History of Modern Africa Final

This was a man of energy and foresight who sought to excel in the gold rush occurring in Kimberly beginning in 1867. Rhodes had a goal of unification, "buying up digger rights and eventually forming one of four major concerns that came to control the Kimberly diamond production" (July 350). He overcame his rivals, and in 1890 controlled all of South Africa's diamond mining. With his goal of unification lied the goal of a monopoly for efficiency and profit, with dreams of extending past Kimberly where he believed was even greater profits, ultimately desiring imperial rule through a British empire in Africa

Cecil Rhodes

What was the effect of the Union of South Africa on nonwhites? In your answer, discuss the role of Cecil Rhodes; the Ndebele nation; the creation of reserves; and competition between missionaries, the Portuguese, the Germans, and King Leopold.

Cecil Rhodes was a man of energy and foresight who sought to excel in the gold rush occurring in Kimberly beginning in 1867. Rhodes had a goal of unification, "buying up digger rights and eventually forming one of four major concerns that came to control the Kimberly diamond production" (July 350). He overcame his rivals, and in 1890 controlled all of South Africa's diamond mining. With his goal of unification lied the goal of a monopoly for efficiency and profit, with dreams of extending past Kimberly where he believed was even greater profits, ultimately desiring imperial rule through a British empire in Africa. This led him to the Transvaal, which brought a large amount of uitlanders to the area, a term used to describe foreigners in pejorative terms by Africans. These people built up a dirty, noisy, busy city in the area of the Boers, creating mixed feelings, as the Boers desired the foreigner's wealth that they were bringing in but not desiring political interference. After finally throwing off reigns by the British, this sudden surge of wealth gave the Boers the perfect opportunity to escape from the British to the south, but also increased the danger of imperial British interference, causing unsettlement and an eager desire to capitalize on the wealth they were achieving because of the uitlanders, form treaties with people such as the Ndebele, and ward off the British. Rhodes reappeared on the scene later as he became Cape's colony prime minister in 1990, tightening control of British-controlled territories of the Transvaal, in which the Africans attempted to be freed from. This attempt of freedom only resulted in deeper entanglement, however, and "in effect was reduced to the position of a suzerain state, ringed on all sides by foreign territory and dominated by Britain" (July 354). The Transvaal faced further turmoil due to Rhodes persistence for unification when he attempted to create a conspiracy to overthrow the Transvaal government - an idea that backfired and led to the South African Boer War in 1899, leading to great loss for the Transvaal and Orange Free State due to bitter conflict. Another effect of the Union of South Africa on nonwhites was the creation of reserves, "where Africans dwelt under traditional law administered by their own chiefs, but under the surveillance of European magistrates" (July 359). A policy of indirect rule, this created a number of troublesome regulations and levies "which were poorly administered and inadequately financed" (July 360). The effect of reserves on Africans was poor terrain and land that was constantly being taken away to create white farms. Africans were not content with these setups, and "were in fact moving away from the reserves due to crowding, poor soil, and odious regulations", with "more than half the Africans were squatters on private or crown lands" (July 360). Cecil Rhodes also developed Cape reserves which were equal to the Natal ones just described, "[insuring] a surplus landless population that could be attracted to white farms [for labor] or to the industrial centers" (July 360), leaving Africans with inadequate, unjust amounts and quality of land to "live" on. Another effect of the Union of South Africa on nonwhites is seen in the Ndebele nation, a nation that had abandoned troubled land in the Transvaal in a final successful flight to security beyond the Limpopo, where Rhodes imparted through the Moffat and Rudd agreements increased opposed British rule. With conflict tense between the British and Lobengula, the Ndebele king, "In 1893 Jameson used a border incident to make war on the Ndebele, the results of which was Lobengula's defeat and subsequent death...Ndebele cattle confiscated, mining and land companies established and African labor recruited by company police action and through taxation" (July 366), essentially, imposed foreign rule leading to the destruction of the region and complete loss of African control to Europeans. Meanwhile, competition between missionaries, the Portuguese, the Germans, and King Leopold beginning in the 1870s produced conflict over land as people looked to extend their influence over Nsayaland in Lake Malawi. Rhodes had a part in these developments, with Harry Johnston securing a number of protection treaties assuring British supremacy, depleting all attempts of conquest by other Europeans and acquiescing Portugal in the face of a British ultimatum in 1890. Even with other European competition, British remained the dominant force in the union of Africa. Establishing rule over Nsayaland, conflicting claims of colonial powers from inside the British caused unrest within Nsayaland and North-Eastern Rhodesia, resulting in a small army of Sikh soldiers developed to counteract European opposition, once again leaving Africans with no power over their own land.

This phrase was dubbed onto African rulers who sought the path of alliance to incoming European colonialism. Often lauded to the skies as being long-sighted and progressive, this term is inaccurate, Eurocentric, as well as derogatory. Ever since World War II, this term has had very pejorative connotations, and should be avoided when possible. It is seen as someone who sacrifices the interests of his nation for his own selfish ends. However, it is really someone who sought to achieve the very sovereignty of their state, allying rather than collaborating with the incoming invaders to achieve this national end (Boahen 41).

"Collaborator

Also known as parallel development, this was the status of elevated discrimination practiced in Central Africa. This doctrine enunciated "the racial integrity of the Africans and the validity of their traditional institutions, and thereby [provided] a local argument both for the policy of indirect rule introduced by Sir Frederick Lugard elsewhere in Africa and the concept of trusteeship developed in the British Colonial office" (July 461). In another respect, it "stressed the antagonistic nature of the white and black races, confident in the superiority that the Europeans felt regarding their civilization and the need they saw for paternalistic rule to bring the Africans from the abyss of what was perceived as ignorance and barbarism" (July 461). It became a system of racial segregation imposed by the dominant European group.

"Two pyramids"

Known as Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome, this plague hard-pressed African nations struggling to gain some measure of the prosperity, health, and happiness that was the promise of independence. People moving in large numbers from village to town during the time of independence cast off many traditional restraints, drawing them into sexual promiscuity among other things, the primary way AIDS is transmitted from person to person. This was a disease without cure and a political burden that easily overwhelmed. Unchecked, it would kill millions (July 605).

AIDS

In all of eastern, central, and southern Africa, this was the only political party operating during the period of 1919-1935. Though founded in 1912, it became mature and gained continental perspective in 1925, adopting a new name (the name stated here) and a now famous ahnthe, "Nkosi Sikelel' I Afrika" (Lord, Bless Africa). They also developed a tricolor flag - black, green, and gold, representing the black people, the green fields and veld, and the country's main mineral resource. The Congress began to actively spearhead the anticolonial movement not only in South Africa but also in central and eastern Africa. The ANC became rather inactive in the 1920s and 1930s, but it bounced back in the late thirties was at the forefront of the fight against racial discrimination and for the rights in southern Africa ever since.

African National Congress in South Africa

Created by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, this was created in 1971 to oppose the settlement that would have ended UDI and brought the eventual achievement of African majority rule. The plan called for the end of sanctions and the introduction of constitutional changes charting a slow advance toward political power for Africans. It required approval by Rhodesian people by a whole, which did not occur.

African National Council

The mutual objectives of the this chief and the British administrator were embodied in this agreement, where the city undertook to collect and pay taxes to the colonial administration, therefore recognizing the sovereignty of the British crown. Due to this loyalty, the traditional ruling hierarchy was retained complete with kabaka, lukiko, or legislature, katikiro, and other chiefly offices, all with full government functions but always subject to the ultimate authority of Britain. In this agreement a revolutionary system of land tenure also began whereby all land was divided, half for the crown and half for some four thousand chiefs. While colonial administration still determined general policy, details of government were left to be determined by chiefs, making this Agreement viewed as something like a treaty between sovereign states and managed over the years to maintain a show of autonomy although conceding ultimate authority to their British protectors (July 377-78).

Buganda Agreement of 1900

Compare and contrast British, French, and German colonial administration. What effect did the First World War have on colonial administrations and on the African population?

The effect of the First World War had extensive and profound effects on colonial administration and the African population. It led colonial powers greatly to intensify their demands for labor and supplies, "often threatening or upsetting delicate ecological balances and economic systems" (July 399). Although there is not as much content on German colonial administration, its colonies were parceled out among the victors after the First World War. What has been learned in this lesson was a distinct difference between France and Britain - Germany intended its colonies to pay for themselves. Their system or rule, however, was similar to France's with assimilation: German language, songs, poetry, etc., were taught in order to enable children to "think like Germans". The administrative system was based primarily on grouping people of the same ethnic groups, and already existent chiefs were confirmed as agents of German administration (notes). Where chiefs did not exist, Germans created chiefs to govern areas comparable to those rule by traditional chiefs, recruited from among village heads or loyal employees of the administration. After Germany's colonies were parceled out, plans were then made for the recouping of Europe's material and personnel losses at Africa's expense, tightening colonial administration into much greater efficiency. This tightening "cast a deep shadow across African hopes for a liberalization of colonial controls let alone for an ultimate independence" (July 399). The most devastating effect on the African population came in the form of troop requisitions. Because France and Britain were determined to carry the war to Germany on African ground, African soldiers became the ideal instrument to do so. This led to mistreatment of Africans, "Recruitment methods were harsh and arbitrary, little more than forced labor levees bordering on slave raids that left villages bereft of their young men" (July 399). This led to rebellions of the Africans against the colonial administration, with demands for extension of political rights and improvement in facilities and technology, only to be met by more restrictive and suppressive colonial administration. Colonial administration was not the same by every country. In definition, Britain and France differed, but in practice, they remained very similar. In French colonial administration, they relied on assimilation, "the view that French civilization should be shared by all people living under French rule, that those who dwelt in territories overseas were just as entitled to the exercise of full political and civil rights as were citizens of France itself" (July 401). However, after becoming dissatisfied with this, they switched their doctrine to one of association, "which encouraged colonial people to retain their traditional culture but which placed them in a clearly subservient position to their European masters" (July 401). They relied more on efficiency, not legitimacy, and it tended not only to be "autocratic but erosive of native custom as well" (July 401). The British colonial administration had a characteristic pragmatism, with "colonial possessions ruled arbitrarily by appointed governors assisted by their administrative staffs, and in the process no consistent or systematic attention were paid to the preservation or utilization of traditional customs and institutions" (July 401). The British altered their practice as well, instead changing to a form of indirect rule, the antithesis of French administration. Indirect rule, "emphasized the maximum use of traditional law and governmental machinery, encouraging the people to continue in their indigenous patterns of government, substituting only the ultimate appeal to the British crown for whatever had been the sovereign authority in the land" (July 402). Despite the fact that this form of rule sounds more optimal for the African people than the French, it was actually very similar to rule of the French, putting the grip of power beyond Africans, forcing labor to repair the infrastructure, and repressing educated Africans to effectively translate colonial rule to their people. Although the French and the British both attempted to abolish the slave trade, in doing so they essentially created forced labor in their beliefs that it would stimulate the economy. All together, both the French and British colonial administration, though in theory separate, equally had a depressing effect on local West Africans.

Discuss the three stages of the Partition of Africa, and the African response to each stage.

The first stage of the three stages of the Partition of Africa "was the conclusion of a treaty between an African ruler and a European imperial power under which the former was usually accorded protection and undertook not to enter into any treaty relation with another European power, while the latter was granted certain exclusive trading and other rights" (Boahen 33). Two separate people saw the African response to this stage in similar ways. The first group of people that will be discussed is the educated, religious elite of the Africans. The Christianized, educated Africans were made to believe by missionaries that "Africa could be civilized only through 'introducing Christianity, education, capitalism, industrialization and the Protestant work ethic'" (Boahen 36). With this belief engrained deeply in their minds, the Christianized Africans enthusiastically welcomed and in certain examples even requested that the Europeans come to inhabit their lands. However, a small percentage of educated Muslims opposed colonial occupation because to submit to a European power would be to submit to an infidel, an act any good Muslim would never commit. The general population of the traditional, illiterate group of Africans, however, is also observed "on the whole very friendly and accommodating (Boahen 37). Questioned by educated people today, this reaction was due to the fact that initially, African rulers were seen as equals of their European counterparts and were treated respectfully. Another reason was many African rulers desperately needed protection and assistance from the Europeans in order to counteract more powerful African rivals, their own subjects, and other unwelcome European powers. Therefore, in some cases as the Christianized, educated Africans, African kings invited the Europeans in. The second stage of the Partition of Africa was "the signing of bilateral treaties between the imperial powers usually based on the earlier treaties of protection which defined their spheres of interest and delimited their boundaries" (Boahen 34). Since this stage of the Partition took place in Europe during the Berlin Conference, where no African representative was present, it is not possible for African reactions to have occurred. The third stage of the Partition of Africa was the European conquest and occupation of their spheres. This is the stage when African rulers began to realize the implications of the treaties they had previously enthusiastically signed in the first stage, and resorted to one or a combination of three different tactics: submission, alliance, or resistance. Rulers would readily submit to European powers "either because they became aware of the futility and cost of confronting the imperialists or, more commonly still, because they themselves urgently needed European protection" (Boahen 29). Similarly, other African rulers chose the tactic of alliance in order to gain power against other invading rulers. Although rulers who sought this route were often viewed as long-sighted and progressive, not realizing the extent of the journey it would take to reach the goal they had in mind, but often-African rulers sought this sought to keep the sovereignty of their state and nationalism. The third tactic, confrontation, was seen in two separate ways: through diplomacy or through militant based practices. A few rulers resorted to peaceful means of diplomacy, such as Pempeh, but the majority resorted to the military option, "either in isolation or in combination with diplomacy...partly because those areas were predominantly Muslim and partly because those areas fell mainly to the French, who used more militant than peaceful, diplomatic methods in their occupation of these areas" (Boahen 46). This concludes each of the three stages and the African response to each

Signed in 1887 by the French and Ahmadu, under this treaty Ahmadu now changed his strategy of alliance to one of submission by agreeing to place his empire under the nominal protection of the French, while the French on their part pledged not to invade Ahmadu's territories and to life the ban that they had placed on the purchase of arms by Ahamadu. Although this was humiliating on Ahmadu's part, he agreed to it due to his urgent need of support as his brothers attempted to overpower him. The French did not stay true to the treaty for more than a year.

