Ch. 21 Ts and Qs

Congress System

Austria (Metternich), Britain (Castlereagh and Wellington), Prussia (Hardenberg) and Russia (Alexander 1) were determined to settle Europe after the years of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. Talleyrand was admitted to represent France. The settlement was a series of compromises. France was contained but not harshly punished. Russian expansion in eastern Europe was feared and limited. Austria gained influence in Germany and Italy. Prussia extended its territories. Britain's main interests were overseas. Minor states were treated as pawns. Some were combined to form larger states. Former rulers were restored. But nationalist feeling was thought unimportant, even dangerous, by the major powers. The Vienna settlement has been seen by some historians as a sensible arrangement. It was the best that could be expected in 1815 after the Napoleonic Wars, preventing war until 1854. Others have seen Vienna as showing the self-interest of the major states. Some of the terms were soon to cause trouble, especially as nationalism spread through Europe and people sought independence, e.g. in Italy, Germany and Belgium. The Congress System was an attempt to maintain peace and order through the combined influence and actions of the major states. Some historians believe that the term 'System' is inaccurate because there was nothing systematic about the meetings and that they were individual responses to crises. Others see the congresses as a significant attempt to resolve tensions. Austria, Britain, Prussia and Russia formed the Quadruple Alliance and agreed to maintain peace (the Concert of Europe). But the major powers had different aims. Austria and Russia favoured intervention against revolutions; Britain did not wish to intervene in internal disputes. Congresses were held to resolve disputes. At Aix-la-Chapelle, France was admitted to the Quintuple Alliance; the occupation of France ended. Troppau was a response to revolts in Spain, Portugal, Piedmont and Naples. Britain opposed intervention. At Laibach, Austria and Russia were ready to send soldiers against Italian revolts. Britain again opposed intervention. The Greek revolt caused disagreements. Britain (represented by Canning) withdrew at Verona when French troops were used against rebellion in Spain. Only Austria, Prussia and Russia met at St Petersburg (1825), an unsuccessful attempt to resolve their problems. Soon after 1815, nationalist movements developed to threaten stability. Metternich was particularly concerned to stabilise the Austrian empire with its many races. The German Diet, encouraged by Metternich, passed the Carlsbad Decrees (1819) to suppress liberal groups. There were more reactionary measures in the 1830s. In Italy, the Risorgimento ('Resurrection') movement developed. Following the failure of the 1830 revolution to unite Italy, Mazzini founded the 'Young Italy' movement (1831). Belgium became independent (1831) and its neutrality was confirmed (1839). Poland rebelled against Russia (1830 and 1846). Greece won its independence from the Turkish empire in 1830. A revolution against the absolute policies of Charles X of France resulted in his abdication and the monarchy of Louis Philippe.

What were the main causes and results of the revolutions of 1848? Where were they most successful?

