APUSH unit 3 AP classroom questions
SOUTHERN STATE POPULATIONS, 1790 AND 1800 (POPULATION IS GOING UP RAPIDLY IN TENNESSEE 194% AND KENTUCKY 199%) The trend in the population percent increase from 1790 to 1800 most likely indicates which of the following?
The rapid movement of migrants to newly settled states such as Kentucky and Tennessee The significant percent population increase in the southern interior from 1790 to 1800—199 percent in Kentucky, 194 percent in Tennessee—can best be explained by the movement of settlers into areas with limited prior White settlement.
SOUTHERN STATE POPULATIONS, 1790 AND 1800 (SOUTH CAROLINA HAD A LOW WHITE POPULATION AND A HIGH AFRICAN AMERICAN POPULATION COMPARED TO OTHER SOUTHERN STATES) The percentages of White and African American populations in South Carolina shown in the table most directly suggest the
expansion of slavery in the Deep South The fact that in 1800 South Carolina had in its population the largest percentage of African Americans among southern states suggests the expansion of slavery in the Deep South to support plantation economies at this time.
"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Which of the following best explains why Washington warned against foreign alliances?
Britain and France were at war with each other, and both threatened United States interests. Several nations had already established commercial agreements with the United States, including the Jay Treaty (1794) with Britain.
The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following was a piece of evidence Hamilton used to support his argument in the excerpt?
Earlier attempts to form associations of states in Europe had failed. In the second paragraph of the excerpt, Hamilton discussed earlier European experience with confederations of sovereign states as evidence that a stronger governing authority was necessary to prevent the political dissolution of the United States.
The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Which of the following does the author use to support his argument about the power of the states under the Confederation?
Foundational political documents written during the American Revolution The author cites language from the Declaration of Independence as evidence of the states being established as independent sovereign governments, a situation that was unaltered by the Articles of Confederation.
"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Which of the following best explains a result of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) ?
Great Britain gained a claim to land extending to the Mississippi River. In the treaty that ended the Seven Years' War, France transferred its North American territorial claims east of the Mississippi River to Great Britain.
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." By the 1770s, to which of the following groups would Otis' argument that the colonies "must obey" Parliament most appeal?
Loyalists in New York By the 1770s, Loyalists, many of whom were concentrated in New York, most supported the argument that the British North American colonies were bound to obey Parliament
"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Supporters of Washington's comments would most likely have agreed with which of the following foreign policies?
Maintaining economic relationships Washington argues that maintaining good economic relationships is the best foreign policy for the United States.
SOUTHERN STATE POPULATIONS, 1790 AND 1800 (PERCENTAGE OF AFRICAN AMERICAN POPULATIONS ARE LOW AND PERCENTAGE OF WHITE POPULATION IS HIGH IN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE) The share of White and African American populations in the various states shown in the table most strongly suggests which of the following?
Newly settled states such as Kentucky and Tennessee relied less on slave labor than did regions elsewhere in the South. Fewer African Americans lived in newly established states such as Kentucky and Tennessee in part because White settlers in those states tended to have limited means and did not hold as many slaves as did farmers elsewhere. In addition, the climate and geography of Kentucky and Tennessee were less conducive to large plantations with large numbers of enslaved African Americans than were the climate and geography elsewhere.
The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." Which of the following describes an overall argument of the excerpt?
Slavery is contrary to the ideals of the American Revolution. In the excerpt, the African American petitioners claim in the first paragraph that the ideals of the American Revolution apply to them as well as to White men, and in the second paragraph, they claim that their desire for freedom is similar to that of the American revolutionaries fighting Great Britain.
Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world The conclusion of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following effects on Native American societies?
The British government attempted to restrict western settlement to reduce tensions between colonists and Native Americans. In order to reduce conflicts between Native Americans and colonists, the British government passed but failed to enforce the Proclamation of 1763, prohibiting further westward settlement in the colonies
"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Britain's victory in the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following economic consequences for its American colonies?
The British government increased taxation of colonial goods to help pay off the debt created by the war. Following the conclusion of the war, Great Britain increased its control and taxation of its colonies to help pay for the debt caused by the conflict.
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." In the excerpt, Otis was responding to which of the following developments?
The British government's attempts to pay for the costs of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) After the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, Great Britain began to pursue new policies to raise revenue in its North American colonies, including the stricter enforcement of the Navigation Acts and the passage of new taxes for the colonies. Colonists such as Otis opposed these measures, claiming they violated the rights of colonists as British subjects.
The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following overall arguments did Hamilton make about the Articles of Confederation?
The United States should abandon the Articles to form a stronger central government. Hamilton's overall argument in Federalist 15 is that since the national government could not compel state support, the United States should replace the Articles of Confederation with a constitution that provided a stronger central government.
The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following claims did Hamilton make in the excerpt about the powers of the United States under the Articles of Confederation?
The United States was not empowered to raise sufficient money for the government. In the first paragraph of the excerpt, Hamilton claimed that while the United States under the Articles of Confederation could request money from the states, the states were not obliged to fulfill such requests to fund the national government.
"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." The ideas in the excerpt were most likely interpreted by American colonists in the 1770s as a call to reject which of the following?
The acceptance of the divine right of kings Locke's ideas in the excerpt that men are in a "state of freedom" and not dependent upon the will of others correspond to the rejection of the concept of the divine right of kings, the belief that rulers had a god-given authority to rule.
The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 The principle of federalism embodied in the United States Constitution had most in common with which of the following earlier aspects of British colonial government?
The autonomy of colonial legislatures from Great Britain During the period of British salutary neglect of its North American colonies before 1763, colonial legislatures enjoyed relative autonomy from direct control by central authorities in London. This was similar to the relationship the framers of the Constitution hoped to establish between the state governments and the federal government under the Constitution.