Treaty of Gori

This was the idea that a thoroughgoing paternalism toward the Congo people would eventually bring civilization where darkness reigned.

White man's burden

As guerrillas based in Zambia and the FRELIMO-controlled areas of Mozambique instituted occasional forays along the northern and eastern Rhodesian borders, these forces were recruited from membership by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole was ZANU's leader, still in detention to Rhodesia, providing a joint guerrilla effort in 1971 to end Ian Smith's UDI (July 568).

ZANU

Compare Africans' experiences in the First World War to their experiences in the Second World War. What impact did the Second World War have on independence movements?

Africans' experience in the First World War involved greater dissatisfaction than in the Second World War. Educated Africans were the primary group of dissatisfied people by the end of the First World War, "not only because they were forced to play what they considered to be an inadequate political role but also because they chafed as well under a discrimination that checked their professional and economic ambitions and rubbed raw their social sensibilities" (July 477). In the Second World War, this dissatisfaction continued, but African cultural identity found expression in literary and artistic output as well as political expression through voluntary associations that led to independence movements. Some of the effects of the Second World War with independence movements include the dawning recognition of the white man's fallibility. As black troopers fought shoulder to shoulder with their white counterparts, they witnessed the equality in matters of courage and skill, simultaneously observing humiliating defeats of European armies in the Pacific by members of a supposedly inferior race. Furthermore, the black troops realized the crucial contribution of their soldiery and material toward the Allied victory, realizing that colonialism was not "an inevitable condition made in heaven" (July 480). Secondly, there was the ambivalence of post-war colonialism that led to independence movements after the Second World War. European powers moved to reassert colonial controls and step up the production that had so greatly assisted the war effort, defending these actions with statements such as it rehabilitated war-torn economies and maintained national prestige, however, Africans demanded more radical reform than the Europeans were supplying, increasing African agitation and leading toward independence movements. Thirdly, the Second World War profoundly changed the international power balance, with the United States and the Soviet Union now taking the stage as undisputed world leaders. What is significant about this power play is that both of these countries disliked colonialism, "and their influence was an important factor effecting change in imperial attitudes" (July 480). Proclamations such as the right of self-determination for all peoples made by Roosevelt and Churchill stimulated further the rising aspirations to freedom in Africa, and there was an awakening, a new awareness of the possibilities due to the political action that happened after the Second World War.

An Antilles poet, this man created a concept that emerged on the eve of the Second World War known as negritude, a term that in time came for many to embody the essence of pan-Negro cultural affirmation. Cesaire shared at the First International Congress of Black Writers and Artists that colonialism had sought to deprive blacks of their humanity and crush their common culture. Death of indigenous culture would occur, brought by political domination, for culture could not survive without the support of a concurrent political expression. Through its machinery of subjugations, colonialism had created a cultural anarchy that could only lead to barbarism.

Aime Cesaire

Athe time of independence of Zambia the nation experienced a stubborn defiance of government authority arising from a dispute with the Lumpa church of Alice Lenshina Mulenga. Concentrated in the Bemba country to the northeast, the fifty thousand Lumpas reacted violently during 1964 against pressures to bring them into the reigning UNIP organization, fighting neighboring peoples incited to attack them, resisting government troops with heavy loss of life, a large contingent finally retreating into the nearby Congo (Zaire) (July 547).

Alice Lenshina Mulenga-

What factors contributed to the decline of multiple parties in Africa? Which countries rejected multiple parties early, and why? What role, if any, did ethnicity, gender, and religion have in the trend toward single parties?

Although European colonials strongly suggested that Africa should have multiparty democracies, the inclination toward single party rule became more prevalent as more independence was granted. After independence was achieved, a sense of unity and mission was significant amongst the people of Africa. Leaders argued that this unity was necessary for the continent to thrive. They believed there could be no compromise with regional, ethnic, or religious divisiveness disguised as loyal opposition. Rather than have competitiveness within their own people, nationalist leaders believed, "Better no parties at all, as all united in a common cause, but if a nation free of parties was utopian, then at least one unifying grouping was a reasonable alternative" (July 541). This led to the Marxist-Leninist perspective of history, installing an image of the state and its welfare prospering through the doctrines and activities of a single-party structure. One of the final factors contributing to the decline of multiple parties in Africa was "economic health could not await the bickering of faction. Only strong leadership, unhindered by political friction, would guide a new nation to a new national prosperity" (July 542). Contrary to the colonials hopes for multiple parties, their centralized authoritarian control was also instilled upon the people, and thus habits had formed that led more readily to the perpetuation of bureaucratic government, with popular thought of the ruling party as a true vehicle of the African revolution. Political leaders played a substantial role in moving the people to single-party rule. It was common for "opposition forces [to be] harassed or absorbed; trade unions, youth groups, and other extrapolitical organizations were attached variously to the ruling national party; and a judicious use of patronage was employed to build up a broader following" (July 542). Once the dominant group came into more power, they often would outlaw the opposition, giving their single party with the ultimate legitimacy of constitutional sanction. One of the first countries to reject multiple parties was Ghana. After Nkrumah, Ghana's leader, managed to head off federalism and obtain his country's freedom in March 1957 under a unitary form of government, he believed independence "demanded a total national mobilization for development, a socialist economic system to bypass the complexities of capitalism, and, when necessary, 'emergency measures of a totalitarian kind' to ensure the survival of social justice and a democratic constitution" (July 542). In other words, Nkrumah observed how a unitary government led Ghana to success in the past, and believed it was the only way to success for the future. Along the way, a single party rule also became a play for his own power, eventually naming himself Osagfyo, the War Victor, or Redeemer, in an attempt to steadily widen his party control. Guinea was also another country moving to a single party rule early, "[describing] colionalism as a continuing threat, vulnerable only to the forces of national and international cohesion. Here, the party would play a vital role...Ethnic and religious loyalties rarely conformed to national boundaries, and nationalism itself was still too vague a concept for a people newly independent. It fell, therefore, to the party to provide the idea of community" (July 545). Mali, Senegal, and the Ivory Coast followed suit. Ultimately, the argument for single party rule was that "the centrifugal pull of regional, religious, or ethnic loyalties within African states continued to argue the need for unity" (July 546), pushing multiple parties out of the realm of ideas and placing single parties at the forefront.

Where did apartheid originate? How was the system implemented, and what effect did it have on black South Africans? What arguments did whites use to justify their treatment of nonwhites?

Apartheid originated in Southern Africa; specifically in 1948 during the election campaign that brought the Afrikaner National Party to power. However, it was also seen in 1910 as a direct result of South African white politics in the years following unification. This word translated to "separatehood" or "separateness", and it argued that "the races of the world embodied important cultural differences; thus racial groups were best kept physically separated from one another in order that each might develop its own genius uncorrupted by alien influence" (July 444). The system of apartheid began to be implanted with Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd becoming Minister of Native Affairs in South Africa's newly elected National Party government in 1950. Verwoerd was an Afrikaner intellectual, an advocate of white supremacy, and a staunch supporter of apartheid with a blueprint for action. His vision of apartheid contained "a series of self-contained communities, a central white state encircled by black satellites in training for possible self-government based upon their own traditions. Black laborers, temporarily resident in the white state, would be segregated in townships or 'locations' where, as 'foreigners', they had no political rights but where they were entitled to adequate housing and social amenities" (July 445). This would extend in regions void of whites as well, in which case citizenship would be recognized only within people's own state, such communities being "held together presumably by the political, social, and economic primacy of the Afrikaner state of South Africa" (July 445). Essentially, this term simply meant segregation, and came to action as political moves such as the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act, the Urban Areas Act, the Native Labour Act, and the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act all were created producing classifications based on a racial basis, liming the access of Africans to municipal localities, and segregating based on the conditions of facilities. Practices such as influx and "resettlement" forced many Africans to give up their lands, sometimes established for generations, to whites as it was bulldozed behind them as they boarded buses to go back to their distant homelands. These "homelands" were slum populations in rural ghettos of mud huts, shacks, and tents with inadequate sanitation, and small plots suitable only for gardening. Although facilities and education were provided, under the guise of autonomy in conjunction with apartheid, "the Africans were being fixed in an economic, political, and educational status that would insure their continued subservience to the ruling white society" (July 448).

This was a declaration by Nyerere made in 1967 that called for national self-reliance, group cooperation that involved state direction of industry and commerce, Western technology where appropriate but minimal foreign assistance with its attendant controls, and an ethic of selfless service that banished personal acquisitiveness and emphasized communal sharing. Agriculture would be the basis of Tanzania's economy according to this declaring, and would receive priority, its effectiveness embodied in a village community, which brought scattered farmers together to form a close-knit family-like solidarity. Pragmatic, capitalist, and materialist, it encouraged foreign assistance and entertained few suspicions of the West, the need for continued aid along the lines that former European powers had established during the last stages of their colonial occupation.

Arusha Declaration

What factors gave rise to the numerous civil wars of the post-colonial era? What commonalities existed among these conflicts?

As civil wars were a common trend in the post-colonial era in Africa, the factors giving rise to them and the commonalities existing among these conflicts were almost identical in every situation. It was no question that political instability and economic uncertainties encouraged military intervention in country after country in Africa by ethnic, regional, and religious divisions that paralyzed authority and compromised the process of nation making. With these military interventions also came conflicts within the military attempting to aid a specific country that often led to civil war. One of the reasons for this was "the existence of many powerful ethnic groups artificially bound together into one nation essentially as a convenience of colonial administration. Introverted in their cultural pride, and intolerant in their mutual isolation, they were notably unsympathetic, if not uncomprehending, toward each other's efforts at self-improvement" (July 554). This can be seen between the intense conflict between the Tutsis and the Hutus discussed earlier in this assignment that led to large-scale massacres and hundreds of thousands of people dead. Furthermore, there was the shape of the British colonial government, at first concerned primarily with its own needs for its economy and efficiency of its organization, "a conception that suggested regional cohesion and rates of modernization keyed to local rather than to national circumstances" (July 554), building up the idea in African minds of local loyalty, playing different groups and cultures against each other. As independence slowly occurred, problems such as growth rates and debt servicing, inflation and unemployment, inexperience and immorality in government, and stresses on an incoherent national society led to civil war. This can be seen in Nigeria with the conflict of Ibo aggressiveness against conservative, traditionalist Hausa-Fulani society fighting for their own destiny and rights. Ultimately with independence, Africans began to see with dissatisfaction inefficiency and corruption in government that characterized an administration "inexperienced in the intricacies of national development. Public confidence waned in the face of official paralysis and the postponement of promised [returns] to civilian rule" (July 555). Inaction led to reaction - in other words, civil war. This can be seen in the Sudan, where just like in Nigeria, long-lived religious and ethnic divisions, partly in the problems of the state struggling to modernize and develop its economy with governments rising that failed to sustain economic growth and leading to inflation, mounting foreign debts, and corruption and widespread public dissatisfaction civil war erupted. With external pressures and internal conflicts, a recipe for civil war was made all throughout Africa.

With this and the Promotion of Bantu self-government Act passed in 1959, the logic of apartheid moved toward its goal of geographic separation. Together these laws sought to alter the constitutional status, and eventually to eliminate permanent physical residence, of Africans within the South African state, substituting the concept of Bantu nationhood in the "homelands". These communities would ultimately become self-governing states to which Africans would in time return after their "temporary" residence in the white areas. Over the years, a total of ten homelands were established comprising slightly less than 14 percent of the South African land mass. This is how "grand apartheid" was affected (July 449).

Bantu Authorities Act

Describe the events, beginning in 1867, that led to the white unification of South Africa. What were the issues involved, and how was the situation resolved?

Beginning in 1867 was the beginning of the diamond and gold rush that occurred in Africa. "With the discovery of diamonds and then of gold, it is suggested, inclusion of South Africa within the British imperial economic system became a certainty. Mineral resources of such wealth appeared at once essential to the economy of the world's leading industrial nation that had the power to take what it felt was needed" (July 348). However, with this rush to capitalize on the optimal mineral market in Africa came conflict between nations as they each desired ownership of land in these newly rich areas. This encouraged the white unification of South Africa as the British became uneasy of the threat of Germany becoming a world power, now looking toward union with Cape Colony as examples were seen throughout the world around them of successful unions, such as the American Civil War and Imperial Germany. With the increased demand for infrastructure and labor due to the diamond and gold mines, capital doubled, interest rates declined, and port facilities improved, suggesting financial unification, as a regional banking system was believed to be developing throughout Cape Colony. However, the Transvaal and Orange Free State went against each other after discussing cooperation, failing the beliefs that unification was on its way. After the British annexed the Transvaal country, the British believed unification was on its way once more, but yet again, the British misunderstood Transvaaler character as colony administration and effective public finance and orderliness continually failed to be met. After a series of events, the Transvaalers eventually turned its back on the union, forming a Grobler Treaty with the Ndebele king, Lobengula, increasing their strength and declining the advantages of the British. However, the British had not given up yet. In 1884, the British blocked a linkup of the Transvaal and Germany, eliminating German influence and checking Transvaal expansionism along its western frontier, proving their influence that still resided. In 1890, Cecil Rhodes became the Cape's prime minister, obtaining a royal charter for his British South Africa company and aggressively pushing for unification. Rhodes did this by tightening British control over Transvaal territories, and annexing off unclaimed territory to protect from growing outside European interests. Pushing even more for unification, Rhodes attempted to organize a conspiracy to overthrow the Transvaal government, which resulted in the South African Boer War upon which Rhodes lost great prestige. This war between the Transvaal, Orange Free State and Europeans produced three years of bitter conflict, leading to a peace treaty that was signed in May 1902, "calling for rehabilitation of the country and eventual responsible government in the two former republics" (July 355). This peace treaty instilled assimilation from Lord Milner, the colonial governor as well as high commissioner, that "[involved] the use of English as the official language and principal medium of instruction, the encouragement of English settlers, and an end to the acutely provincial Afrikaner school curriculum, all looking to an eventual federation under the British crown" (July 356). As Boer people resisted this assimilation and tides of nationalism and anti-imperialism began to run rampant, resulting in new constitutions for both the Transvaal and the Free State, the time of the union was near. Britain capitalized on the arrival to power of Boer (Afrikaner) governments, and "looked on unification as securing its mining interests and strengthening its international position, especially in relation to Germany; by contrast some Afrikaners saw union as the road to national independence.... producing a constitution that went into effect in May 1910.... provided for a unitary government under the British crown, the former colonies transferring their sovereignty to the central authority" (July 356). After years of the British striving to achieve unity - through treaties, wars, rehabilitation, assimilation, and nationalism - it was finally completed.

