7.2- 7.3

Source 1 "German wartime propaganda [during the First World War] has been criticized on many different grounds, but its success in blaming the war on Russia was a masterstroke, mobilizing widespread Russophobia in the working classes, the people most opposed to armed conflict, and playing on the threat of invasion. As [a daily newspaper in Berlin] told its readers, 'the German people may honestly say once more in this hour that it did not want this war. . . . But it will not allow the soil of the Fatherland to be overrun and devastated by Russian regiments.' The brief occupation of East Prussian territory by Russian units at the end of August fanned fears of the so-called 'blood Tsar' and his 'Cossack hordes' further. Exaggerated atrocity stories appeared in the press and were given credibility by the letters of men serving [at the front]. Under such circumstances, it was hardly surprising that men of all classes decided that it was their patriotic duty to fight. . . . [I]n Germany, surrounded on all sides by enemies, the rush to volunteer was immediate and spontaneous. With no official encouragement, 260,672 enlistment requests were received in Prussia alone during the first week of mobilization. . . . Moreover, contrary to the usual claim [made by historians] that volunteers were 'war-enthused' students or schoolchildren, examination of muster rolls [lists of new recruits] and letters demonstrates that a broad cross-section of urban society enlisted, mainly for reasons of patriotic self-defense." Alexander Watson, British historian, Enduring the Great War, 2008 Source 2 "In Britain, the interpretation of what constituted sensitive military news and should therefore be suppressed was broad, but censorship was handled far less obtrusively [than in Germany]. Essentially, the British system consisted of a close control of news at the source by military authorities, combined with a tight-knit group of 'press lords' who . . . decided what was 'good for the country to know.' Important losses or battles often went completely unmentioned. When the [British] battleship Audacious was sunk by a mine on 27 October 1914 off the Irish coast, the loss was simply never announced. When the Battle of Jutland [a major naval engagement between British and German fleets] was under way, not one civilian knew about it. [Even when official censorship sometimes foundered], the press willingly censored itself. Why did British journalists cooperate so willingly in suppressing important news? The obvious answer is that they all belonged to the same club, whose membership also included the most powerful politicians. Publishing a casualty list (or a letter from a wounded corporal about military bungling) would have meant expulsion from the club; social ostracism apparently meant more to the newsmen than their professional duty to inform the public. The government also possessed positive incentives. In addition to breakfast, lunch, tea, dinner, and golf weekends in the company of the powerful, knighthoods and lordships were generously distributed among the press and, finally, prestigious posts in government itself. Alice Goldfarb Marquis, United States historian, "Words as Weapons: Propaganda in Britain and Germany during the First World War," article published in an academic journal, 1978 Which of the following types of evidence does Watson (Source 1) cite to support his claim that early German support for the war was not limited to the young? A Muster rolls and letters B Newspaper articles C Propaganda ministry records D The works of other historians of the war

A Muster rolls and letters

Which of the following best supports the contention that the First World War was the first total war? A Governments mobilized large segments of their populations and economies and targeted their opponents' military and economic capabilities. B The militaries of all major powers used the most advanced weaponry available to them. C All the major European powers were involved in the war. D Many of the countries on the victorious side of the war were weakened politically by conflict.

A Governments mobilized large segments of their populations and economies and targeted their opponents' military and economic capabilities.

The photograph above of German East African troops best illustrates which of the following historical processes during the First World War? A The increasing inclusion of non-Europeans in European conflicts B The undermining of European claims to moral superiority as a result of the destructiveness of the First World War C The development of African nationalism as a consequence of Africans' involvement in European wars D The gradual extension of self-rule to Europe's African colonies in the face of anticolonial protests by Africans