Discontent at poor governance and life was a major cause of the Revolutions of 1848. Bad harvests and economic depression in the years leading up to the 1848 created massive discontent throughout all of Europe, and food riots were common. Unemployment was also created due to the economic crisis. These large-scale problems were obviously a precursor to large-scale revolutions, with building discontent coming with each bad harvest. However, it was not just a lack of food that caused discontent in Europe at the time. Poor governance was also a factor that caused unhappiness for many. The laissez-faire attitude of the French government and monarchy was a factor that caused many to be unhappy. They saw the government as useless. This discontent can be seen in the fact that there were 80 attempts on King Louis Philippe’s life in his eighteen-year reign. When the people of Paris first revolted on the 22nd of February, the dismissal of the government leader Guizot was a major step taken by Louis Philippe to placate the Parisian mobs, but an accidental attack from a military unit on the crowds destroyed any chance of reconciliation. The dismissal of Guizot shows that the discontent was directed at the government, and that it was even acknowledged by the monarch. The discontent in France not only came from the poor governance of what is known as the July Monarchy, but also from the violence in the country during this rule. This violence came from the many rebellions and insurrections against the government after it came to power in a social revolution itself in 1830. Throughout Europe almost all governments were the subject of popular discontent. For example, the first major uprising of 1848, in Palermo, Sicily, was an uprising mainly against the poor governance of the ruling Ferdinand II. As you can see, general discontent caused by food shortages, economic depression and poor governance was a major factor in causing the Revolutions of 1848. The large tide of liberalism in Europe leading up to the revolutions of 1848 was the major contributing factor to the unrest. Liberalism was present in all places that experienced revolution during 1848. Firstly, in the Sicilian uprising, the revolutionaries, as well as revolting against the misrule of their leader, were revolting against the repressive society in which they lived, and demanded the installation of the liberal and democratic 1812 constitution. In France, the government had over the previous years of its rule repressed its people also. Universal suffrage was still elusive in France, and many felt excluded by this. This can be seen as a cause of revolution by the fact that after the Paris Revolution, universal male suffrage was installed. The outbreak of the Paris Revolution was also directly related to liberalism. After the liberal opposition in the French Chamber of Deputies had gained ground on the ruling group in elections, they organized a banquet. The government banned this banquet, and this caused the masses of Paris to take to the streets. Therefore it can be seen that the repressive nature of the French government and their decision to stop free speech was the major cause of the Paris Revolution. In Austria, the repressive system of Prince Klemens von Metternich, which can be seen with the exceptionally rigid Carlsbad Decrees of 1819, was despised by the masses, and after the Paris Revolution, the people took the chance to revolt. This forced the resignation of Metternich.The restoration had commenced even before the revolution was over, and it was accomplished by the armies that had remained faithful to their respective governments. Military repression was first employed in Paris by Louis-Eugène Cavaignac against the insurgents in June, and by Alfred, prince von Windischgrätz, on June 17 against the Czechs in Prague, and later by the Austrian Army in Lombardy and in Vienna; then in Berlin in December, and in 1849 by the Prussian Army in Saxony and Baden. Order was restored in Rome only by French intervention, and in Hungary with the help of the Russian Army. The king of Prussia, having refused the title of emperor offered to him by the Frankfurt Assembly, sought to achieve the unity of Germany by a union between the German princes. Austria and Russia, however, compelled him to abandon his design by the Convention of Olmütz in 1850. The immediate result of the reaction became manifest in the withdrawal of liberal democratic or nationalist concessions which had been made during the revolution: universal manhood suffrage, liberty of the press and of assembly. Absolute monarchy was reestablished in Germany, Austria, and Italy; and the governments, in alliance with the middle classes and the clergy, who were terrified by the Socialist proposals, strengthened the police forces and organized a persecution of the popular press and associations that paralyzed political life. In France the reaction led to the coup d'etat against the assembly on the part of Prince Louis-Napoléon on Dec. 2, 1851, and the reestablishment of the hereditary empire under Napoleon III in 1852. The restoration, however, was not complete, for universal manhood suffrage was not abolished in France; in Prussia, the Constitution of January 1850, which established an elective assembly, and, in Sardinia, the Constitution of March 1848 were retained; the signorial rights were not restored in Austria.