The Senegalese delegate to the Chamber of Deputies in Paris, this man was the first African to fill this post. Pledging himself to regain the lost citizenship of his people, to represent the interest of blacks, this man set a memorable example as an aggressive African capable of standing up to the European. In 1916 he secured a complete and unequivocal grant of French citizenship for the people of the Four Communes, replacing a feeling of inferiority with a sense of dignity and self-respect. However, his plans became more talk than action, interested only in the needs of the small group of the Four Communes rather than Africa as a whole. A product of French assimilation, this man had become thoroughly committed to the belief in the superiority of French civilization and the ultimate necessity for African absorption into the French way of life, greatly changing his views as he ruled and producing little effect positive to the African people.

Blaise Diagne

How did British paternalism differ in Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika, and Zanzibar? In what ways were these areas governed similarly?

British paternalism was approached in different ways to the respective areas of Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika, and Zanzibar. In Uganda, British paternalism was embodied through the Buganda Agreement of 1900. In this agreement, the people of Uganda undertook to collect and pay taxes to the colonial administration, recognizing the sovereignty of the British crown. Due to this economic loyalty, "the traditional ruling hierarchy was retained complete with kabaka, lukiko, or legislature, katikiro, and other chiefly offices, all with full government functions but always subject to the ultimate authority of Britain" (July 377). There was also a revolutionary system of land tenure instituted by Special Commissioner Harry Johnston "whereby all land was divided, half for the crown and half for some four thousand chiefs" (July 377). Therefore a small number of British officials administered to this area headed by the governor and overlaid upon an African chiefly hierarchy. By doing this, colonial administration determined general policy, but the details of government were left to the chiefs, ensuing a perspective of something like a treaty between sovereign states and "managed over the years to maintain a show of autonomy although conceding ultimate authority to their British protectors" (July 378). Although there was tension at times, generally this was a profitable agreement for both ends. British paternalism differed greatly from Uganda in Kenya, where the focus of the Europeans was to develop the country of Kenya where a railroad had been placed, offsetting the cost of administration and public works. In the beginning, little land was given to the people, and with what land was given there was no way for the people to make an adequate living. As Europeans struggled to develop the country through farming, Europeans "were not expected to engage in competition with native Africans nor to perform manual labor. Custom dictated, therefore, that farmers employ black workers, even if few could afford to pay wages attractive enough o entice the peasant from a familiar way of life" (July 381). The European settlers' main desire was to press the administration unceasingly for privileges they believed were theirs based on right of position and talent, leading to requests for more laborers and passing the Resident Natives Ordinance destroying any opportunities for laborers to thrive on their own. This act "helped set a pattern of two societies, segregated economically and socially, the one resting on the privilege of race and status supported by official fiat, the other locked in a position of inferiority and made to subserve the interests of the first" (July 382). This led to racial discrimination, with a small white minority privileging themselves over Africans (and Asians) through manipulation of the machinery of government. Clearly, this was not as equal of an agreement as Uganda. However, roles were eventually reversed in 1929 when the Labourites returned to power in Britain and protected African land rights, representation on legislative councils, and responsible government actions of the British. British paternalism in Tanganyika was more similar to Uganda. Previously colonized by Germany, "the new administration was at once characterized by a sense of commitment to protect colonial charges against exploitation while preparing them for eventual self-government" (July 391). In 1925, progress began to be completed with the arrival of Sir Donald Cameron who had a personal temperament, experience as chief secretary to the government in Nigeria, as well as a conviction that effective administration could only exist when based on indigenous institutions, leading to his system of indirect rule. This system was comprised of government through local authorities, "investing them initially with responsibility for maintenance of order and collection of taxes, later adding judicial functions, while encouraging local financing and direction of community development projects" (July 391). Although Cameron was criticized for compulsion, this rule encouraged the success and independence of the Africans, rather than placing British authority and superiority on the forefront. British rule in Zanzibar was also more along the lines of Uganda, "[supporting] the status quo which in this case meant government through the agency of the Arab oligarchy" (July 393). Furthermore, in the 1920s a legislative council was introduced on which Arabs, despite their small numbers, had representation equal to that of the Africans and Asians combined in the Zanzibar area. Giving increasing control to the Arabs, in 1956 the British led to popular election of half the unofficial legislative council members, but in 1961 when responsible, ministerial government was instituted and independence was drawing near, "the Arabs managed to form a coalition with sympathetic Africans" (July 394). Although there were differences as far as the extent of which British authority was engrained, they generally kept to the status quo, giving control to local government and allowing the people to learn for themselves in order to be efficient in the future.

These are crops produced for its commercial value rather than for use by the grower. Colonial powers forced African farmers to partake in these, focusing on one single crop and encouraging a "produce what you cannot consume and consume what you cannot produce" mentality that economically exploited the Africans and led to great economic hardships for the Africans. Monetary crops unfortunately persisted even after African independence, inhibiting the ability of Africans to benefit economically from the cultivation of their own land.

Cash crops

This was the urge of a liberal use of hippo-hide lash of severely punishing qualities when villages of the Congo Independent State failed to produce their assigned quota of rubber; chiefs and women were held captive against collection. Armed African soldiers or company guard's raided villages, looting supplies while taking hostages against deliveries of rubber. Others who were supposedly guarding the village would make free with women and food supplies, killing and maiming those who resisted them, resulting in mass mutilation, rape, pillage, and murder, a process that effectively limited the harvest of rubber ironically.

Chicotte

What role did cities play as a force driving independence? What influenced the growth of urban environments, and what were the African and European responses to that growth?

Cities were influential in driving independence in Africa. They increased the economic activity, which gave Africans a growing stake in their new society, and they helped create nations out of the colonial territories that had been stamped across the African map in the council chambers of Europe. Cities were the growing points of modernization, and although they took Africans from the familiarity of their rural communities, putting them into a world "where they became dependent upon salaried jobs and where they were lost in the impersonality and competitiveness of urban life" (July 476), cities also "offered excitement and freedom from traditional restraints" (July 476). Traits such as aggressiveness and ability were rewarded in cities; new ideas and relationships became a natural fact of life. Although in some urban environments inhabitants were under close surveillance such as in the Belgian Congo, in other areas such as in British West Africa, "the development of an assertive leadership and a devoted mass following was much more easily brought into being" (July 476), enabling independence to come about. Urban environments were known to be significant due to its "strategic location at the center of power, of change, and of economic development" (July 476), enabling the growing amounts of educated Africans to employ the knowledge they had been taught and thrive and prosper. However, not all Africans made up the educated elite, and there rose a growing temper of position to authority within large sections of the population as semiliterate, unskilled, and often unemployable people dissatisfied with village life and unable to rise in the complex and unsettling world of the city formed "this new proletariat resistant to the older chiefly authority and suspicious of a European-directed government" (July 485). As this new group of citizens was forced into the commercialization of agriculture, these partly educated people played a big role in independence movements, with established, westernized elites seeking to assert their influence over this unrest.

A series of acts implemented by the British parliament, they sought to ensure that colonial policy suited the interest of the white settlers. These signaled Britain's commitment to the development of empire at a time of internal weakness, and therefore after the war Britain attempted to expand agricultural production through agricultural research stations, extension programs, promotion of technology, and conservation.

Colonial Development and Welfare Acts

These were leaders of refugee communities away from the reach of colonial administrators who were known to guard their independence as well as attack what they considered to be symbols of colonial oppression: plantations, warehouses, shops of rural merchants, tax collectors, labor recruiters, and so on. They were often successful because they enjoyed the support of the rural population, from whom they received such things as food, ammunition, and useful strategic information. Historians have categorized these leaders as social bandits due to their activities as social banditry, but because of the unpleasant connotations of these terms, they are called this.

Commando leaders and commando activities

Created by Milton Obote in 1969 in Uganda, this was a call for state socialism to be implemented by development of collectives, government-operated industries, and nationalization of commercial and financial institutions. Obote's economic reform soon brought problems in the form of capital outflow, commodity shortages, and inflations, as Asian traders and foreign corporations sought to avoid losses to nationalization. The president's main concerns were political, however, involving continue regional and cultural divisions as well as control over the Ugandan army that was both his protection and a source of potential opposition. Eventually, it was the army that seized power after Obote left the country (July 553)..

Common Man's Charter

The Congo Independent State was brought into the world of nations in 1885 through Leopold II's skillful machinations at the Berlin Conference. It was a unique phenomenon, the complete creation of a remarkable man, the fulfillment of his imperial ambitions, and the outlet for his royal energies. Leopold II is quotes pronouncing, "There are no small nations...only small minds" (July 425), and this is what preceded to give shape and substance to the vast realm he had brought into being. Though initially proclaiming humanitarian and philanthropic work, Leopold's rule eventually transformed into mistreatment of the indigenous peoples with increased brutality.

Congo Independent State

Both employed by colonial powers in Africa, this taxation is a tax that is paid directly by an individual or organization to the imposing entity. This could be for different purposes such as property tax, income tax, or tax based on possessions. This tax is a tax collected by an intermediary from the person who bears the ultimate economic burden of the tax (the taxpayer).

Direct and indirect taxation

Some sixteen West African states attempted to form their own common market through the Economic Community of West African States in May 1975. It emphasized the ultimate objective of unhampered commercial and population movement throughout West Africa. An initial problem arose when several states expelled foreign nationals during the early 1980s, a gesture of economic nationalism that reflected bad times and unemployment but offered doubtful prospect for cooperation in times of stress. Liberalization of trade regulations were hampered by lack of funds promised but not provided, and a preoccupation with parochial economic and political demands. Heads of state continued to attend annual meetings, but the atmosphere has tended much more toward showcase than substance.

ECOWAS

Describe the difficulties African leaders inherited from the colonial period with regard to development and economic growth and the various ways they tried to solve these problems. Identify which alternative you see as the most successful, and explain your answer.

Economic growth was one of the largest challenges African leaders inherited from the colonial period. One of the problems they faced was the uneven sizes and unequal natural resources and economic potentialities of the new states created from African independence. There were areas such as the Sudan with an area of approximately 967,000 square miles compared to Gambia with 4,000 square miles. This uneven distribution gave certain areas much larger opportunities for economic growth with access to the sea or various other surrounding lands that they could potentially trade with. Another significant economic problem African leaders faced was the uneven distribution of transportation and communications infrastructure that colonialism had provided for every modern African state. They also faced the delay of industrial and technological developments in Africa as "one of the typical features of the colonial political economy was the total neglect of industrialization and of the processing of locally produced raw materials and agricultural products in the colonies" (Boahen 101). Before colonialism existed Africans were producing and consuming their own goods, however, when colonialism was enveloped in Africa they were encouraged to produce what they could not consume and consume what they could not produce, economically exploiting Africans and neglecting the potential thriving of African colonies. This along with the rapid urbanization that led to a large move of population from rural areas into the cities with population growth that could not be met with job growth led to staggering levels of poverty African leaders had to deal with. Most national economies were based on exporting minerals and cash crops, whose prices were controlled by foreign consumers, not African producers. Foreign companies controlled the few manufacturing industries that existed. European and Asian businesspersons dominated African commerce. Few Africans possessed the educational and technical skills to compete in business, and thus some leaders opted for socialism, with the stake taking the leading role in the economy while others tried to lure foreign investors by adopting a capitalistic free-enterprise system. Countries with a capitalistic commercial viewpoint experienced faster economic growth, but the socialistic states had more stable societies, with more equitable distribution of opportunity and wealth (notes). Personally, I see socialism as the best alternative to this problem because it focuses on the equal distribution of opportunity and wealth. As the majority of Africans were uneducated, illiterate, and in poverty, all needed to have a chance to succeed, and socialism eliminated the elite from dominating the political and social field as much as they would in a capitalistic free-enterprise system. Therefore, socialism is the optimal route to take for economic improvement.

What role did education play in traditional African society? How did education change under colonialism, and how did it contribute to nationalism? Did the differences between European colonizers and their views on education make a difference to nationalistic goals?

Education played a significant role in traditional African society. In traditional African society particularly, education was designed to enable children to participate fully in the life of their community, becoming a holistic phenomenon by which one generation transmitted its culture to the succeeding generation. It usually involved initiation rights and a wide range of instruction such as agricultural practice, household management, technical skills, social norms, religion, government, and cultural practices. Children would acquire linguistic skills, enlarging their vocabularies by listening to folktales, proverbs, ridicules, and sayings. As an age group, children would advance together, sharply contrasting the educational system introduced by the Europeans, where achievement was graded individually. In this case, students who fell short of academic expectations would be left behind to either repeat the same level or drop out. On the other hand, those who excel would be encouraged to continue their education, producing an educated elite at the top of a hierarchy. As colonialism came underway, colonial powers would handle education in different ways: directly, through the state administration, or through missionary agencies. Used as a tool for furthering colonial governance, encouraging cultural subordination, and carrying out the Europeans' "civilizing" mission, education was a vital tool for colonial powers. For those wishing to fill minor bureaucratic positions and serve as technicians in colonial administration, education became a vital tool as well. The discipline of schooling to achieve such leadership, however, often led to a class of Africans who would fill positions that were either not profitable or impossible to fill with Europeans. This would naturally frustrate the Africans, helping to produce a nationalistic goal in the minds of these educated people. Going through school, it was common for Africans to realize the unjust way the Europeans were discriminating Africans racially, culturally, and socially - and thus likely already developed a small spark of resentment for colonial powers while in school. After being denied their rightful position in government leadership, many of these educated Africans would then turn to become nationalistic leaders in large movements. Although education was commonly used to teach Africans to read the Bible, leading them to Christianity, with little thought paid to higher or specialized technical training to ensure colonial power, this influence significantly contributed to the rise of nationalism. It was the educated Africans who realized the hypocrisy of the Christian church - how they were subtly demeaning their culture and heritage and traditions of the Africans way of life, and because of this, large nationalist outbreaks emerged.