A The increasing inclusion of non-Europeans in European conflicts

Source 1 "German wartime propaganda [during the First World War] has been criticized on many different grounds, but its success in blaming the war on Russia was a masterstroke, mobilizing widespread Russophobia in the working classes, the people most opposed to armed conflict, and playing on the threat of invasion. As [a daily newspaper in Berlin] told its readers, 'the German people may honestly say once more in this hour that it did not want this war. . . . But it will not allow the soil of the Fatherland to be overrun and devastated by Russian regiments.' The brief occupation of East Prussian territory by Russian units at the end of August fanned fears of the so-called 'blood Tsar' and his 'Cossack hordes' further. Exaggerated atrocity stories appeared in the press and were given credibility by the letters of men serving [at the front]. Under such circumstances, it was hardly surprising that men of all classes decided that it was their patriotic duty to fight. . . . [I]n Germany, surrounded on all sides by enemies, the rush to volunteer was immediate and spontaneous. With no official encouragement, 260,672 enlistment requests were received in Prussia alone during the first week of mobilization. . . . Moreover, contrary to the usual claim [made by historians] that volunteers were 'war-enthused' students or schoolchildren, examination of muster rolls [lists of new recruits] and letters demonstrates that a broad cross-section of urban society enlisted, mainly for reasons of patriotic self-defense." Alexander Watson, British historian, Enduring the Great War, 2008 Source 2 "In Britain, the interpretation of what constituted sensitive military news and should therefore be suppressed was broad, but censorship was handled far less obtrusively [than in Germany]. Essentially, the British system consisted of a close control of news at the source by military authorities, combined with a tight-knit group of 'press lords' who . . . decided what was 'good for the country to know.' Important losses or battles often went completely unmentioned. When the [British] battleship Audacious was sunk by a mine on 27 October 1914 off the Irish coast, the loss was simply never announced. When the Battle of Jutland [a major naval engagement between British and German fleets] was under way, not one civilian knew about it. [Even when official censorship sometimes foundered], the press willingly censored itself. Why did British journalists cooperate so willingly in suppressing important news? The obvious answer is that they all belonged to the same club, whose membership also included the most powerful politicians. Publishing a casualty list (or a letter from a wounded corporal about military bungling) would have meant expulsion from the club; social ostracism apparently meant more to the newsmen than their professional duty to inform the public. The government also possessed positive incentives. In addition to breakfast, lunch, tea, dinner, and golf weekends in the company of the powerful, knighthoods and lordships were generously distributed among the press and, finally, prestigious posts in government itself. Alice Goldfarb Marquis, United States historian, "Words as Weapons: Propaganda in Britain and Germany during the First World War," article published in an academic journal, 1978 Watson, in the first paragraph of Source 1, uses the newspaper quote to support the claim that A Russian troops committed atrocities against German civilians B German propaganda portrayed the conflict with Russia as a defensive war C parts of eastern Germany were occupied by Russian troops in the early stages of the war D ordinary Germans were not genuinely afraid of the effects of a possible Russian invasion