Charles Foureir

Fourier was born at Besançon on April 7, 1772, the son of Charles Fourrier, a wealthy cloth merchant, and Marie Muguet. He received a solid classical education at the Jesuit College de Besancon (1781-1787), but was mostly self-taught. He moved from his native Besançon to Lyon, the second largest city in France. As the sole surviving son in his family, he was expected to succeed his father as head of the family business, and he began his apprenticeship in the cloth trade at the age of six. He found himself unsuited for commerce and deplored its chicanery as immoral. Nevertheless, upon the death of his father in 1781, according to the terms of his will, Fourier was compelled to enter a commercial career by age twenty or forfeit a substantial patrimony of 42,932 livres. Fourier lived through the events of the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Empire, the Bourbon Restoration, and the revolution of 1830, but though they affected his personal fortunes, they did not seem to influence his ideas or his writing. During the early years of the revolution, Fourier lived at Lyons, where he fought on the counter-revolutionary side and lost his inheritance in a series of business failures. He barely escaped being executed by Jacobin forces when they purged that royalist stronghold in 1793.In 1794 he was drafted for service in the Army of the Rhine, but was discharged two years later because of illness. He spent the remainder of his life in Lyons and Paris, earning his living by doing odd jobs, living in cheap rooming houses, preaching "universal harmony," and searching for a wealthy patron to finance a prototype of his utopian community. His work as a traveling salesman and correspondence clerk gave him little time for research and thought; he complained of "serving the knavery of merchants" and having to perform "deceitful and degrading duties." Eventually he came into a modest legacy and was able to set himself up as a writer. By 1799, Fourier had developed the fundamental insight which was the basis for all of his later work, "the calculus of the mechanism of the passions." The calculus was an interactive system of three "distributive passions" that ensured the gratification and equilibration of all other human passions, and facilitated the formation of the "passionate series," the theoretical foundation of the phalanx, Fourier's utopian association. Fourier first set forth his ideas in an article entitled "Universal Harmony," published in the Bulletin de Lyon (1803). For the next 34 years he promulgated them in a mountain of books, pamphlets, and unpublished manuscripts; including Theory of the Four Movements and General Destinies (1808), Treatise on Domestic and Agricultural Association (2 vols., 1822), and False Industry, Divided, Disgusting, and Lying, and Its Antidote (2 vols., 1835-1836). Although Fourier wrote in a bizarre and often incomprehensible style, and incorporated many eccentric ideas, he gradually gained a small coterie of disciples. It was not until the 1820s that Fourier had any substantial following. In the 1830s, a schism among the followers of utopian socialist Henri Saint-Simon increased Fourier's following and led to the establishment of the Fourierist movement in France. A journal, the Phalanstere (1832-1834), was begun, and a model Fourierist community (a phalanx), the Societary Colony, was established in Conde-sur-Vesgre (1833-1836). Fourier also developed a following in Romania. Through the popularization of his ideas by the social reformer Albert Brisbane (1809-1890), approximately 40 phalanxes were established in the United States between 1843 and 1858. Fourier spent the last years of his life in Paris, where he died on October 10, 1837.

What were the characteristics of the Romantic Movement?

In a general sense, "Romanticism" was the group of related artistic, political, philosophical and social trends arising out of the late 18th and early 19th centuries in Europe. But a precise characterization and a specific description of Romanticism have been objects of intellectual history and literary history for all of the twentieth century without any great measure of consensus emerging. Arthur Lovejoy, the founder of the "history of ideas," attempted to demonstrate the difficulty of this problem in his seminal article "On The Discrimination of Romanticisms." Successive generations of scholars have engaged with this question, with some believing that a general description of Romanticism is possible, and others arguing against it. Similarly, some scholars see romanticism as completely continuous with the present, some see it as the inaugural moment of modernity, some see it as the beginning of a tradition of resistance to the Enlightenment, and still others date it firmly to the direct aftermath of the French Revolution. The topic is complex enough that most "characteristics" taken as defining Romanticism have also been taken as its opposite by different scholars. Still, in common usage, Romanticism is often understood as a set of new cultural and aesthetic values. It might be taken to include the rise of individualism, as seen by the cult of the artistic genius that was a prominent feature in the Romantic worship of Shakespeare and in the poetry of Wordsworth, to take only two examples; a new emphasis on common language and the depiction of apparently everyday experiences; and experimentation with new, non-classical artistic forms. Romanticism also strongly valued the past. Old forms were valued, ruins were sentimentalized as iconic of the action of Nature on the works of man, and mythic and legendary material which would previously have been seen as "low" culture became a common basis for works of "high" art and literature.

The Great Famine

In the early 19th century, Ireland's tenant farmers as a class, especially in the west of Ireland, struggled both to provide for themselves and to supply the British market with cereal crops. Many farmers had long existed at virtually the subsistence level, given the small size of their allotments and the various hardships that the land presented for farming in some regions. The potato, which had become a staple crop in Ireland by the 18th century, was appealing in that it was a hardy, nutritious, and calorie-dense crop and relatively easy to grow in the Irish soil. By the early 1840s almost half the Irish population—but primarily the rural poor—had come to depend almost exclusively on the potato for their diet. The rest of the population also consumed it in large quantities. A heavy reliance on just one or two high-yielding types of potato greatly reduced the genetic variety that ordinarily prevents the decimation of an entire crop by disease, and thus the Irish became vulnerable to famine. In 1845 a strain of Phytophthora arrived accidentally from North America, and that same year Ireland had unusually cool moist weather, in which the blight thrived. Much of that year's potato crop rotted in the fields. That partial crop failure was followed by more-devastating failures in 1846-49, as each year's potato crop was almost completely ruined by the blight. The British government's efforts to relieve the famine were inadequate. Although Conservative Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel continued to allow the export of grain from Ireland to Great Britain, he did what he could to provide relief in 1845 and early 1846. He authorized the import of corn (maize) from the United States, which helped avert some starvation. Under the Liberal (Whig) cabinet of Lord John Russell, which assumed power in June 1846, the emphasis shifted to reliance on Irish resources and the free market, which made disaster inevitable. About one million people died from starvation or from typhus and other famine-related diseases. The number of Irish who emigrated during the famine may have reached two million. Ireland's population continued to decline in the following decades because of overseas emigration and lower birth rates. By the time Ireland achieved independence in 1921, its population was barely half of what it had been in the early 1840s.