The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (standing for FREMLIMO) began military operations in the northern districts near the Tanzanian border, acting as a fresh uprising as the nationalists of Portuguese Guinea, long discontent, graduated from political protest to armed struggle (July 565).

FRELIMO

What factors contributed to the rise of nationalism in South and Central Africa? Identify the most significant of these factors, in your opinion, and explain your answer.

Factors that contributed to the rise of nationalism in South and Central Africa include British cultural assimilation, which failed in its objectives but "greatly encouraged the rise of an emphatic Afrikaner nationalism, an anti-English sentiment which was to culminate a half-century later in the establishment of the South African republic, independent of any ties with Britain" (July 451). At the conclusion of the Second World War, there were Africans in South Africa who had fought the good fight defending the Four Freedoms and who looked forward at war's end to the reward of loyalty. Here, sensitivity to the coming possibilities was greater than in other areas of Africa due to the advancement of black peoples. In South Africa, the black people were earlier introduced and more thoroughly assimilated into the urban world and the industrialized complex of modern society. They far surpassed the people of Africa's many territories in numbers of university graduates, degree of literacy, political and social sophistication, and economic development. Their grievances were deeper, of longer standing, than those of any other people, and thus the rise of nationalism in South and Central Africa began. The most significant of these factors, in my opinion, is the expectancy of reward for the Africans loyalty to their respective white authorities in government for defending them during the Second World War. As around the world, other areas began to be rewarded for their dedication to fight against a country's enemies, Africans expected to receive no less than the promises that were hastily made to them in order to ensure their involvement. Once they began to realize the false pretense of these promises, they rightfully became increasingly angry, infuriated at the lack of care shown by their government's leaders. Believing that they had a significant part with their success in the Second World War, they demanded more rights and better treatment, and when their requests were met with little to no response - the rise of nationalism was inevitably to overcome.

Emerging among his people as a nationalist leader protesting the inequities of colonial rule, Houphouet experienced no embarrassment in establishing close and fruitful connections with former rulers after independence. In fact, he openly questioned the wisdom of Ghana's independence in 1957, remarking that no nation could afford to live in isolation in the modern world, particularly those developing states requiring vast amounts of capital for heavy and continuing expansion. When events swept his country into a declaration of political independence, he was careful to maintain the cordial relations already achieved with France. The results were spectacular, with the gross domestic product increasing tenfold, the annual growth holding at 7 percent, and the budget growing from 26 to 480 billion francs during eighteen years.

Felix Houphouet-Boigny

Due to the problem of economic development in Liberia and the need to liquidate expensive foreign loans combined with a search by American industry for sources of natural rubber, this agreement was made. Negotiated by Harvey S. Firestone, these were a series of concessions which enabled the Firestone interests to obtain ninety-nine year leasing rights to tracts totaling one million acres for development as rubber plantations. In return, Firestone paid rental fees and certain customs duties and agreed to construct harbor facilities at Monrvoia. This introduced American control over the collection of revenue in Liberia, with Liberia trading a loss of authority concerning national affairs for increased income from taxes and rentals, a measure of protection against potential intervention by neighboring colonial powers, and a general economic upturn based upon the introduction of American capital and organizational efficiency.

Firestone agreements of 1926-1927

How did French colonialism in Central and West Africa differ? Consider why these differences existed.

French colonialism differed in Central and West Africa because of the states of each of these was different in nature. When comparing Central Africa to that of West Africa, West Africa had a much more strongly established centralized state system. France's usual colonial tactics involved the process of assimilation, where through cultural adaptation and education and the fulfillment of some formal conditions, some "natives" would become evolved and civilized French Africans. However, it was virtually impossible for Africans to become French citizens due to the extensive requirements subjects must accomplish to achieve civil status. In these situations federations were also established, with colonies subdivided into smaller administrative units such as circles under commandment of circles, subdivisions under chief of subdivisions, and cantons administered by African chiefs who were in effect like the British warrant chiefs. This was easy to implement in Central Africa due to the unorganized state that the French found it in, however, in places such as West Africa where a highly centralized system already occurred, the French were forced to adopt the policy of association, a system of rule operating in accordance with preexisting African ruling institutions and leaders. This can be compared to British indirect rule, but in the French's system local governments were run with African rulers whom the French organized at three levels and grades: provincial chief, district chiefs, and village chiefs, combining elements of direct and indirect rule. Although the most important member of the African component in the colonial administration was the local chief, even in areas such as where accommodation was practiced, the chief's traditional roles and powers were greatly weakened or curtailed by those of the local colonial administration. Therefore, indirect rule did not mean government of African peoples through their chiefs, and they did not have a government they could call their own. Chiefs were accountable to a higher authority, whereas in the pre-colonial period they were an authority on their own accountable only tho those they governed.

In Ethipia in 1958, a bloodless coup was engineered which installed the army under this man as the new agency of government, with little protest from a people long accustomed to authoritarian rule. Due to the south and other problems of early independence, this seemed to elude the solutions for Ethiopia of increasingly opportunistic politicans.

General Ibrahim Abbud

This was the exception of success of an undertaking in the form of a vast project, which evolved in the Sudan over the early years of the twentieth century. Governments tended to favor these large-scale ventures for their greater visibility and potential efficiency in production and marketing. It was a major consideration for support in the ujamaa villages of Tanzania, and it played a similar role in other countries such as in Ghana's Volta resettlement cooperatives or the farming communities began about the time of independence in the eastern and western regions of Nigeria.

Gezira cotton-growing scheme

This was the basis for the Kikuyu system of landholding. This was an assemblage of land, not necessarily contiguous, owned by a subclan or small lineage called mbari. Traditionally mbari members were entitled to portions of each clan's of this, thus providing all with both economic support and secure personal position within that section of the Kikuyu nation. Loss of this was more than an economic disaster; it involved the very identity of individual or group, therefore ultimately the coherence and cohesion of the Kikuyu people. It provided social and psychological security along with economic support, thus when the European settlers disrupted this system it led to deep resentment among the Kikuyu system.

Githaka

Coming together with Jesse Kariuki to form the East African Association, this man , literate and member of an influential Kikuyu family, held a clerkship in the Treasury, using his prestigious position to move into the front rank of those intent on challenging European authority. In 1921 he also founded the Young Kikuyu Association, with both organizations rejecting the premise of white rule, attacking labor policy, the head tax, land alienation, and opposed to the kipande, an identification card required by all Africans. After his programs based on political change gained a following, this man was arrested for some time, and after released created the progovernment Kikuyu Provincial Association in 1935 due to leadership conflict with KCA.

Harry Thuku

In Rwanda and Burundi, two of Africa's smallest nations, there was ethnic animosity between the Tutsi pastoralists who had ruled over the mountain highlands east of the Lake Kivu-Lake Tanganyika Rift system since their arrival in the fifteenth century or earlier, and the servile but far more numerous Hutu farmers. With independence in 1962 came direct confrontation, resulting in a Hutu dominated Rwanda and a government in Burundi controlled by Tutsi, both under intermittent pressure from a militant opposition, each presiding over dense populations totaling six to eight million, of which the Tutsi were a fifteen percent minority. Large-scale massacres followed abortive uprisings in both countries, the dead numbered in hundreds of thousands, and after the Hutu president died a massive Hutu emigration occurred into neighboring Zaire, eventually leading to the Zairian government collapse and great amounts of destruction (July 560).

Hutus and Tutsis

This man created the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) of November 1965 for Rhodesia that was audacious in concept and uncertain in consequence, yet its immediate disabilities were few. As Rhodesia found itself surrounded by unfriendly African nations, there was pressing for action that would secure some form of peaceful coexistence in place of an inevitable racial conflict, and Ian Smith released all political prisoners reluctantly in 1974, repealed the ban on ZANU and ZAPU and began to think of what he had proclaimed unthinkable in his lifetime - "black power in Rhodesia". He eventually ran out of options, however, and in September 1979 the British called a conference designed to settle the fourteen year dispute over Rhodesia (July 569).

Ian Smith

Describe the different periods of anticolonial and nationalistic reaction and the various resistance tactics Africans employed. What role did independent Christian churches play? In what ways did nationalist objectives change?

In the first period of anticolonial and nationalistic reaction, which occurred roughly from the 1890s to about the end of the First World War, in the rural areas, the most widespread strategy was rebellion and insurrection, either localized or widespread, "with the objective in most cases of overthrowing the recently imposed colonial system" (Boahen 63). These revolts were mostly led by the traditional rulers, but in some cases cult priests and spirit mediums of traditional African religion involved in leading insurrections, which were stimulated by taxation; land alienation, compulsory cultivation of crops, the tyrannical behavior of colonial officials, or the introduction of Western education and with it the condemnation of African culture and traditional ways of life. However, all of these rebellions and insurrections were brutally suppressed with thousands of Africans killed. Another strategy used by the rural folk was migration or flight across international boundaries, particularly seen in the French, Belgian, German, and Portuguese colonies. Refugee communities were established in hard to reach areas that colonizers did not know how to get to, were independence was fiercely guarded and attacks of symbols of colonial oppression and exploitation on plantations, warehouses, shops of rural merchants, tax collectors, labor recruiters, and many others occurred. Contrary to attacks, passive resistance was also observed with the rural and illiterate people such as "refusal to comply with orders, absenteeism, feigned illness, loafing and work slow-downs, refusal to cultivate compulsory crops, and above all, rejecting all the 'civilized' innovations introduced by or connected with the colonial system or the foreign presence, whether schools, churches, or the colonial languages" (Boahen 67). As resistance was seen in the illiterate, in the educated elite and the workers in the urban and mining centers was a different reaction, one of reform. Their main goal was to correct certain abuses, the provision of facilities, and achieve adequate representation on the legislative and executive councils. This was completed through "a host of open and secret societies, associations, unions, political parties, and new African-controlled and millenarian or Pentecostal churches" (Boahen 68). Through the use of the press, many of these ideas were made known. The nationalist view began to change at the end of this period as the educated elite realized the harmful and demoralizing impact of the European culture. The educated elite also used independent Christian churches in their anticolonial campaigns: "the Ethiopian churches, which emphasized African self-improvement, self-rule, and political rights; and the millenarian or Pentecostal churches, which derived their inspiration from their apocalyptic vision of divine intervention and emphasized possession by the Holy Spirit, healing, and prophesy" (Boahen 73). These churches were anticolonial as well as anti-missionary, and it is that fact that justifies the statement that Christian-educated Africans were the first African nationalists. In the second period between 190-1935, the African reaction itself was similar to the first period; however, it was intensified as far as leadership and degree unto which it was carried out. Rather than the traditional leaders solely playing a role, in this period "the educated elite in the urban areas and the young workers and peasants in the rural areas took over the leadership....the anticolonial campaign became a tripartite affair involving the educated elite, the colonial authorities, and the traditional rulers" (Boahen 76). The reason that the initiatives and reactions were larger in scale in this period was due to "the changing nature of the colonial system itself during the second period, the economic depression that characterized the period, the impact of the First World War, and finally the impact of the Pan-Africanist and communist activities of the period" (Boahen 76). With colonialism extending its reign over more people, there was inevitably a larger amount of people to display an anticolonial response. Along these lines, new tactics such as indirect rule by the British giving greater powers to traditional rulers and newly created chiefs, excluding the educated elite, a population that was also growing, led to a greater resentment and a greater response as well. With economic disparity and the need for crops to be produced came a larger band of peasants, producing an increase in the number of possible recruits to nationalist leaders. Furthermore, anger over unjustly recruited Africans for the war, lack of compensation for the Africans service, as well as neglect to enforce the principle of self-determination enunciated by Woodrow Wilson caused growing resentment among Africans. There was a lesser display of violence compared to the first period, and new forms of resistance such as boycotts, traditional dances, and trade unions were introduced in the period of 1919-1935. Churches also were responsible for the increase of response since as more churches arose, they provided more avenues "to the ordinary people and peasants for the expression of their hostility to the new colonial sociopolitical system" (Boahen 88), also exposing the hypocrisy of established Christian churches for condemnation of African culture, subtle racial discrimination, and collusion with colonial oppressors. In the last period, the 1935-1960s, the demise of the colonial system began as resentment rose to a new level among Africans of the European system and political parties established a larger force and support through the Pan-Africanist Congress of 1945 at Manchester. These political parties, demanding not the reform of the colonial system but the total abolition of it with the restoration of African independence, sovereignty, and dignity was the peak of nationalist feelings and reactions, leading to Africans sovereignty.

What has been the effect of African independence on women, the environment, cultural traditions, and warfare?

Independence had significant impacts on many aspects of African values and traditions. As far as cultural traditions go, independence raised the question of, "Where should the line be drawn between Africa and Europe, between what was acceptable and what was not?" (July 592). Even after colonialism had ended, Europe's influence that had extended upon Africa in the previous years did not leave. Some people, such as Cesaire, believed that colonialism sought to deprive Africans from their humanity and their common culture. In Europe's technology and foreign practices Cesaire believed it prevented Africa from gaining its strength in its own culture. However, other people such as Richard Wright believed that the Western world provided ideas and technology that would not only stimulate Africa's economy and production but enable it to make significant contributions in the world economy and trade. Therefore some people began to cling to African culture through the negritude movement while others criticized it from preventing Africa to reaching its full potential. The effect of African independence on women was the most anticipated and most disappointing. African women believed that with the achievement of independence, the reexamination of women's rights and roles in society would occur as well, enabling them to liberation to perform more significant roles in society. This was not the case, however, with "women left behind to eke out a bare existence, feeding their families on often infertile land, sometimes supplementing meager resources through petty trade or wage labor...frequently relegated to marginal activity, some as market women or domestics others forced into prostitution, a fortunate few with education" (July 599). Women expected greater respect and opportunities, but they found themselves still expected to defer to husbands and to concur in long-lived customs as polygyny and bride wealth. Furthermore, educated women would have low pay, long hours, and complicated responsibilities as a worker and a mother. Political action occurred that made African women more vulnerable, with double standards being created for divorce on grounds of adultery. Women were marginalized, oppressed, and objectified in larger amounts than before. Over time powerful feminists began to rise up, however, and there was improvement and more rights granted. Initially, however, independence had the opposite effect on women. Once independence happened, African governments sharply stepped up in industrialization, and with this neglected agriculture, withholding funds for development and pegging food prices at artificially low levels to accommodate growing urban populations. This adversely affected their efforts to industrialize, with a "result was a decline in agricultural production along with a black market that limited supplies as populations rose, forcing governments to import food that had to be bought with scarce foreign currency" (July 604), highly disadvantaging them in the long run. Independence did not curb warfare, either. Governments were often overrun by military coups and "armed conflict [helped] to force half the continent's population below the poverty line, it was discouraging much needed foreign investment, damaging infrastructure, to say nothing of the loss in human capital through death, disease, and disability" (July 606). Although some countries in Africa made efforts towards peace, altogether, wars continued to rage on clouding the African future through continuation of its solemn past.

