Ap gov unit 1
"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following sections of the United States Constitution most concerns Madison according to the passage?
Article I, Section 2—"The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature."
"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following statements best reflects James Madison's beliefs about political representation as expressed in the passage?
People are best represented by a few politicians chosen to voice their issues.
The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following principles of government is most related to the author's argument in the passage?
Separation of powers is necessary to our constitutional system to limit the power of the three branches and guarantee limited government.
While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following is a difference between the Articles of Confederation and the United States Constitution that is a response to a problem expressed in the passage?
The Articles of Confederation allowed for the federal government to request revenues from states but did not permit it to tax citizens directly, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government could tax citizens directly.
The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following political processes would best solve the problem regarding the system of checks and balances, as articulated by the author in the passage?
The Supreme Court rules on a suit brought by an interest group that legislation permitting the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval is unconstitutional.
The Gun-Free School Zones Act made it illegal for individuals knowingly to carry a gun in a school zone. The Supreme Court determined this act to be an unconstitutional stretch of the commerce clause in
United States v. Lopez (1995)
In The Federalist 10, James Madison argued that the new constitution would help control faction by doing which of the following?
By creating a large republic, the new constitution made it less likely that a faction could gain enough power to completely dominate.
Which of the following features of the United States Constitution would most concern the author of Brutus 1?
The supremacy clause, which gives the federal government supremacy over states
The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following describes a possible method that can check the power of the president who willingly violates the constitutional balance of power as described in the passage?
Congress can impeach and remove a president who is unable or unwilling to perform his or her official functions.
As a compromise, the framers agreed on a bicameral legislature, with the House of Representatives directly elected by popular vote within states and the Senate selected by state legislatures. The method chosen for electing members of the House of Representatives conforms most to which of the following democratic ideals?
Government should be based on the consent of the governed.
"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following statements would the author of the passage most likely agree with?
Nations with extended territory cannot fairly represent their citizens in a republican form of government.
While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following experiences most likely influenced the perspective conveyed in the passage?
Shay's Rebellion, which was an armed response to the inability of the national government to address unjust economic state policies.
While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following excerpts from Article I of the United States Constitution resolves a problem described by the author?
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;"
"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following best describes Madison's primary concern about representative government?
Those who seek to represent the people may be tempted to act in their own interests instead.
In 1974, the House of Representatives approved a resolution granting the Judiciary Committee authority to investigate impeachment of President Nixon for obstruction of justice, abuse of power, and contempt of Congress. Which constitutional ideal of democracy is demonstrated in this scenario?
limited government
Which of the following cases expanded the powers of Congress by defining the necessary and proper clause more broadly?
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)
"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following excerpts from the passage best describes the author's reason for opposing an expansion of the scope of the federal government?
"... [I]t is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government."
At the Constitutional Convention of 1787, delegates from larger states argued that each state's representation in the legislature should be proportional to its population. Smaller states argued that each state should have equal representation, regardless of population. The disagreement over representation threatened to derail the ratification of the United States Constitution. Which statement accurately describes the compromise that led to both sides reaching agreement?
A bicameral legislature with an upper house representing each state equally and a lower house with representation proportional to each state's population
Which of the following best characterizes the general argument made in Brutus 1?
A large republic is dangerous to personal liberty and undermines the states.
In The Federalist 10, which of the following did James Madison argue would best control the negative effects of factions?
A large federal republic
Which of the following is an accurate summary of James Madison's argument in The Federalist 10?
A large republic presents more opportunities for groups to participate, compete, and limit each other.
Which of the following statements accurately describes the majority opinion of the Supreme Court in United States v. Lopez (1995) ?
Congress may not use the commerce clause to make possession of a gun in a school zone a federal crime.
Article I, Section 9 of the United States Constitution lists several powers that are denied to the federal government, such as granting titles of nobility and passing ex post facto laws. This best demonstrates which of the following ideals of democracy?
Limited government
In 2015, the United States Supreme Court decided the case Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), which ruled that states must recognize same sex couples' right to marry. Which of the following ideals of democracy would the attorneys for the same sex couple most likely put forth as their argument?
Natural rights of life and liberty include the right to marry whom you choose.
The Declaration of Independence cites specific reasons for separating from British rule, including the British imposing taxes and maintaining a standing army without consent. Which of the following principles or ideas would these grievances be most related to?
Natural rights such as life and liberty
"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 In the passage, Brutus is most concerned with the conflict between which of the following political ideas?
Participatory democracy and elite democracy
The Declaration of Independence states "Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." This was a revolutionary change from the system of British monarchy, which was based on the divine right of kings. For which of the ideals of democracy does this quote provide a foundation?
Popular sovereignty
In the 1950s Southern states attempted to prevent integration of their public schools. In return, the National Guard was sent to force states to implement federal regulations. This scenario illustrates which of the following about the relationship between the state and national governments?
The debate over the role of the central government and state powers is ongoing.
In order to appease both Federalists and Anti-Federalists, it was agreed at the Constitutional Convention that a group of delegates would be charged with selecting the president. This would ensure that
a qualified person representative of the people would become president
Brutus was an example of an Anti-Federalist because he
believed a centralized government posed a major threat to individual rights