What new ideologies emerged to challenge conservatism?

Liberalism- The principal ideas of liberalism- liberty and equality were by no mean defeated in 1815. First realized successfully in the American Revolution and then in then achieved in part in the French Revolution, liberalism demanded representative government as opposed to legally separated classes. The idea of liberty also meant specific individual freedoms: freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of worship and freedom from arbitrary arrest. Such ideas are still the building beliefs in modern democratic states, but in Europe in 1815 only France with Luis XVIII's Constitutional Charter and Great Britain with its parliament had realized any of the liberal program. Nationalism-An idea destined to have an enormous influence in the modern world- was another radical idea that gained popularity in the years after 1815. The nascent power of nationalism was revealed in the success of the French armies in the revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, when soldiers inspired by patriotic loyalty to the French nation achieved victory after victory. Early nationalists found inspiration in the vision of a people united by a common languages, a common history and a common culture. In German speaking central Europe, defeat by Napoleon's armies had made the vision of a national people united in defense of their fatherland particularly attractive. In the early nineteenth century such national unity was more a dream than a reality as far more ethnic groups of nationalists were concerned. Local dialects abounded, even in relatively cohesive countries like France, where peasants from nearby villages often failed to understand each other. Moreover, a variety of ethnic groups shared the territory of most states, not just the Austrian, Russian and Ottoman Empires discussed earlier, Over the course of the nineteenth century, nationalism nonetheless gathered force as a political philosophy. Socialism-More radical than liberalism or nationalism was socialism. Early socialist thinkers were a diverse group with wide ranging ideas. Yet they shared a sense that the political revolution in France, growth of industrialized Britain and the rise of laissez faire had created a profound spiritual and moral crisis. Modern capitalism, they beloved fomented a selfish individualism that encourage inequality and split the community into isolated fragments. Society urgently required fundamental change to re establish cooperation and a new sense of community. Socialism developed as a political ideology in the nineteenth century as a reaction to industrial injustice, labor exploitation, and unemployment in Europe. For Karl Marx, who helped establish and define the modern theory of socialism, societal problems were rooted in an economic system which relied on the private ownership of property, and led to wealth remaining in the hands of a few and at the cost of the laborers who were the source of wealth. Marxism- Marxism, a body of doctrine developed by Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, by Friedrich Engels in the mid-19th century. It originally consisted of three related ideas: a philosophical anthropology, a theory of history, and an economic and political program. There is also Marxism as it has been understood and practiced by the various socialist movements, particularly before 1914. Then there is Soviet Marxism as worked out by Vladimir Ilich Lenin and modified by Joseph Stalin, which under the name of Marxism-Leninism (see Leninism) became the doctrine of the communist parties set up after the Russian Revolution (1917). Offshoots of this included Marxism as interpreted by the anti-Stalinist Leon Trotsky and his followers, Mao Zedong's Chinese variant of Marxism-Leninism, and various Marxisms in the developing world. There were also the post-World War II nondogmatic Marxisms that have modified Marx's thought with borrowings from modern philosophies, principally from those of Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger but also from Sigmund Freud and others.