An African preacher, this man set in motion a futile rising against European taxation and forced labor in Blantyre in January 1915. He was encouraged and influenced by Joseph Booth, a British evangelist in Nsayaland, and John was also exposed to black American protest during residence in the United States. this man came to harbor a deep resentment against British colonial practice, and when asked to fight in the British army during the First World War, they determined upon protest through violence. Their outbreak cost several European lives and many more African, but it was quickly crushed and this man was killed. His uprising pointed the way toward the independence movements of a later generation, however.

John Chilembwe

An enfranchised Cape Xhosa who sought unsuccessfully to extend political rights through an alliance with white liberals, this man was deeply disappointed by the discrimination against Africans contained in the Union constitution, taking his case with others like Walter Rubusana in protest before the British people at the time of Parliamentary ramification in 1909. However, his program faced shortcomings due to misplaced reliance on black-white partnerships that led to somewhat more vigorous measures in 1912 in the formation of the South African Native Congress, later renamed the African National Congress (July 363)

John Tengo Jabavu

Appointed as secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention in 1947 by Danquah in a move designed to spare its patrician officers the details of the party organization while freeing them for larger political strategies, this move backfired as he quickly built a national organization based on the captivating slogan of "self-government now," then took his new following with him in 1949 when he founded his own Convention People's Party (CPP), an exciting, revolutionary, nationalist movement with direct appeal to the growing dissidents in the Gold Coast population. He was a revolutionary leader of uncommon ability, who had learned the techniques of self-support, revolutionary tactics, as well as studies in economics, sociology, and education. He collobarted in organizing the Fifth Pan-African Congress at Manchester to ring declaration for African independence through organization of African masses and the seizure of political power by means of strikes and boycotts. He was the spark that would bring life to the potential within the Gold Coast for a mass nationalist movement, and because of him the Gold Coast became the independent state of Ghana.

Kwame Nkrumah

This began with initial manifestations of unrest in the Kilwa district due to forced labor, harsh methods employed by akidas, a program in which the African farmer was treated as inequitable, uneconomic, and damaging to food production. When this movement met with religious sanction in the form of a special water, or maji, given each fighter, supposedly rendering him immune to gunfire, there developed a unity among diverse people, a fanaticism in battle, and a sense of commitment which quickly spread the Rebellion. This led to a two-year period of battle with the Germans, and only through scorched-earth tactics which supplemented military action in subduing the insurgent forces with heavy casualties, at least seventy thousand Africans perished, did the movement end. This movement forced German administration to conduct fully twenty years of warfare to achieve peace through African submission to colonial rule.

Maji Maji Rebellion

As the government moved forward to implement the program of racial segregation through separate homelands, this man was an elected leader who attacked the homelands program as divisive and refused to apply for independence. He was the elected leader of KwaZulu and was the Chief. In the urban centers of South Africa, black opinion was largely hostile, regarding the homelands as irrelevant to their condition and unresponsive to their needs (July 576).

Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi

Nationalist leaders developed this argument in the struggle against colonialism, creating a view which installed an image of the state and its welfare prospering through the doctrines and activities of a single-party structure. They believed there could be no compromise with regional, ethnic, or religious divisiveness disguised as loyal opposition. Better no parties at all, as all united in a common cause, but if a nation free of parties was utopian, then at least one unifying grouping was a reasonable alternative (July 541).

Marxist-Leninist perspective of history

A state of emergency was declared in Kenya because of this resistance that gained official recognition of Kikuyu complaints with its wholesale bloodletting and its savage campaigning, the ultimate spasm of a society pushed to extremity. Younger militants from Nairobi and the countryside greatly accelerated this declaration of emergency, and the resistance had to be stamped out by military action that did not fully terminate the "Emergency" until early 1960. This resistance was successful where other methods had failed in forcing recognition of African grievances and producing a genuine effort to deal with them such as area of land reform, conservation, and a program of cash crop development.

Mau Mau

A form of anticolonial resistance and nationalistic reaction to colonial administration, Mbeni was a dance association that performed songs and dances that often ridiculed European officials and expressed deep-seated popular resentment against colonial rule. This was seen in many East African colonies, and is significant because the colonials could not understand the resistance that was being displayed right before them.

Mbeni

When Europeans were pursuing their economic practices, colonial administrators ensured that land was made available to Europeans, doing so through confiscation and expulsion and resettlement of indigenous peoples. In all these areas, male workers would temporarily migrate to the site of production, often returning to their homelands for rest or agricultural work before migrating began again. Families would remain at home, shouldering most of the burden of land cultivation. This inhibited the growth of a full-fledged working class. Most workers lived in one-room houses, and prostitution emerged where men were along. As they returned home, they would often take venereal disease back to the hinterlands. The need for these laborers grew from contradictions within the capitalist economy and colonial policies like Kenya's.

Migrant labor

The last African colony, this was another of Africa's anomalies - a diversity of mutually exclusive or antagonistic peoples, brown, black and white, thinly inhabiting a vast stretch of quasi-desert twice the size of California; a region of surface poverty that masked mineral riches in diamond, copper, lead, and zinc; a geographic entity of boundaries drafted originally in far-off Europe, which after many years of attempted moves to independence finally declared in 1990 a constitution for a democratically chosen government complete with a bill of rights, press and speech freedom, and an independent judiciary (July 574).

Namibia

This was the program of J.E. Casely Hayford, led to urgency by the mood that characterized the pan-African congresses organized by the black American leader W.E.B. Du Bois. This prompted nationalist leaders in their demands for extension of political rights, improvement of educational and public health facilities, and equality of economic opportunity between whites and blacks. There was demand for constitutional reform in terms of municipal self-government, the end of courts presided over by British administrative officers, popular election of half the membership of the legislative council, and creation of special houses of assembly which would be responsible for colonial taxation and budget policy, also urging the end of economic discrimination against Africans in favor of European business interests. This was met with a cool reception from colonial administration and was never able to capture the united backing of all indigenous groups within West Africa, eventually expiring in 1930 when the leader, Casely Hayford, died.

National Congress of British West Africa

Formed by the military leaders who seized power in Ghana, this was headed by Lieutenant General J.A. Ankrah and through this Council they proceeded to govern the country by decree. There was a general sense of relief throughout the population over the fall of Nkrumah, Ghana's previous leader, yet, at first, the Council saw its role as temporary, its responsibility to reverse the ruinous course of the previous government while reestablishing civilian rule as quickly as possible. A series of economic measures halted the trend toward state ownership, retrenched public expenditures, and moved to liquidate the massive foreign debt through renegotiation. At this time the CPP and its affiliates dissolved and a substantial number of civilians were recruited to assist the Council in its activities.

National Liberation Council

This was designed to stamp out the independent African farmer, limiting privately owned holdings by Africans to some 13 percent of the land. This "insured for South Africa a supply of African labor for European use, forcing the bulk of the African population into a landless labor force for either white-controlled farming or industry" (July 361). Very similar to the creation of reserves.

Natives Land Act

What is neocolonialism, and what were the methods employed by African leadership in response to it? Evaluate the alternate economic development plans that new states considered.

Neocolonialism was the argument that the colonial system had survived independence and was thriving through a variety of devices "economic alliances engineered between former dependencies and imperialist nations, support of puppet regimes frequently come to power through corruption, deliberate sabotage of efforts at genuine African unity, economic infiltration through loans and capital investments, even direct monetary control over emergent states whose finances remained in the hands of one-time colonial powers" (July 517). For activists such as Kwame Nkrumah, the answer to neocolonialism was 'African socialism', a rigorous state control of the economy with the nation's wealth reserved for the nation's citizens. These activists believed that "through state planning and regulation the government could mobilize surplus production for investment, and foreign aid would be carefully scrutinized, to be accepted only where clearly consonant with the goals of national development" (July 517). Under this plan, economic growth was to be largely self-contained with industry producing surplus capital for the development of the countryside, which in turn would produce foodstuffs to support the burgeoning cities. Experiments would be done in collective farming, their anticipated effectiveness to be matched by a system of labor mobilization reminiscent of the communal work pattern of the traditional African village. These ideals seemed interestingly parallel to Marxism; however, Sekou Toure insisted there were no classes, despite the pernicious class structure lingering in African society from the foundation of ancient customs related to family relations and landholding. There was also a variation on the Marxist approach to African development, found in the East African version of African socialism formulated by Tanzania Julius Nyerere. Nyerere stressed the socialist way that preached equal access for all to the fruits of land and labor, rejecting the European brand of socialism as combative and dedicated to a class warfare foreign to Africa. Nyerere "envisioned a new society based upon the tenants of an older, traditional, pre-colonial Africa wherein all had worked and shared in the harvest, where no special privilege existed, where no one starved either for food or self-respect" (July 517). However, this was a utopian view of the past that ended up contradicting itself as Nyerere's approach depended on Western technology "but minimal foreign assistance with its attendant controls" (July 518). There were indeed some leaders who encouraged further involvement with former colonial powers, such as Kenyatta and Houphouet, who believed that no nation could afford to live in isolation in the modern world, and who with French assistance found much success in the Ivory Coast.

The pattern of newspapers being appealed to only by the few educated elite was destroyed by this man in 1935. An Ibo representative of the new urban culture, he became editor of the Accra African Morning Post and two years later founded the West African Pilot in Lagos and a revolutionary brand of journalism was launched. he was well endowed by his temperament and training for the role he was destined to play in the rise of African nationalism due to his education in the United States and witnessing of the race problem in America. These experiences catalyzed personal energy and ambition to produce a different approach - demagogic and provocative - which replaced the urbane moderation of the established elite with the tactics of strident protest. He gave way to a fiery journalism that had great attraction for the growing numbers of urban dwellers with minimum education but expanding expectations. By fixing upon specific grievances of people, always associating complaints in the popular mind with an anticolonial viewpoint, this lively penny press extended its influence beyond local and ethnic limits.

Nnamdi Azikiwe

This was where residents in zones redefined as white areas were evicted from land they had occupied, sometimes for generations, their homes bulldozed as they were loaded aboard buses with their few portable belongings for a journey to their frequently far distant homeland, probably a place they had never before seen. Once there, they joined a swelling slum population in a rural ghetto of mud huts, shacks, and tents with inadequate sanitation and small plots suitable only for gardening, forcing family heads to remain away for protracted periods on contract or to endure the long daily commuter journey. This was suspended in the mid-1980s, eroding the segregated system of "grand apartheid", and at the same time creating large pools of unemployed in the towns as a reverse flood of Africans engulfed the urban centers.

Resettlement"

What reasons do historians offer to explain the Scramble for Africa? Which argument do you find most plausible, and why?

One of the reasons that historians offer to explain the Scramble for Africa was "in the rise of the new imperialism in Europe, due primarily to the economic forces operating there during the last three decades of the nineteenth century and, more especially, to the need to look for areas where the surplus capital being generated by these forces could be invested" (Boahen 28). This theory was developed by some of the earliest writers such as Hobson and Lenin. Another argument historians attribute to explain the Scramble for Africa is "more or less an accidental by-product of the diplomatic confrontations among the major European powers, particularly France and Britain, and argue that the whole Scramble was touched off by the British occupation of Egypt in 1882" (Boahen 28). Robinson and Gallagher developed this theory, both of these writers placing the stress purely on European powers than African, developed this theory. The third argument historians offer for the explanation of the Scramble for Africa is made by some European historians such as Hopkins and Kargreaves, as well as African historians, such as Asiwaju and Uzoigwe. This argument attributes the Scramble "to a combination of internal African conditions and external European factors" (Boahen 28). According to this theory, it varies with each area which factor the Scramble can be attributed to - Africa or European. In areas in which after the slave trade ended the economy continued to thrive and peace was maintained, European powers were to blame as demand for mercantile goods increased as well as rivalries between Anglo-French occurred. In areas where the economy turned to predatory matters to get by and peace was not kept, African internal problems were to blame. Although like Boahen, I do not believe any of these arguments are exemplary, the one I do find most plausible would have to be along the lines of the Robinson-Gallagher theory. Based off of the studies I have made so far in this class, it appears to me that the British occupation of Egypt set off an intensified competition among European powers to occupy land in Africa. In previous lessons it was established that it was after the British occupation that their rivalry with the French peaked as it was previously intended for both countries to share economic control over Egypt, which never occurred once the British occupied it. This, in turn would naturally lead to increased competition to acquire a larger amount of land than the other country, and as we learned, Germany, Portugal, Belgium, and other European countries observed this as well stimulating their increased desires and even greater competition. Therefore, the Scramble for Africa began.

This was the new name for Nkrumah, Ghana's single-party leader, a title meaning the War Victor, sometimes translated as the Redeemer. His statue was raised in front of the parliament building, and his likeness appeared on the few national stamps and currency. There was little surprise when in 1962, Nkrumah was named life president of Ghana, showing the web of party control being steadily widened (July 543).

Osagyfo

What is paternalism, and how did the colonies of Portugal and Belgium compare to the colonial governments of the British and French? Who were the key governmental leaders and how did their personalities shape their respective colonial governments?

