Overall, Latino and white men 25 to 54 years of age are quite similar, with the employment rate of all males being about 88 percent, which is as high as that of the employment rate of men in the labor force Black men, on the other hand, are substantially more likely to include discouraged workers as only 63 percent of all black men hold a job compared to 84 percent of men in the labor force The high level of job acquisition among Latino immigrants with limited educational levels suggests that the wages offered by employers and the wages tolerated by employees may be more in line among immigrants than among native-born workers as well as the importance of social networks in assisting immigrants gain employment

High School and College Graduation

We next examine variations across groups regarding high school and college completion On the other hand, native-born Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, groups that have been in the US the longest, lag behind other native-born Latino groups as well as foreign- born Cubans, Colombians, and Other South Americans on educational attainment

Economic Rewards

We now direct our attention to the third phase of labor market outcomes - economic rewards this part of the analysis is based on persons 25 to 64 years of age the greatest gender disparity across racial and ethnic groups occurs among whites, with the median job income of white women being about 68 percent as high as that of white men - compared to gender-disparity levels of 80 percent among Latinos and 88 percent among blacks Households headed by native-born Colombian men have the highest income levels with a median of $75,000 compared to the $71,000 median of white households Despite native-born Guatemalan men having relatively low levels on other dimensions related to job quality and median job earnings, their households tend to do fairly well with a median of $64,000 Moreover, as noted in chapter 2, the mode of incorporation that the various groups have experienced also affects the ease or difficulty that they face in integrating socioeconomically in the US We next seek to assess the level of wage and salary inequality after we take into account factors that are associated with earnings

Job Quality

We now turn to the second phase of labor market outcomes, namely the quality of the job that people hold Keep in mind that this part of the analysis involves only people 25 to 64 years of age who are employed and the characteristics of the particular job that they held at the time of the survey the Duncan Occupational Socioeconomic Index, commonly referred to as the SEI measure, was developed by O.D. Duncan using data from the 1950 census The SEI is a score ranging from 0 to 100 and is based on the educational attainment level and income level associated with each occupation, with occupations having low SEI scores representing low prestigious occupations and those with high SEI scores denoting more prestigious occupations Finally, we use two criteria to identify sex-specific Latino immigrant jobs: the ratio is 1.5 or higher and there are a minimum number of workers in a given occupation The procedure identifies 25 occupations on the basis of sex in which Latino immigrants are disproportionately concentrated Latino workers fare the worst in the acquisition of health insurance through their employment with only 43 percent of women and 41 percent of men enjoying this benefit Guatemalan immigrant men are the most disadvantaged in this regard with only 23 percent enjoying this job perk On the one hand, Cubans, Colombians, and Other South Americans have the better jobs, while Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Other Central Americans fare much worse, especially the foreign-born members of these groups

"NOT CARING" AS STUDENT RESISTANCE

What looks to teachers and administrators like opposition and lack of caring, feels to students like powerlessness and alienation That I myself failed to anticipate its potentially subtractive logic—at least according to one legitimate interpretation—caused me to reflect on the power of the dominant narrative of mobility in U.S.-society—an "out-of-the-barrio" motif, as it were The mainstream curriculum is thus demonstrably accessible through a route responsive to students' definition of caring, that is, caring as relation The next section explores some of the positive effects that emerge when teachers and teachers, as well as teachers and students truly connect with one another