B German propaganda portrayed the conflict with Russia as a defensive war

Source 1 "German wartime propaganda [during the First World War] has been criticized on many different grounds, but its success in blaming the war on Russia was a masterstroke, mobilizing widespread Russophobia in the working classes, the people most opposed to armed conflict, and playing on the threat of invasion. As [a daily newspaper in Berlin] told its readers, 'the German people may honestly say once more in this hour that it did not want this war. . . . But it will not allow the soil of the Fatherland to be overrun and devastated by Russian regiments.' The brief occupation of East Prussian territory by Russian units at the end of August fanned fears of the so-called 'blood Tsar' and his 'Cossack hordes' further. Exaggerated atrocity stories appeared in the press and were given credibility by the letters of men serving [at the front]. Under such circumstances, it was hardly surprising that men of all classes decided that it was their patriotic duty to fight. . . . [I]n Germany, surrounded on all sides by enemies, the rush to volunteer was immediate and spontaneous. With no official encouragement, 260,672 enlistment requests were received in Prussia alone during the first week of mobilization. . . . Moreover, contrary to the usual claim [made by historians] that volunteers were 'war-enthused' students or schoolchildren, examination of muster rolls [lists of new recruits] and letters demonstrates that a broad cross-section of urban society enlisted, mainly for reasons of patriotic self-defense." Alexander Watson, British historian, Enduring the Great War, 2008 Source 2 "In Britain, the interpretation of what constituted sensitive military news and should therefore be suppressed was broad, but censorship was handled far less obtrusively [than in Germany]. Essentially, the British system consisted of a close control of news at the source by military authorities, combined with a tight-knit group of 'press lords' who . . . decided what was 'good for the country to know.' Important losses or battles often went completely unmentioned. When the [British] battleship Audacious was sunk by a mine on 27 October 1914 off the Irish coast, the loss was simply never announced. When the Battle of Jutland [a major naval engagement between British and German fleets] was under way, not one civilian knew about it. [Even when official censorship sometimes foundered], the press willingly censored itself. Why did British journalists cooperate so willingly in suppressing important news? The obvious answer is that they all belonged to the same club, whose membership also included the most powerful politicians. Publishing a casualty list (or a letter from a wounded corporal about military bungling) would have meant expulsion from the club; social ostracism apparently meant more to the newsmen than their professional duty to inform the public. The government also possessed positive incentives. In addition to breakfast, lunch, tea, dinner, and golf weekends in the company of the powerful, knighthoods and lordships were generously distributed among the press and, finally, prestigious posts in government itself. Alice Goldfarb Marquis, United States historian, "Words as Weapons: Propaganda in Britain and Germany during the First World War," article published in an academic journal, 1978 Goldfarb, in Source 2, most directly supports her claim that the British press during the First World War routinely suppressed important war news by citing A letters by soldiers complaining of the incompetence of their leaders B rewards given to journalists by the British government C the more obtrusive press censorship of German authorities D the case of the sinking of a battleship and the Battle of Jutland

D the case of the sinking of a battleship and the Battle of Jutland

Which of the following most directly led to the start of the First World War? A European powers meeting in Berlin in 1884 and 1885 to divide Africa into colonies B Nationalist competition among industrialized powers for resources C Japanese imperialist expansion into Korea and China D Political tensions between communist and capitalist states

B Nationalist competition among industrialized powers for resources

Which of the following best describes the 1936 lithograph (entitled The Hero) by German artist George Grosz? A A propaganda poster prepared by the Nazi Party B A protest poster against the atrocities of the atomic bomb C A representation of a Holocaust victim D A post-First World War print expressing antiwar sentiment

D A post-First World War print expressing antiwar sentiment

Source 1 "Under the present circumstances, if we were to find ourselves in a war with France, it will be a people's war that cannot be won in one decisive battle but will turn into a long and deadly struggle with a country that will not give up before the strength of its entire people has been broken. Our own people, too, will be utterly broken and exhausted, even if we emerge victorious at the end." Helmuth von Moltke, German general, letter to the German emperor Wilhelm II, 1905 Source 2 "The integrity of what remains of the Ottoman Empire is one of the principles upon which the world's balance of power is based. Therefore, I reject the idea that it is in our national interest to shatter one of the cornerstones of the international order. What if, after we have attacked Libya* and destabilized the Ottoman Empire, the Balkans begin to stir? And what if a Balkan war provokes a clash between the two power blocs and a European war? Italy must not be the country that bears the responsibility of putting a match to the powder keg." *Italy wanted to colonize Libya, which at the time was a province of the Ottoman Empire. Giovanni Giolitti, prime minister of Italy, speech before the Italian parliament as it debated whether to attack Ottoman Libya, 1911 Giolitti's concerns in Source 2 about the potential consequences of conflict in the Balkans are most directly explained by which of the following developments in Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? A Ethnic and religious diversity in European states ensured that ethnic tensions in one region would quickly spread across Europe and spark civil wars. B European states entered into military alliances with each other that forced them to come to their allies' aid in the event of conflict with a nonallied state. C Military experts feared that future wars between European states would likely be far deadlier than past wars, because of the recent development of more advanced weapons. D Conflict between European rivals had already led to the dissolution of imperial states such as the Habsburg Austro-Hungarian Empire.

B European states entered into military alliances with each other that forced them to come to their allies' aid in the event of conflict with a nonallied state.