Paternalism is known as the practice of authoritative people restricting the freedom and responsibilities of those subordinate to them in the subordinates' supposed best interest. How exactly this was acted out varied, as is seen when Portugal and Belgium are compared to the British and French. In Belgium, the key governmental leader was Leopold II, known as "a remarkable man" with the formation of the Congo Independent State, "the fulfillment of his imperial ambitions, and the out for his royal energies" (July 425). Leopold was quoted pronouncing, "There are no small nations...only small minds" (July 425), an attitude that was pivotal in shaping the vast realm of land he formed into being. As Leopold was enthusiastic, he attacked problems of the Congo with force, tightening up land policy, capitalizing on resources, ultimately leading to abuse of the indigenous peoples. These brutalities are what led first to investigation and then to the establishment of the Congo State into a Belgian colony. Under Belgian colonialism, "economy in government and development through sound business practice became one basis...another was reform of the abuses that had characterized the days of the Independent State, combined with a thoroughgoing paternalism toward the Congo people, which, it was felt, would eventually bring civilization where darkness reigned...and well-developed Belgian pragmatism that emphasized practical solutions to specific problems, that frowned on articulated, long-range planning, and that denied colonial officers any resources to guiding principles in moments of crisis" (July 428). Although this precept was based on human welfare, it transformed into authoritarianism, and human inequality resulting in political instability with local chiefs marginalized, abuse of laborers, and repression of African economic growth. Although schools, health facilities, modern living arrangements, and economic opportunity were all offered through paternalism, they were all limited, and it was this Belgian pragmatism that caused the Congo into a sudden independence its people were ill-qualified to sustain. In the French colonial government, Savorgnan de Brazza played a significant role in establishing France's hegemony north of the Congo River along the Ubangi River. An explorer who arrived in 1875, as well as an infectious publicity campaign in Paris, Brazza stimulated a wave of enthusiasm in France. As far as government leaders go, however, the text is not very specific, but it does comment how it is was similar to the Belgian Congo, with "a head tax and forced labor imposed locally to insure collection of rubber and ivory, while no realistic attempt was made to protect African land ownership and utilization, even to restricted areas (July 434). This paired with insufficient government leaders led to a systematic regimen of abuse, with force commonly resorted to. France was different to Belgium because of the difficulties it faced with its poverty, "[stimulating] brutality in civil servants and company agents, straining to squeeze wealth from a land that had little to give...a recurrence of malpractices in connection with the requisition of African labor" (July 436). Although situations were more extreme in French colonialism, both Belgium and France limited African economy. However, this abuse turned around when French Guina's black govern-general Felix Eboue helped Brazzaville "[become] the spiritual center of Free French activity...[inaugurating] a fundamental change in colonial policy which looked to a completely new worldwide French union in the postwar period" (July 438). Eboue helped institute improved medical and education facilities, putting an end to forced labor and moving toward the development of a peasant agriculture, encouraging authentic chiefs and strengthening indigenous institutions, offering chiefs modern education to match their ancient status. These changes laid the foundation for a genuine partnership between European and African, and defined the future status of French African colonial peoples. Portugal's colonial government was similar to Belgium's with its predatory and corrupt character as well as its control over the interior being nominal. Like Leopold II with the Congo Independent State, Portuguese authorities "insisted on regulating the supply (of laborers), ostensibly on humanitarian grounds, but actually for the profit that could be gained" (July 440). In Portugal colonies, forced labor had long been considered an African birthright, and Portugal's government relied on slavery like Leopold relied on brutal working demands to produce goods. Colonial policies were loose, but in 1915 became more comprehensive and coordinated, with a systematic subjugation of the interior, and the "imposition of authoritarian regime under absolutist provincial administrators...varying from a philosophy that frankly sanctioned white rulers exploiting black laborers, to that of a paternal humanitarianism designed to improve the African's lot materially and morally, and even to permit some few to achieve the status of assimilados, or thoroughly Westernized Portuguese citizens. None of this was effective, however, until Antonio Salazar came into power, when under his rule, "Portuguese mercantilism began to yield modest results...African workers [continuing] to be the basis for colonial production, and labor was coerced, if anything, with heightened intensity" (July 441). Like Leopold II, it was a rigorous paternalism, with the principle of racial equality subverted by the practice of cultural inequality, a repressive labor policy, economic backwardness, inadequate educational and medical facilities, and lack of technical development. Portugal and Belgium had colonial governments of repression, contrary to France and Britain.

Population growth led to poverty and unemployment as modernization methods such as agriculture, mining, and industry was believed to establish a large population of workers, however, the growth rates of these modernizations were unequal to the substantial numbers generated by simple population increase. Sub-Saharan Africa's 383 million as of 1980 had reached 600 million in 1996 and was expected to approach 680 million by the year 2000. A growing number of African governments began to sponsor family-planning programs, but the problems presented by raw population growth were further complicated by movements of people, both local and regional, particularly from the countryside to the cities.

Population growth

Created in 1958, this brought sharp criticism from abroad, an Act under which individuals could be detained without trial for conduct suspected of being a threat to national security in Ghana. The government used this increasingly over time, using it at first against the opposition, eventually directing it on leading CPP politicians themselves (July 543).

Preventive Detention Act-

Evaluate the problems associated with modernization, especially as they relate to agriculture, mining, and industry.

Problems associated with modernization specific to agriculture were numerous, as Africa was notorious for pests that destroyed crops as well as intense competition for survival of agriculture as there was a large expansion of population with Africa's tropical temperatures that lacked a period of winter frost. With the introduction of colonial control came for the first time "the possibility of overturning this dismal balance of nature and converting crop production into a major engine for a rising standard of living" (July 521) as it stimulated other sectors of the economy and directly attacked the problem of unemployment in the continent. However, "beyond the ecological balance of a tropical environment with its downward-leveling pressures, Africa suffers widely from a thin and infertile soil cover which is alternately washed away by excessive rains and burned out by an equatorial sun" (July 521). Another issue faced with agriculture was the African farmer with a deep attachment to a particular parcel of land, and nonetheless hampered by limitations of technique and overlook, stuck in the production of survival and security through subsistence agriculture. Furthermore, production was primarily linked to local consumption, making the mode modern concepts of a market economy of cash crops, the accumulation of surpluses, and production specialization grow but very slowly. Even more, "traditional patterns of land tenure have militated against the idea of private ownership, thereby inhibiting any tendencies by individual farmers to introduce physical improvements or to invest capital and labor in anticipation of greater productivity" (July 522). These issues frustrated the development of scientific cultivation and commercialized production in a money economy, nonetheless, there were factors working for change. Things such as "state-directed pest control; better transportation, irrigation and erosion projects; the production of fertilizers; government agricultural credit and crop storage facilities, as well as improved genetic strains to increase productivity" (July 522) were employed and undertakings of vast projects such as the Gezira cotton-growing scheme met great success. Although not perfected, it was clear that agricultural production had to be dramatically increased, greatly improved in quality, and concentrated on essential crops to meet the needs of the home market eliminating costly imports with exports developing a prerequisite to economic growth. After agriculture lagged with lack of modern methods and technology, droughts, and other natural disasters, Africans began to look towards mining as a source for wealth. The supply of minerals offered many attractive prospects, as mining was developed the export of minerals "earned foreign exchange and invited investment," however, "it also required sophisticated harbor, transportation, and power facilities...expensive facilities often an impediment to development" (July 524), leading to difficulties with modernization. Furthermore, "competition between nations inside and outside Africa, or from new products, the wastage caused by political unrest, or the fact that some nations simply lacked the natural resources for development or found their supplies running out" (July 524), gave Africans serious challenges for hopes of development. While mining was helpful in areas where minerals were present, it was hurtful to areas that were not. Industry was critical for Africa because it was the development of industry that first attracted African planners because industrialization was widely regarded at independence as the key to a breakthrough from poverty to affluence. Although this seems optimal, the facts got distorted as Africans believed it meant "that the wealthy nations were wealthy because they were industrialized" (July 525), a fact that was not true. This led to a distorted relationship between industry and wealth - a notion that meant as "national incomes rise, a greater proportion goes toward purchase of industrial goods, a condition that militates against those states exporting foodstuffs and other primary products while importing the bulk of their manufactured commodities" (July 525), a state that would eventually lead to a steadily worsening balance-of-payments relationship with the industrial world. Furthermore, the actual process of industrialization's goal was to be rapid, but indirection tended to be the quickest route. However, successful industry required a strong internal market and since most domestic consumers were farmers, developing nations were thrust back one more on agriculture, leading to a national income to a restricted class of citizen's affluent enough to purchase manufactured goods. Another problem with modernization of industry was "independent governments hoped that a manufacturing establishment would help absorb large populations of workers, a vain illusion since ven the most optimistic industrial growth rates were unequal to the substantial numbers generated by simple population increase" (July 526). With skilled labors in short supply on top of this it led to great issues. Overall, "most industrial development occurred in light manufacturing as engineering and heavy industries lagged, thereby stunting essential industrial growth" (July 528). In combination with a dependency on foreign technology and skills, advantage in industry was given to outsiders and contributed to rural poverty and urban employment. Clearly, the Africans faced many challenges with modernization.

Under the regency of this man, the accession to the throne of Menelik's daughter, Zauditu, in Ethiopia occurred. hei himself rose to power in 1928 when he was crowned Emperor Haile Selassie I in 1930 upon the death of Zauditu. Selassie's regency had been a period of slowly developing authority out of which he hoped to introduce reforms which would resume the modernization process begun by Menelik. A beginning was made toward the abolition of slavery and the replacement of feudal dues with controlled taxation, a ministry of education was formed in 1930, and he granted the country's first constitution, albeit one that provided only for an appointed parliament exercising limited advisory authority. Selassie appeared to view his political role as the development of a loyal bureaucracy within the central government to offset the centrifugal force of the country's regional feudal barons (July 482).

Ras Tafari

Established in 1946, this emerged from a historic meeting at Bamako called by several of the West and Equatorial African deputies to the French parliament as a reaction against the undemocratic constitution of the French Union. The result was a series of RDA sections organized within most of the French-African areas, each section acting as a local political party but with a considerable inter-territorial allegiance to the RDA caused by mutual commitment to the idea of Africa emancipation. It maintained an essentially moderate position regarding the French Union.

Rassemblement Democratique Africain

There was a false belief that wealthy nations were wealthy because they were industrialized. However, this was not the case, instead, progressive deterioration in the trading position of primary producing countries in relation to the advanced industrial nations was a correct relationship. The argument for this was the capacity of societies to absorb foodstuffs or other raw materials is limited, but no such limitation applies to consumption of manufactured goods. Therefore, as national incomes rise, a greater proportion goes toward purchase of industrial goods, a condition that militates against those states exporting foodstuffs and other primary products while importing the bulk of their manufactured commodities. Under these circumstances, economists advised developing nations to restrict industrial imports and encourage a domestic manufacturing establishment; the alternative was a steadily worsening balance-of-payments with the industrial world.

Relationships between industry and wealth

In Nigeria, after complex events that led to the secession of the Ibo-dominated eastern region, the establishment of the Republic of Biafra occurred in May 1967. A Republic not liked by its people, a long, grinding civil war ensued which ended in early 1970 with the total defeat of Biafra and the reaffirmation of Nigerian unity, under the leadership of General Yakubu Gowon. The circumstances of national rebellion and collapse, however, were embedded in history and in the character of Nigeria's people (July 554).

Republic of Biafra

The only educated African who resorted to rebellion in the first period of anticolonial and nationalistic reaction, this man went to the United States for his education and returned three years to be an ordained minister. In his hometown of Chiradzulu, he established the Providence Industrial Mission, which ran schools and farms. After economic difficulties combining with famine and men being taken for the war, this man could not work within the colonial framework any longer and he began to attack colonialism as a mockery of Christianity in his sermons. He condemned African participation in the war, and in January 1915 raised the standard of the revolt, with his rebellion being suppressed and he being shot.

Rev. John Chilembwe

This man was known to put up the most courageous and fascinating defense of his independence and sovereignty of any African previous or after against the forces of European colonialism. Creating a huge empire covering the northern parts of modern Sierra Leone, Guinea, and parts of Senegal, policed by a very powerful army divided into infantry and cavalry wings, he created a well trained, well armed, homogenous empire. With multiple battles with the French and British, heeventually resorted from military confrontation to submission, later creating a second empire covering the northern parts of what is now the Ivory Coast and Ghana. After fighting both the British and the French again, he eventually was captured and died in 1900, but his capture "has been described as ' the longest series of campaigns against a single enemy in the history of French Sudanes conquest'" (Boahen 54). It also significant that he used all three methods against his opponents - submission, alliance, diplomacy and military confrontation, proving the term "collaborator" to be false.

Samori Toure

An explorer who arrived in Libreville in 1875, he conducted a series of explorations in the interior, first along the Ogowe River and then in other areas, capping his investigations by the treaty of 1880 with the Bateke king Makoko, forming the basis for France's claims to the Gabon hinterland as far as the site of Brazzaville on the north side of Stanley Pool. his activities, which included an infectious publicity campaign in Paris, stimulated a wave of expansionist enthusiasm in France and let to further explorations, which, by the opening of the Berlin Conference in 1884, had firmly established French hegemony north of the Congo along the Ubangi River (July 433).

Savorgnan de Brazza

A carpenter and evangelical preacher, he was part of the rise of separatist churches and prophet movements, which enabled the African to throw off European missionary control in preference to a self-directed religious expression. he quickly gained a large following drawn by his alleged powers as a healer, soon running afoul of the authorities who came to regard him as an insurrectionary and imprisoned him later in the year where he remained until his death. His followers anticipated his resurrection and return, however, partly as a protest against Western political and religious domination, and because his stature as a prophet raised him to a level with such figures as Christ, Muhammad, and Moses. This religious expression was the way political protests were made possible as overt resistance became useless and dangerous.

Simon Kimbangu

Describe the various reasons why so many military coups took place in African states. What were the objectives of these takeovers? Were these objectives realized?