English-Speaking Immigrants

When I saw this foursome in the cafeteria in January 1993, I felt drawn to them because I had exchanged words with the two female members of the group earlier that morning in the school library Ana Maria says that what she really liked about school in Mexico was that she got to read Don Quixote de la Mancha and other great literature A former social worker herself, the teacher imparted her experience helping indigents who came to el seguro social Linda chimes in, saying that she, too, got to read Don Quixote and that she had the privilege of reading it to her parents, who are poorly educated and do not read very well After asking me how to say "fuera de onda" in English, she describes her sixth-grade teacher as an "eccentric" individual himself By imparting his magical world of sci-fi drama, Linda's "fuera-de-onda" teacher helped forge in her an enduring love of learning I quiz Linda about her other teachers in Mexico She remembers one "bruja in the third grade; otherwise, she loved all the teachers in her school Fito notes that the "nalgadas settled him down by the time he enrolled in middle school I ask him if his mother approved of the "nalgadas While this fact helps explain their personal interest in him, Fito assures me that in the small pueblo in which he lived, the teachers would have done the same for any child Switching from English to Spanish, she notes, "De donde vengo yo, se les dicen a esas personas, 'mal-educados Linda switches into Spanish here in order to convey the cultural meaning of the term mal-educado, a variant of educación Compromising, Ana María reverts into Spanish, "Que esperamos? Somos Mexicanos Even in Mexico, if you have empeño, your teachers like you better I would love my students even if they didn't have empeño It would be my job to get them to have empeño It is highly unlikely that her cousins ever read Don Quixote or the novels of Isaac Asimov or Ray Bradbury during middle school, or even during high school In terms of classroom climate, a walk down Seguín's halls almost any time during the day would confirm the truth of Cuahte¬ moc's observation that students are characteristically "humillados" or subdued This group's account also enables further consideration of the question of empeño

The new economics of migration

While the new economics of migration, similarly, highlights economic factors, it is broader than the neoclassical economics perspective in a few respects As a strategy for protection against such distress, household members perform a diverse set of activities to minimize risks It is estimated that nearly $69.3 billion in remittances flowed to Latin America in 2011, with $22.7 billion directed to Mexico alone

Why study Culture?

Why do people cope with poverty the way they do? From family ties, seeking help from the state, relocating, crime Why do people differ in their ability to escape poverty? Variations behavior of those living identical structural conditions Policy elites design programs based on public discourse on poverty

Subtractive Schooling: U. S. - Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring

When teenagers lament that "Nobody cares," few adults listen But what if it were not hyperbole? What if each weekday, for eight hours a day, teenagers inhabited a world populated by adults who did not care—or at least did not care for them sufficiently? For the majority of Seguín High School's regular track, schooling is a subtractive process They oppose a schooling process that disrespects them; they oppose not education, but schooling Thus, what is commonly described as a problem of "generational decline in academic achievement" is much more accurately understood as a problem of subtractive schooling—a concept I introduced and developed elsewhere Taken together, these three bodies of literature—caring and education, subtractive assimilation, and social capital theory—enable the construction of a more nuanced explanation of achievement and underachievement among immigrant and U.S.-born youth than currently exists

Immigrant Females in Trouble

Whenever the subject of gender role differences between immigrant and U.S.-born females arose during the group interviews, immigrant females voiced their desire for the greater freedom and privileges that they perceive their Americanized female counterparts as enjoying Marcia insisted that they should wait for her brother since walking through the neighborhood so late at night could be dangerous Our parents are extremely strict, Consuelo lamented Jimmy turned out to be really nice, and he was with his girlfriend anyway, Rosario pointed out Despite her Spanish dominance and his ungrammatical Spanish, the two managed to have a nice conversation on their brisk walk to her home Flushing, she exclaimed, These Chicanas even have sex with their boyfriends How do you know? I asked Mocking her father, she lowered her voice, increased her tempo, and said, I'm not one of these modern parents Following Belia's cue, Rosario said that she can't stand it when her mother tells her that she's better than these indecent and vulgar Chicanas who hang out on the streets Rosario answered, They're right They're the ones who are in gangs Almost every night we hear the sound of guns Sometimes when we hear them real close, we have to lay down on the floor Seconding Rosario's claim, Consuelo chimed in, Our family, too Rosario nevertheless maintained that her parents exaggerate matters since the percentage of good Chícanos by far exceeds the percentage of bad Chícanos Sounding much like Mely, Noemí said, To be Mexican is not only to speak Spanish, it's wanting to speak Spanish, and many from here, they have no desire But for some, it's not that they do not want to but that they can't, I suggested Belia responded, They see them both as Americanized but they feel more threatened by the men Not all of them, but many They don't want them to pursue us Consuelo said that she thinks her parents feel more threatened by Chicanas: They don't want us to have Chicanas as friends because they're afraid that they'll put ideas in our head but they can't control us completely I have Chicana friends And how are their parents? I asked Not so strict, she responded Could it be possible that your parents are justifiably strict? I asked the group She then qualified this by noting, But one does have to protect oneself We can get AIDS I'm afraid of AIDS, she explained In her ethnographic study of identity in an integrated school setting, Olsen similarly observed a strong desire among immigrant females for greater latitude from parents in the areas of sexuality, dating, mate choice, and domestic responsibilities