"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 George Washington's suggestions about United States foreign relations reflect which of the following situations?
The continued European colonial presence along United States borders The excerpt reflects the continued presence of the British empire to the west and north of the current United States borders and of the Spanish empire to the south and southwest, as well as Washington's efforts to avoid conflicts with them.
Charles Willson Peale, George Washington at the Battle of Princeton The figure presents an oil painting titled George Washington at the Battle of Princeton. At the center of the painting, George Washington, in the uniform of a General, is standing on the battlefield with his legs crossed, gently leaning on the barrel of a cannon. Above him there is a soaring flag with a circle of thirteen stars on it, and there are some banners clustered around his feet. Behind him stands a soldier, holding a horse. Courtesy of the Yale University Art Gallery Which of the following best explains the spread of images of George Washington in the United States after the American Revolution?
The desire of Americans to develop a new national culture Following the American Revolution, many Americans desired to find ways to break away from dependence on British culture and to develop a new American national culture. The image and example of George Washington were used in such projects to define a new American nationalism.
Charles Willson Peale, George Washington at the Battle of Princeton The figure presents an oil painting titled George Washington at the Battle of Princeton. At the center of the painting, George Washington, in the uniform of a General, is standing on the battlefield with his legs crossed, gently leaning on the barrel of a cannon. Above him there is a soaring flag with a circle of thirteen stars on it, and there are some banners clustered around his feet. Behind him stands a soldier, holding a horse. Courtesy of the Yale University Art Gallery Which of the following best explains the depiction of George Washington in the painting?
The development of a sense of American identity among Patriots As a hero celebrated for his leadership of the Continental Army, George Washington came to represent patriotism and American republican values for many Americans during the Revolutionary War and in the early United States. Images of Washington were reproduced throughout the country beginning in the later 1770s.
"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." The excerpt from Locke's Two Treatises of Government could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following topics?
The impact of the Enlightenment on Revolutionary political thought Many historians have cited the transmission of Enlightenment thinkers such as Locke as inspiring revolutionary thought in Britain's North American colonies.
The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Which of the following evidence is used by the author to support his argument about state independence?
The inability of the central government to carry out many laws The author cites the inability of the central government to enforce many laws as an example of the continued independence of the states.
"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." Interpretations of Locke's assertions regarding a "state of freedom" and a "state also of equality" most directly influenced which of the following?
The political rhetoric of Patriots during the American Revolution The political rhetoric of Patriots during the American Revolution was strongly influenced by the concept of natural rights and freedom from tyranny.
"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." The failure of the Articles of Confederation resulted in which of the following changes in the government of the United States?
The ratification of a constitution that established a stronger central government The ratification of the United States Constitution in 1787 led to the replacement of the Articles of Confederation and established a stronger central government that limited the sovereignty of the individual states.
The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 Dickinson's desire to preserve "a certain degree of agency" for states is best explained by which of the following developments in the early United States?
The retention of regional cultural identity in conjunction with national unity Dickinson's concern for the continued existence of the states after the Constitutional Convention was most reflective of the continuation of local American cultures after the American Revolution. Americans such as Dickinson wanted to preserve the particularity of the states at the same time that the states would become united to protect the gains of the American Revolution.
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 Dickinson's concern for the "mischiefs" in the states is best understood in the context of which of the following?
The threat to state governments from popular uprisings At the time of the Constitutional Convention, delegates such as Dickinson worried that popular revolts in some states, such as Shays' Rebellion in Massachusetts, stemmed from the policies of state legislatures and the powerlessness of the central government.
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787 The framers of the United States Constitution initially responded to abuses of executive authority by the British monarch in which of the following ways?
They established the separation of powers between the president and Congress. Based on their experience of being unable to check the executive authority of the British monarch during the American Revolution, the framers of the Constitution established the separation of powers between the legislative and the executive branch, which enabled Congress to check the authority of the president.
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." Which of the following was a major purpose of Otis' pamphlet?
To encourage opposition to Parliament's regulation of colonial commerce As Otis described in the excerpt, he believed parliamentary taxation of colonial trade to violate the principles of the British constitution. When Otis wrote the pamphlet in 1764, Great Britain was attempting to more strictly enforce the Navigation Acts in North America by halting smuggling, collecting customs duties, and passing new laws such as the Sugar Act.
I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Washington most likely wrote about political parties for which of the following purposes?
To warn the public that political parties result in national divisions Correct. In the excerpt, Washington warned that the continual "domination of one faction over another" would eventually result in strong political divisions among Americans.
"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." The second paragraph of the excerpt proposes that the Massachusetts legislature should
abolish slavery and release enslaved African Americans upon adulthood The request in the excerpt that "an act of legislature be passed whereby [the petitioners] may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men" means that the African American petitioners are asking for their freedom. The following line calls for children born in the United States to be released from slavery at age 21.
"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." The first paragraph of the excerpt makes the claim that
all people should have the same inherent liberties The petitioners state in the excerpt that they "have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind." This suggests that Black and White people share the same natural rights.
The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Hamilton claimed in the excerpt that state sovereignty
allowed states to ignore the requests of the central government In the first and third paragraphs of the excerpt, Hamilton claimed that the sovereignty retained by states under the Articles of Confederation allowed them to disregard laws passed by Congress as voluntary requests.
"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." During the period of the American Revolution, Locke's point of view in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting a form of government based on
natural rights Locke's statement in the excerpt that "we must consider what state all men are naturally in" and that men are bound by the laws of nature promoted the concept of a government based on natural rights.