So many military coups took place in African states because many Africans were already frustrated with problems of national unity and domestic stability. Single party governments that came into power discussed in the previous question were often viewed as corrupt and ineffective, leading to great unrest among the people. This political instability "reflected the complexities of societies under stress and change. Aside from the tenacious hold of 'tribalism' with its ethnic diversity and its clan loyalties, there was the disappointment of people who soon discovered that political independence did not automatically assure improved standard of living" (July 550). As frustration, unrest, and dissatisfaction reached epidemic proportions; the atmosphere of African states became charged with an intensity of unrest and crisis. When disillusionment reached the soldiers, "it touched individuals capable of translating anxiety into action" (July 550). As military coups became popular in many African states, with the people genuinely believing in significant and positive change from a corrupt, ineffective government to one that would be transparent and would respond to the needs of the people, this was rarely the case. Militaries themselves were not as stable and cohesive as they led the African people to believe, "The instability of new societies created tensions within the military itself, parochial tensions involving such matters as competition for promotions or personal jealousies, inter-crops rivalries, and ethnic animosities" (July 550). With an instable military coup taking over an instable government, it is no wonder that these coups did not prove effective in realizing the objectives they had before them. Most militaries "were marked by inconsistent patterns of recruitment, superficial training, and limited professional experience....often shot through with corruption, as well as their own cleavages, armies erupted into action for their own reasons, unseating weak, inefficient governments incapable of effective resistance and bereft of popular support" (July 550). Clearly, the coups replacing the "corrupt" governments were not so innocent themselves. Even if military coups did have an honest objective that they intended to follow through with, once these leaders got into the government hot seat they would be "unable to make the necessary and unpopular economic decisions or to check the growing corruption in and out of government" (July 552). Without the means to complete their objectives, ineffectiveness ultimately prevailed, giving little help to the African people.

What African groups participated in ethnic cleansing (genocide), and what possible motivation was given for committing this type of atrocity?

The African groups that participated in ethnic cleansing (genocide) were the Hutus and the Tutsis. The Tutsis were pastoralists who had ruled over the mountain highlands east of the Lake Kivu-Lake Tanganyika Rift system since their arrival in the fifteenth century or earlier, and the Hutus were the servile but far more numerous farmers. When independence in Rwanda and Burundi came in 1962, direct confrontation came with it as a Hutu dominated Rwanda and a government in Burundi controlled by Tutsi, "both under intermittent pressure from militant opposition, each presiding over dense populations totaling six to eight million, of which the Tutsi were a fifteen percent minority" (July 560). During the next following decades, large-scale massacres followed abortive uprisings in both countries, with the dead numbering in hundreds of thousands, principally Rwandan Tutsis and Hutu in Burundi. The possible motivation for committing this type of atrocity is to establish political rule in each group's perceived rightful land. As independence came, the chance to grab hold of their destiny, identity, and future became a possibility, and clearly the more land under one's control means the more power, and thus, deep rooted conflict over "whose is whose" could lead to horrific results such as genocide. After the Hutu president of Rwanda died in 1994 after an uncertain cause of a plane crash, half a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus died bringing an "invasion by an army of exiled Tutsis based in Uganda who overthrew the Hutu regime, thus propelling a massive Hutu emigration of approximately two million, chiefly into neighboring Zaire" (July 560). The Hutu refugees brought their problems to Zaire, suspected by the new Tutsi government in Rwanda of rearming for a counter invasion. Anticipating these plans, Rwandan army units joined Tutsi living in Zaire in attacks on the Hutu camps, "at the same time making common cause with the Popular Revolutionary Party of Laurent Kabila that had pursued a minor insurgency for years against Mobutu's rule" (July 560). Hutu eventually gained momentum with the support of Rwandan armies and captured the Zairian government. After years of destruction and large amounts of death, each group got what they desired, but the consequences outweighed the victory.

This was the Aboringes Rights Protection Society's mouthpiece, their newspaper. Put in 1902, "We want educated Fantis not Europeanized natives. We simply want our education to enable us to develop and to improve our native ideas, customs, manners and institutions" (Boahen 69). For this purpose, the society established some elementary schools and one secondary school in Cape Coast in 1905, the Mfantsipim School, with the Akan motto "Dwen Hwe Kan" ("Think and Look Ahead"), rather than the usual Latin motto. The society was formed to serve as the watchdog and mouthpiece of the interests of the people and a critic of the colonial system.

The Gold Coast Aborigines

These were dominated by the creditor nations in the West when Africa faced the crisis of foreign debt. They lent additional funds that were tied to seemingly sound advice on efficient economic management, austerity measures that would alleviate growing debts while simultaneously stabilizing erratic national economies. After it became clear debts could not be paid, both the IMF and World Bank stepped forward offering new funds to bankrupt economies, but tying this aid to programs of "structural adjustments" a strict regimen deemed essential to recovery. By the 1990s some thirty African nations were struggling toward stability under the supervision of World Bank or Monetary Fund programs. They lent another $2 billion in foreign aid through 1994, but the reward for austerity was a decade averaging a 5 percent annual increase in GNP accompanied by a vast improvement in public morale.

The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank-

This was both the epilogue to the European Scramble for Africa and the curtain-raiser to the new drama which ended in the sixties with the dismantling of colonialism in Africa. Snuffing out the last symbol of African independence and black achievement, this shocked and outraged not only politically conscious Africans at home and in Europe but also black people throughout the whole world and especially in the United States and the West Indies. Ending any faith that moderate African leaders had in the progressive aspects of colonialism, this move convinced them of the need to overthrow colonialism.

The Italian occupation of Ethiopia

Describe the concept of negritude. How does it relate to pan-Africanism, and why do some criticize it?

The concept of negritude was developed by Antilles poet Aime Cesaire on the eve of the Second World War, a concept that in time came for many to embody the essence of pan-negro cultural affirmation. In the post-war years, negritude lent is weight to Africa's independence drive, and "came to embody the search for true racial emancipation, in Africa, a final freeing of those real of imaginary bonds that had compelled colonial subjects to defer to Europe" (July 586). The movement gained its greatest drive in the French colonies, where French assimilation had adorned the virtues of French language and culture. After having a foreign culture imposed on them for so long from European powers, blacks tended to demean their own unconsciously, but negritude worked to reverse that. This aligns with pan-Africanism as with negritude "racial humiliation was converted to racial pride" (July 586), bringing indigenous groups together, which can be observed in pan-Africanism. According to a poet Orpheus, however, this negritude was a short-lived triumph, "an antiracist racism, but the paradox of racism arising from its opposition was resolved through black self-abnegation leading to the ultimate synthesis of human brotherhood" (July 586). Criticism of negritude furthered to say that "Offended, humiliated, the blacks probe to the most profound depths to find again their most secret pride, and when they have finally discovered it...by supreme generosity they abandon it" (July 587), going so far as to deem it future universalism. Some proponents of negritude took a slightly differing stance, such as Senghor, who believed that "Negritude, firmly placed in Africa, reaches to Europe...with its intuition it enriches Western logic" (July 587), going on to say how it grips many people in the Westernized world. However, many people shied away from this admiration of European civilization. Many people saw the crux of negritude as the African or black cultural renascence simply to match the movement toward political independence that was sweeping the continent that can be seen in pan-Africanism. Not everyone trusted this view though. Where British colonialism prevailed, Africans who were more concerned with national independence than vague and romantic appeals to a cultural mystique met negritude with mistrust. Independence was what Africans cared about in British colonies, the realm of cultural affairs was met with great indifference, if not uncertainty and contradiction. People believed there were greater pressing matters, and thus in colonies such as the British negritude were put on the back burner. Further criticism could be found in people such as Marxists, realists, and Sonyinka. One of the main arguments was that without western technology, Africa would not be able to improve its situation and be a productive economy in the world.

How did the economic practices of the Europeans affect African merchants, farmers, and peasants?

The economic practices of the Europeans had various affects on African merchants, farmers, and peasants, but altogether, the effects were negative. With Europeans focusing on building roads, railways, and harbors to move raw materials, manufactured goods, and heavy machinery, a large amount of land was unjustly taken from the Africans. Through confiscation and the expulsion and resettlement of indigenous peoples, Europeans acquired the necessary land to complete their economic practices, forcing labor on a large scale to grow certain cash crops - and those who failed to produce the targets were faced with extreme brutality. This forced labor also caused some people to migrate with the creation of migration labor. Thus merchants, farmers, and peasants were combined into the same group of forced labor, losing their old occupations in return for insufficient pay or rewards. Farmers and peasants lost land to cultivate on, creating significant economic loss. However, farmers far from the colonial infrastructure continued in their pre-colonial ways. Merchants were eliminated from the import-export business as expatriate firms and companies were given every opportunity to import manufactured goods and to export raw materials, also producing economic loss for merchants as well. These expatriate-owned banks were allowed to operate in all the colonies, "all of these banks discriminated against African entrepreneurs in their granting of loans...[banning] them from the lucrative mining enterprises" (Boahen 61), limiting Africans severely on how they could find a means to financially survive. Peasants were expected to produce more work with less compensation, yet again negatively affecting Africans negatively. As the nature of the colonial system, "was the ruthless exploitation of the human and material resources of the African continent to the advantage of the owners and shareholders of expatriate companies and the industrial firms" (Boahen 62), this deeply offset the economic balance and security of African merchants, farmers, and peasants. Although despised by Africans, the production of cash crops and the development of mineral deposits (the main focus of economic practices) changed Africans from a barter to a cash economy. Another positive effect, the development of the infrastructure brought by the Europeans integrated Africa into the world economy. However, as Africa was integrated into the world economy, most African states were reduced to markets for the consumption of manufactured goods and producers of raw materials for export.

This was a chronic dispute between the people of Lagos and the government over the king, or this, or Lagos. After being annexed in 1861 under a treaty with Docemo, the then-reigning of this, where Domeco was given an annual stipend with no provision made for his heirs as traditional authority to the city. Focusing on this issue, they urged Lugard to provide an adequate stipend, upon which the British imposed a new ruler, which led to a major source of embarrassment for the administration. With incessant editorial campaign over a number of years, the controversy was finally settled when the government agreed to the restoration of the popular claimant. This was a small victory and demonstrated the character of a determined and resourceful African leadership, as well as the virility of traditional customs facing the pressures of external change (July 410).

The eleko dispute

What factors contributed to the demise of the colonial system?

The five factors that contributed to the demise of the colonial system were the Italian occupation of Ethiopia itself, the impact of the Second World War, the Pan-Africanist Congress of 1945 at Manchester, the formation of new political parties, and the emergence of new, dynamic, and radical African leaders who demanded this time not the reform of the colonial system but its total abolition and the restoration of African independence, sovereignty, and dignity. With the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, politically conscious Africans at home and in Europe were shocked and outraged, but this extended to black people throughout the whole world, especially in the United States and West Indies. This also contributed to the colonial system's demise because it "ended any faith that moderate African leaders had in the progressive aspects of colonialism and convinced them of the need to overthrow that system" (Boahen 91). The Second World War contributed to the demise of the colonial system due to the great deal of anger in the colonial territories stirred by Africans conscripted into the colonial armies. This anger made them more responsive to the anticolonial appeals of the nationalists and led to a large rising up of leaders for the nationalist cause. Furthermore, the war left colonial powers such as the British and French impoverished, setting up the path for anti-colonialism to finally succeed. The third factor, the pan-Africanist Congress of 1945 at Manchester, "called for the liberation of Africa from colonial rule and worked out strategies and tactics for accomplishing this end which some of the leaders later applied" (Boahen 92). Lastly, the political parties emerging after the war now enjoyed the support of both the working classes and masses and even traditional rulers, making it impossible to be ignored or sub missed by colonial powers, paving the way for the demise of the colonial system as they demanded the abolition of the Europeans and the rightful reclaiming of African independence.

In what ways were the independence movements of former British, French, and Belgian colonies alike, and in what ways did they differ? Did the colonizers' country of origin make a difference in their response to demands for liberation?

The former British colonies experienced independence movements and met them with a surprising amount of acceptance. In fact, it was the British administration, not the African people, who took the first steps toward Tanganyikan independence after the Second World War. What stimulated the British ones were the rising commodity prices and scarcity of consumer goods caused by worldwide shortages at the end of the Second World War. Increasing numbers of urbanites with money to spend but few goods to buy suspected the government of using its position to assist European importers in manipulating the price structure for private profit, to public disadvantage. The people came to a conclusion that, "the government sought to ruin farmers and take their land while encouraging the European merchants to make a killing out of the price spiral and market shortages" (July 485), building unrest. Along these lines, there was also "a basic shift in the community which upset long-standing social relations and encouraged a growing temper of opposition to authority within a large section of the population" (July 485), due to the accelerating modernization that doubled the numbers living in the major cities who were dissatisfied with village life and unable to rise in the complex and unsettling world of the city. As this unrest grew, Western-educated Africans formed a national movement dedicated to eventual self-government, upon which through at least ten years of fierce declaration of independence the British government was finally convinced by Kwame Nkrumah that the country was ready for complete autonomy and "on March 6, 1957, the Gold Coast became the independent state of Ghana" (July 487). Also under British rule, Nigeria became independent on October 1, 1960, after a new constitution was formed due to the British government convening a new constitutional conference (in other words, they were very supportive and responsive to demands of liberation). The independence movements of former French colonies were met with a much larger resistance compared to that of British, at one point with France declaring "forever inadmissible the idea of self-government for France's colonies" (July 491). Attempting to combat the incentives of the Africans for independence, French colonies ended forced labor and administrative justice, however, real authority remained with the French parliament and parliamentary ministers were empowered to govern the territories by decree in the absence of contradictory legislation. As unrest continued to rise as Ghana declared itself an independent nation, the French principle of assimilation was abandoned "in favor of a revived concept of association in which a number of now semiautonomous territories with power over local affairs were placed in a federal relationship with France, the French government retaining control in external matters. Local autonomy was granted, not as a step toward independence, but as its substitute" (July 493), showing how France resorted to independence through force and unwillingly compared to Britain's response. In this state of compromise, in the spring of 1958 General de Gaulle proposed "that the African territories either ratify the constitution of the new Fifth Republic of France and thereby become autonomous states within a Community whose external affairs would be controlled by France, or take immediate and absolute independence" (July 494). Despite cries for independence, many chose to accept the constitution and the community, for severing their long association with France was putting an end to the substantial developmental assistance that had poured into their territories since the conclusion of the Second World War. The independence movements of the Belgian colonies were met with an uncharacteristic response of acceptance like the Britain's, however, this was not due to supportive reasoning. Prior to independence movements, Belgian colonies had kept strict, tight control over the colonies leaving little room for opposing movements to break forth. However, as independence movements began to take hold, albeit later than France and Britain's colonies, "the response of the Belgian authorities was a rapid series of major concessions, culminating late in 1959 in the astonishing announcement that a conference would be held the following January, its predetermined outcome to be the independence for Congo in 1960" (July 496). As strains of divisiveness plagued the area, independence seemed inevitable. However, "Belgian authorities had expected to retain control over external affairs even after independence, but the weakness of their stand drew forth even more extreme demands from the Congolese" (July 497). Although the Republic of the Congo became a sovereign state under the most unpredictable circumstances, there was no sense of national identity, "political leadership at the center was essentially dependent upon support in the regions, geographic diversity and enormous distances added their complications, while the sudden departure of a paternalist colonial regime removed restraints long endured and set free all of the centrifugal forces in the vast land" (July 497), leading to eventual anarchy, destruction, and unrest. Although each independence movement was met with in different ways - Britain responsive and welcoming, France grudgingly, and Belgian fearfully, independence was achieved for all - beneficial or not.