Louis XVIII

Louis was the fourth son of the dauphin Louis, the son of Louis XV, and received the title comte de Provence; after the death of his two elder brothers and the accession of his remaining elder brother as Louis XVI in 1774, he became heir presumptive. The birth of two sons to Louis XVI, however, temporarily put a stop to his royal ambitions. When the Revolution broke out in 1789, he remained in Paris, possibly to exploit the situation as a royal candidate; but he fled the country in June 1791. With little concern for the safety of Louis XVI and Marie-Antoinette, who were held captive in Paris, the Comte de Provence issued uncompromising counterrevolutionary manifestos, organized émigré associations, and sought the support of other monarchs in the fight against the Revolution. When the King and Queen were executed in 1793, he declared himself regent for his nephew, the dauphin Louis XVII, at whose death, in June 1795, he proclaimed himself Louis XVIII. Between 1795 and 1814 Louis wandered throughout Europe, sojourning in Prussia, England, and Russia, promoting the royalist cause, however hopeless it seemed after Napoleon's proclamation as emperor in 1804. Although financially hard pressed, he refused to abdicate and accept a pension from Bonaparte. After Napoleon's defeats in 1813, Louis issued a manifesto in which he promised to recognize some of the results of the Revolution in a restored Bourbon regime. When the Allied armies entered Paris in March 1814, the brilliant diplomatist Talleyrand was able to negotiate the restoration, and on May 3, 1814, Louis was received with jubilation by the war-weary Parisians. On May 2, Louis XVIII officially promised a constitutional monarchy, with a bicameral parliament, religious toleration, and constitutional rights for all citizens. The resulting Charte Constitutionnelle was adopted on June 4, 1814. Louis's constitutional experiments were cut short, however, by the return of Napoleon from Elba. After Marshal Michel Ney defected to Napoleon on March 17, 1815, the King fled to Ghent. He did not return until July 8, after Waterloo. Louis XVIII's reign saw France's first experiment in parliamentary government since the Revolution. The King was invested with executive powers and had "legislative initiative," whereas a largely advisory parliament voted on laws and approved the budget. The legislature, though, had a strong right-wing, royalist majority. Influenced by his favourite, Élie Decazes, who became prime minister in 1819, the King opposed the extremism of the ultras, who were determined to wipe out every vestige of the Revolution, and he dissolved the parliament in September 1816. After 1820, however, the ultras exercised increasing control and thwarted most of Louis's attempts to heal the wounds of the Revolution. At his death he was succeeded by his brother, the comte d'Artois, as Charles X.

Louis Phillipe

Louis-Philippe was the eldest son of Louis-Philippe Joseph de Bourbon-Orléans, Duke de Chartres, and Adélaïde de Bourbon-Penthièvre. At first styled Duke de Valois, he became Duke de Chartres when his father inherited the title Duke d'Orléans in 1785. On the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, Louis-Philippe joined the group of progressive nobles who supported the Revolutionary government. He became a member of the Jacobin Club in 1790, and, when France went to war with Austria in April 1792, he joined the Army of the North, receiving a commission as lieutenant general in September. Within a year, however, in April 1793, he joined his commander, Charles-François Dumouriez, in deserting to the Austrians. He took refuge in Switzerland and taught under an assumed name at the college at Reichenau. He became Duke d'Orléans on the execution of his father by the Jacobin government in November 1793. After living in the United States for more than two years, Louis-Philippe decided to return to Europe. When he arrived in England in early 1800 and found that there was no hope of rallying opposition to Napoleon, he reconciled the house of Orléans with the elder branch of the Bourbon family, headed by Louis XVIII, the exiled titular king of France. After a long residence at Twickenham in England, Louis-Philippe joined the Neapolitan royal family at Palermo, Sicily, in 1809; on November 25 he married Marie-Amélie, a daughter of King Ferdinand IV of Naples. He returned to France on the First Restoration of King Louis XVIII (1814) and regained possession of that portion of the Orléans estates that had not been sold after his emigration. When Napoleon again seized power in March 1815, he fled to England. After the Second Restoration of Louis XVIII (July 1815), Louis-Philippe was a consistent adherent of the liberal opposition. In 1830 Charles X's attempt to enforce repressive ordinances touched off a rebellion (July 27-30) that gave Louis-Philippe his long-awaited opportunity to gain power. He was elected lieutenant general of the kingdom by the legislature on July 31, two days before Charles abdicated the throne. On August 9 Louis-Philippe accepted the crown. The revolution that brought Louis-Philippe to power constituted a victory for the upper bourgeoisie over the aristocracy; the new ruler was titled Louis-Philippe, king of the French, instead of Philip VII, king of France. He consolidated his power by steering a middle course between the right-wing extreme monarchists (the Legitimists) on the one side and the socialists and other republicans (including the Bonapartists) on the other. The numerous rebellions and attempts on his life caused the king increasingly to resort to repressive measures; by the end of the 1830s his opponents had been either silenced or driven underground. Meanwhile, Louis-Philippe was strengthening France's position in Europe. He cooperated with the British in forcing the Dutch to recognize Belgian independence. The industrial and agricultural depression of 1846 aroused widespread popular discontent at a time when the king had already embittered the lower bourgeoisie through his refusal to extend to them the franchise. Faced with an insurrectionary movement of proletarian and middle-class elements, Louis-Philippe abdicated on Feb. 24, 1848, and withdrew to Surrey in England, where he died