"At school the teachers say it is our patriotic duty to stop using foreign words. I didn't know what they meant by this at first, but now I see it—you must no longer say 'adieu' ['farewell'] because that is French. It is in order to say 'lebwohl' ['farewell' in German] instead. We also have a little tin box in which we'll put some small change in every time we slip up and use a foreign word. The contents of this little war savings box will go towards buying knitting wool. We must now knit woollen things for the soldiers." Diary of a twelve-year old German girl, August 1914 The passage above best exemplifies which of the following processes shortly after the outbreak of the First World War? A The increasingly authoritarian methods used by European teachers B The strengthening of nationalist sentiment throughout Europe C The emergence of a pan-European antiwar movement D The key role European women played in sustaining the war effort

B The strengthening of nationalist sentiment throughout Europe

Source 1 "Under the present circumstances, if we were to find ourselves in a war with France, it will be a people's war that cannot be won in one decisive battle but will turn into a long and deadly struggle with a country that will not give up before the strength of its entire people has been broken. Our own people, too, will be utterly broken and exhausted, even if we emerge victorious at the end." Helmuth von Moltke, German general, letter to the German emperor Wilhelm II, 1905 Source 2 "The integrity of what remains of the Ottoman Empire is one of the principles upon which the world's balance of power is based. Therefore, I reject the idea that it is in our national interest to shatter one of the cornerstones of the international order. What if, after we have attacked Libya* and destabilized the Ottoman Empire, the Balkans begin to stir? And what if a Balkan war provokes a clash between the two power blocs and a European war? Italy must not be the country that bears the responsibility of putting a match to the powder keg." *Italy wanted to colonize Libya, which at the time was a province of the Ottoman Empire. Giovanni Giolitti, prime minister of Italy, speech before the Italian parliament as it debated whether to attack Ottoman Libya, 1911 Moltke's prediction in Source 1 about the consequences of a potential war between Germany and France is most directly explained by the fact that A France's recent industrialization made it militarily superior to Germany B France had a much larger population than Germany C previous conflicts had stirred intense nationalism in France and Germany D fascists within Germany sought to use a potential war with France as an excuse to establish a dictatorship

C previous conflicts had stirred intense nationalism in France and Germany

Which of the following best describes the lithograph above by German artist George Grosz? A A propaganda poster prepared for the Nuremberg Rally by the Nazi Party B A protest poster against the atrocities of the atomic bomb C A representation of a Holocaust victim from Dachau D A post-First World War print expressing antiwar sentiment E A twentieth-century painting exemplifying the ideas of the Cubists

D A post-First World War print expressing antiwar sentiment

Source 1 "Under the present circumstances, if we were to find ourselves in a war with France, it will be a people's war that cannot be won in one decisive battle but will turn into a long and deadly struggle with a country that will not give up before the strength of its entire people has been broken. Our own people, too, will be utterly broken and exhausted, even if we emerge victorious at the end." Helmuth von Moltke, German general, letter to the German emperor Wilhelm II, 1905 Source 2 "The integrity of what remains of the Ottoman Empire is one of the principles upon which the world's balance of power is based. Therefore, I reject the idea that it is in our national interest to shatter one of the cornerstones of the international order. What if, after we have attacked Libya* and destabilized the Ottoman Empire, the Balkans begin to stir? And what if a Balkan war provokes a clash between the two power blocs and a European war? Italy must not be the country that bears the responsibility of putting a match to the powder keg." *Italy wanted to colonize Libya, which at the time was a province of the Ottoman Empire. Giovanni Giolitti, prime minister of Italy, speech before the Italian parliament as it debated whether to attack Ottoman Libya, 1911 In addition to the potential destabilization of the Ottoman Empire, Giolitti's argument in Source 2 regarding Italy's ambitions in Libya is likely explained by the concern that any attempt by a European state to acquire colonies in Africa could A lead African states to unite with each other against European powers B greatly endanger the spread of Catholicism and enable the spread of Islam C encourage Japan to take advantage of the situation and conquer Italian colonies in Asia D dangerously intensify rivalries between European states seeking to acquire territories and resources

D dangerously intensify rivalries between European states seeking to acquire territories and resources