Journalism Females

While I was interviewing this group, a 1.5 generation student named Leila stepped in to contribute to the conversation we were already having about the divisions that exist among youth at school as well as in the community Given their exposure to the kind of schooling experiences Leila describes in her account, it is understandable that many U.S.-born students either harbor uninformed opinions or maintain distance toward immigrants

The Militarization of the Border

While the US opened its borders to the movement of capital and products into and out of Mexico with the establishment of NAFTA, the US sealed its southern border with the creation of a series of programs designed to make it more difficult for immigrants to gain entry into the country at the most popular entry points In September 1993, about three months before President Clinton signed NAFTA into law, the US Immigration and Naturalization Service established Operation Blockade in El Paso, Texas Roughly a year later, in October 1994, INS launched Operation Gatekeeper in San Diego Operation Safeguard was also mounted in Nogales, Arizona, in October 1994 and then again in 1999 as the flow of undocumented immigrants made their way into Arizona once the southern California entry point had been blockaded Moreover, Operation Rio Grande was launched in August 1997 along the south Texas border These operations have militarized the border and have made it very difficult to gain entry into the US through traditional entry routes For example, the number of deaths associated with border crossing more than doubled between 1995 and 2006 in the Border Patrol's Tucson sector, which includes much of the Arizona desert The irony, of course, is that while the NAFTA accord opened borders to the exchange of capital and products between countries, labor was not allowed to freely move across borders

The Major Increase in Unemployment among Latino Teenagers

While the economic crisis has had a major impact on many Americans, especially Latinos, it has been particularly devastating to youngsters For example, the unemployment rate of Latino youth between the ages of 16 and 19 doubled from 16 percent in 1980 to 32 percent in 2010 However, youth who are in poverty have been particularly hurt by the economic crisis with their unemployment rate being approximately 44 percent in 2010 compared to a rate of 29 percent among their peers who are not poor Former San Antonio Mayor Julián Castro's Pre-K 4 SA Program is a $31 million program financed by 1/8 cent sales tax to provide full-day advanced education to more than 22,000 4-year-old children over a period of eight years Indeed, President Obama has used this program as a blueprint for the development of a federal universal pre-kindergarten program

habitus

a system of embodied dispositions, tendencies that organize the ways in which individuals perceive the social world around them and react to it

racial microaggressions

are those subtle acts of racism that people of color experience on a daily basis, such as being followed by security at a store, being stopped by police for matching the description of a criminal gang member or being ignored at school by counsellors because they are not expected to make it to college

how did the race of the boys impact the way that they were treated by others in the community? specifically in relation to criminalization were the experiences of the latino boys similar to or different form the experiences of AA boys?

black men got punished more than latino boys idea of colorism if mexican

what are some of the ways that men (in general) can prove manhood according to rios?why are some of the routes of manhood not easily available to the boys in the book?

class resources access to jobs and "working hard" toughness, dominance, and violence criminal activity use of weapons

hyper-criminalization

creates a condition in which young people actually seek more predictable albeit more restrictive forms of punishment boys talked about how they liked the structure of incarceration composed of exclusion, punishment, radicalization, gender violence, harassment, surveillance and detention by police, probation officers, teachers, community program workers, and even parents

what are rios central arguments?