Explain the growth of voluntary associations and their political role in African independence movements.

The growth of voluntary associations is seen at the end of the Second World War and played a substantial role in African independence movements. These voluntary associations were political expressions of African dissatisfaction with the limits - politically, educationally, economically, and socially that Africans faced being continuously subordinate to the Europeans. Parties such as Macaulay's Nigerian National Democratic Party and Casely Hayford's National Congress of British West Africa are examples, making clear their opposition to colonial administration. These voluntary associations grew in response to the developing needs of the new city dwellers. "It was not merely a question of maintaining family or lineage links, although that was always important, these groups included as well trade unions, social clubs, sports associations, cultural fraternities, mutual aid societies, and religious movements, each with is special concerns" (July 477). These associations came to have a political role as a training ground for leadership, making them influential in African independence movements, as African-controlled information networks, as centripetal forces within a heterogeneous population, and finally as nuclei for organizing the mass supporters of overt political action. Clearly, voluntary associations were critical in African independence movements, raising up influential leaders and gathering the necessary support to achieve independence and defy colonial administration. An example of this can be seen with the Kenya African Union, who between 1945 and 1953 "petitioned the government repeatedly for political and economic reform, particularly a change in land policy and a more direct representation in the councils of government" (July 505). They also argued that Africans were entitled to a higher proportion of the unofficial membership on the legislative council, a membership directly elected. When met with largely ignored stances from the ruling government, this peaceful petition slowly turned to violent means, eventually leading to the Mau Mau and thus changes in land reform, a program of cash crop development, and eventually a complex constitution drawn in 1960 that led to Kenya being on its way to becoming an autonomous state.

Evaluate the impact of colonialism on Africa, identifying the problems and benefits of the colonial legacy, especially as they relate to urbanization, health care, and education.

The impact of colonialism on Africa was both beneficial and harmful, however, when examining the effects as a whole one can conclude that there are more negatives than positives to the legacy that it left. One of the most negative political impacts that the colonial legacy left on Africa was the loss of sovereignty and independence that decreased their ability to affectively urbanize. When colonialism was in full swing, states lost their rights to control their own destiny, plan their own development, decide which outside nations to borrow from or associate with or emulate, which to conduct its own diplomacy and international relations, and how to manage or mismanage their own affairs. Without acquiring the knowledge of how to do this, when Africa became independent there was little Africans experienced to effectively run on a government, decreasing urbanization. The loss of sovereignty of Africa is said to be "one of the fundamental causes of its present underdevelopment and technological backwardness" (Boahen 100). There were positive effects to urbanization from colonialism, however. One example of this is "the provision of an infrastructure of roads, railways, harbors, the telegraph and the telephone. The basic infrastructure of every modern African state was completed during the colonial period, and in most countries, not even a mile of railroad has been constructed since independence" (Boahen 100). Furthermore, preexisting towns expanded, and completely new urban centers emerged following the establishment of the colonial system. The transportation to these centers was inadequate and unevenly distributed between colonies, though, and unfairly gave some areas economic advantage over others. Health care was also poorly distributed, with social services provided by colonialism giving twelve modern hospitals for Europeans, who numbered only 4,000, and only fifty-two for Africans, numbering 40 million in Nigeria. Educational facilities were also unevenly distributed, and even misdirected orientation in the educational facilities occurred that were provided in colonial Africa. Much of the spread of Western education was due to Christian missionaries, producing "the educated African elite which not only spearheaded the overthrow of the colonial system but also constitutes the backbone of the civil service of independent African states" (Boahen 104). This education was not focused on the benefit of the Africans themselves however, but "primarily 'to produce Africans who would be more productive for the [colonial] system" (Boahen 106). Because of the inadequacy of educational facilities, large numbers of Africans remained illiterate, and the elite produced by the colonial educational institutions were with few exceptions people "who were alienated from their own society in terms of their dress, outlook, and tastes in food, music, and even dance" (Boahen 106). They worshiped European culture, and dominated both the political and social scene in Africa since independence. As can be seen by this, the negatives certainly outweighed the positives of colonialism, however, without colonialism the progress in Africa may have not existed.

What was the motivation for Portugal to continue to cling to its colonial holdings of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea? Describe the events that led to the independence of these territories. What effect did their independence have on neighboring states?

The motivation for Portugal to continue to cling to its colonial holdings of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea because before the events that led to independence occurred, "casualties were light, the economic promise, especially in Angola, was great, and the regime remained unshaken in its devotion to Portugal's self-proclaimed imperial destiny" (July 565). Even after Portugal's dictator, Salazar, died his policies continued unchanged, with the Portuguese officials seeming to be in complete control. However, it ended up being the protector of the metropolitan regime and defender of Portugal's colonies themselves, the Portuguese army, "that introduced revolution at home and independence abroad" (July 565). Colonies of Portugal had witnessed large amounts of colonial wars, "steadily [bleeding] the metropolitan government of men and resources and [bringing] ultimate freedom overseas" (July 565). Portugal could not keep up their affront to opposition forever, and after condemned to unrelieved bush campaigning, leading sullen conscripts, and influenced by the nationalism displayed in Africans, "young Portuguese officers came eventually to resent the inefficiency and corruption of their leaders...finally [turning] on their own government, toppling the regime...swinging their country sharply to the left, and abruptly forcing the abandonment of the long-lived dream of a greater Lusitanian empire" (July 566). Guinea moved to independence slyly, with Cabral's liberation movement having power over two-thirds of the country and Portuguese garrisons limited to small areas. The grant of freedom was "no more than ratification of an accomplished fact" (July 566). Although Mozambique's independence was not as easy, with hit-and-run raids, rocket attacks on convoys, or mining of paths and roads as the liberation movements "campaigning", it nevertheless resulted in the endless, expensive war they were seeking that eventually brought disillusionment and revolution in Lisbon. In Angola, the path was even more complicated. With the Portuguese initially encouraging independence, a coalition was formed and twice collapsed, but in November 1975, "the Portuguese finally withdrew as agreed" (July 566). On the neighboring states, independence was an invitation for external intervention, with Cuban soldiers, Soviet technicians, and Communist-bloc arms invading despite infusions of American supplies and direct intervention by South African troops. After a pact was signed for a phased evacuation of Cuban troops, things seemed to settle down, but the effects of civil war and invasion was palpable to neighboring countries.

Describe the origin of the pan-African movement, its ideologies, its leaders, and its effectiveness.

The origin of the pan-African movement was slightly stimulated by the National Congress of British West Africa, particularly the journal of Casely Hayford which gave enthusiastic applause to evidence of black solidarity in various parts of the world and laid claims for Africa as natural leader of worldwide pan-Africanism. Hayford argued that under African leadership, "the black race could harness the discoveries of science, throw off the yoke of oppression, and eventually employ an elevated sense of right and wrong to assume moral leadership in a sick and materialist world" (July 416). Although Hayford's views back the ideology of the pan-African movement, his journal was not the true origin. The true origin had to do with, "those burdened with slavery and the subsequent iniquities of segregation and discrimination, Africa [becoming] a continuing source of inspiration for racial accomplishment and solidarity as well as a destination for emigration schemes put forward occasionally with the black community of America" (July 417). This idea of racial solidarity transcending continental limitations was manifested in the first pan-African conference located in London in 1900 by the West Indian barrister Henry Sylvester Williams. The pan-Africanism movement reached full dimension in 1919 when the black American leader W.E.B. Du Bois organized a pan-African congress in Paris coincident with the Versailles peace conference. The objective at this conference was, "to seize the opportunity presented by the assembled delegates from the powers of Europe in order to demonstrate the solidarity of the black race, and to lay claim to the importance of Africa in the postwar world" (July 417). This was met with little effectiveness, however, as these hopes were out of touch with the realities of postwar colonial policy in Africa. Two years later, Du Bois brought together another conference which met in London, Brussels, and Paris, passing a resolution criticizing the Belgian colonial regime and therefore being met with legislation overriding the conference's decisions, once again producing no effect. Blaise Diagne held a significant role in this lack of effectiveness, "[declaring] himself opposed to any implied criticism of France's colonial policy" (July 418), blocking progressive moves with his belief that the evolution of the black race was dependent upon the assimilation of European culture and cooperation with colonial administration. Diagne thwarted pan-African movements again with Marcus Garvey, who attempted to acquire Diagne's support for his strong criticism of European colonialism and creation of a black empire in Africa. This collapsed in 1925, due to Garvey's conviction of fraud and deportation to the United States. After this, the pan-African movement slowed down, meeting intermittently but with no real change coming into effect.

Describe the relationship of Rhodesia to Great Britain, and compare Rhodesia to South Africa. What pressures on South Africa finally encouraged the elimination of apartheid?

The relationship of Rhodesia to Great Britain was not a relationship one would desire to have. Beginning with the British government declaring the UDI action illegal and placing a ban on the sale of oil to Rhodesia and a number of its products, causing exports to sag, with Britain declining to back its diplomacy with force, guerrillas arose across Rhodesia to display the discontent of the African people. It is said that "the combination of sanctions and guerrillas was sufficiently vexing for Smith's Rhodesian Front government to bring forth a renewed effort at settlement with the British, and a tentative agreement was reached in November 1971 that would have ended UDI and brought the eventual achievement of African rule" (July 568). As the Rhodesian people rejected this, it did not pass. However, after a new constitution where whites and blacks shared power failed to deliver and guerrillas ensued, Ian Smith ran out of options, "[demonstrating] the incapacity of an African country governed by a small European minority" (July 570). Rhodesia was still a British colony despite the UDI in 1965, and thus in September 1979, the British government called a conference designed to settle the fourteen-year dispute over the future of Rhodesia. "There followed almost four months of delicate but wearing negotiation which culminated in December 1979 with acceptance of a cease-fire and new constitution based upon majority rule" (July 570). The pressures that ensued from South Africa's influence on Rhodesia encouraged this elimination of apartheid just discussed. With the Portuguese army revolt described in the previous question, it threw open a question for the future survival for white governments in southern Africa, and "with the independence of Mozambique and Angola, Rhodesia found itself at once surrounded by unfriendly African nations - 250,000 whites confronted by a domestic black population of 6.8 million" (July 569). Attempting to avoid inevitable racial conflict, Ian Smith released political prisoners repealing the ban on ZANU and ZAPU, and "began to think of what he had proclaimed unthinkable in my lifetime - black power in Rhodesia" (July 569). Clearly, Rhodesia was not well liked among it's African neighbors until real change occurred.

Due to circumstances conducive to the emergence of extremism, both European and African, an extremism led to the crisis of UDI in November 1965. Hard attitudes and relationships that turned into prejudice preceded this, and forced growth of African nationalism in Southern Rhodesia led to this. As different political unions opposed each other as Southern Rhodesia sought independence, even after a year of intensive negotiation, there appeared to be no basis for compromising the essential quarrel over whether power would ultimately rest with the majority, which would mean African rule, or with the settler minority and their position of racial supremacy, thus, the UDI was broadcast by Ian Smith, and the last of the Central African territories found its independence.

Unilateral Declaration of Independence

Discuss the role the Republic of Liberia played in the development of African nationalism. What problems did the country face in the pre-World War period, and how were they resolved?

With the National Congress of British West Africa attempting to form a black African empire, the Republic of Liberia was inevitably to be turned to, as it was an independent region for three-quarters of a century. At first accepting Garvey's request to obtain some land in order to capitalize on his nationalist movement, after insight from neighboring colonial powers and a suspicion that Garvey intended to upset the True Whig reigning party of the country, Liberia pulled out, fearing an organization that was working to overthrow European authority. Any attachment to European powers were deemed as a threat to their independence, and despite Liberia's inefficient and often corrupt government, an impoverished economy, an uncertain national sovereignty, and a repressive "native policy", they wanted nothing to do with foreign help. However, after realizing the problem of economic development and the need to liquid expensive foreign loans, the Firestone agreements were arranged and American control was introduced to Liberia. In agreement with a foreign country, as is repetitively observed; control from the outside country was implemented. Attempting to retain a system of government through local rulers keeping the interior divided and isolated along tribal lines, generally harsh and arbitrary policy was beginning to lead to violence in Liberia. However, with the inauguration of William V.S. Tubman, a new approach was introduced in the form of Tubman's Unification Policy. The philosophy of this approach was directed toward "giving the traditional societies a sense of genuine participation in national life in place of their former exploitation (forced slave labor). Extended suffrage and parliamentary representation, introduction of programs for health, education, and public works into the hinterland, guarantees against alienation of tribal lands, improvement of the professional quality of the interior administration, and a campaign to promote appreciation of traditional culture all combined to attenuate the old animosities" (July 421). This was significant because Americo-Liberians were able to take the lead as patriots within their own country, with social, economic, and political improvements for the indigenous people of Liberia, and the settler minority remaining firmly in control of the sources of power and wealth.

The abandonment of free trade and the erection of tariff barriers for the protection of the young industries of Europe and America, a step taken by Russia in 1877, Germany in 1879, and France in 1881. This was the consequence of international trade becoming increasingly competitive, following the spread of England's industrial capitalism to the other European countries as well as to the United States (Boahen 30).

neomercantilism