criminalization was a central, pervasive, and ubiquitous phenomenon that impacted the everyday lives people studied in oakland the state didn't abandon the poor, but reorganized itself with a focus on punitive institutions emphasis on agency "criminalization became a vehicle by which developed political consciousness and resistant identities"

what were some of the common experiences of the non-delinquent boys according to rios

cultural straddlers fighting for freedom acting lawful peer relationship

why are minor citations central to criminalizing the boys?

forgot to pay, get watched, dont have rights ways to start potentially criminalizing a lot of people

why does rios choose oakland as a location for his study?

graduate school was there he grew up there

rios says that the boys often faced tensions between working for freedom and dignity- what does he mean by this?how were these tensions managed by the delinquent boys compared to the non delinquent boys

had to give up one or the other arrested got their dignity at the expense of their freedom ex. standing up to the cops you have dignity but lost freedom when arrested

how was the youth control complex evident in schools?

hyper misbehavior in class call P.O. or police

normal shaming

idea that you do something wrong, recognize its wrong, make amends, then you get reintegrated ex. time out simple

resistance identies

identities that are formed among people who have been oppressed, formed in response to this oppression tensions between dignity and freedom

how was the youth control complex evident in relation to community centers

lack of community programs under paid and overworked social worker

material criminalization

police harassment exclusion form places zero tolerance policies more of action and tangible

what are the characteristics of the code of the street?

protection from victimization building RESPECT police encourage the code

cultural straddlers

refers to more of the person that they are consistently having to navigate multiple cultures one foot in peers one foot in relation to authority and agency in social control

misrecongiation

refers to the boys making attempts to being legit and adhering mainstream values but they would be misinterpreted by adults as being more acts of deviancy ex. with black boy not shaking almost boss white woman hand

radicalized social control

reinvented themselves to meet the needs of the dominant social class according to the constraints of each area

stigma

reputation based on class, race, social position, mental illness and tattoos

why doesn't rios focus on social control agents

social control agents being police/school the voices of the kids are often overlooked

rehabilative social control

some examples with drug courts paying some sort of punishment for crime but reintegrating into the community ex. community service

code switching

the activity being to be engaged at different time stalking in class vs. talking with friends started initially in terms of racial codes

criminalization

the process by which styles and behaviors are rendered deviant and treated with shame, exclusion, punishment and incarceration

over policing under policing paradox

ultra involved in some ways but when they were victimized or when they need police support in private places, the police were not there

what are the features of riot's study (what methods does he use, who does he study, where?)

urban ethnography 3 years in oakland ca studied 40 black and latino boys in depth, 118 in total ages 14-17 working class, working poor, or in extreme poverty observed boys bc dif factors with girls, masculinity is a key concept assumed everyone was normal but in risky situation to avoid bravado found in other work

how are rios personal experiences and background related to the study?

used to be apart of a gang called OG

marx quote

we come into a world that preexists so there is structure right away we can make choices but even the choices that we make are only available from certain discourses

how do the police in school contribute to the criminalization of the boys?

would often have first interactions in school police would be there for a random reason police presence at school even though not directly tied to criminality issues of responsibilities

how do police encourage the code?

wouldn't go to police bc they wouldn't handle it so the police wouldn't come certain areas the public would get involved in where in public never went inside of the interior

patholoigcal shaming

you do something wrong, kick them out and never see them again THIS IS NOT ABOUT THE PERSON BUT THE PERSON RESPONDING ex. felons not voting

rios says that "criminalization is well disguised as a protective mechanism" what does that mean

zero-tolerance polciies at schools are declared to provide the students who want to learn protection from bullies and disruptions, increased punitive policiing is sold as protecting good citizens from violent gang members, longer incarceration sentences and adult sentencing appear to keep the bad guys from victimizing the other and send a clear message to potential criminals Unveil the reality of mass incarcerating: is is expensive, financially and socially, for all of society and it specifically denies many innocent marginalized young people their humanity