Battle of Peterloo

On 16 August 1819, a meeting of peaceful campaigners for parliamentary reform was broken up by the Manchester Yeomanry, a local force of volunteer soldiers. Between 10 and 20 people were killed and hundreds more injured in what quickly became known as the Battle of Peterloo. Although different sources give different estimates of both the numbers attending the meeting and the numbers killed and injured, it seems likely that around 100,000 people attended the meeting at St Peter's Fields in Manchester on a sunny August day.[1] Men, women and children came not only from the local area but from towns and villages across the North West, some walking nearly 30 miles to attend. Although several members of the crowd attended from mere curiosity, most were supporters of parliamentary reform and had come especially to see the main speaker, Henry Hunt, known as 'Orator' Hunt because of his talent for public speaking. Since the end of the Napoleonic wars in 1815, increasing numbers of working people in industrialising yet disenfranchised areas like Manchester had become involved in the movement for reform. Under the influence of men like Henry Hunt and the journalist William Cobbett, they began to campaign for universal suffrage. They argued that extending the vote to working men would lead to better use of public money, fairer taxes and an end to restrictions on trade which damaged industry and caused unemployment. Only a minority campaigned for women to have the vote, but women were nevertheless active in the movement. In 1819, women in and around Manchester had begun to form their own reform societies campaigning on behalf of their male relatives and vowing to bring up their children as good reformers. Many of the Female Reformers appeared at the meeting at St Peter's Fields dressed distinctively in white as a symbol of their virtue. Despite the seriousness of the cause, there was a party atmosphere as groups of men, women and children, dressed in their best Sunday clothes, marched towards Manchester. The procession was accompanied by bands playing music and people dancing alongside. In many towns, the march was practised on local moors in the weeks before the meeting to ensure that everybody could arrive in an organised manner. According to local magistrates, however, the crowd was not peaceful but had violent, revolutionary intentions. To them, the organised marching, banners and music were more like those of a military regiment, and the practices on local moors like those of an army drilling its recruits. They therefore planned to arrest Henry Hunt and the other speakers at the meeting, and decided to send in armed forces - the only way they felt they could safely get through the large crowd. People who were already cramped, tired and hot panicked as the soldiers rode in, and several were crushed as they tried to escape. Soldiers deliberately slashed at both men and women, especially those who had banners. It was later found that their sabres had been sharpened just before the meeting, suggesting that the massacre had been premeditated. The names of many of the hundreds injured were printed, along with details of their wounds, so that sympathisers could put money towards a charity to support them - remember there was no sickness benefit or free healthcare available at the time. These lists, however, probably underestimate the numbers killed and injured, as many people were afraid to admit they had been at the meeting and thereby risk further reprisals from the local authorities.

Robert Owen

Robert Owen, (born May 14, 1771, Newtown, Montgomeryshire, Wales—died November 17, 1858, Newtown) Welsh manufacturer turned reformer, one of the most influential early 19th-century advocates of utopian socialism. His New Lanark mills in Lanarkshire, Scotland, with their social and industrial welfare programs, became a place of pilgrimage for statesmen and social reformers. He also sponsored or encouraged many experimental "utopian" communities, including one in New Harmony, Indiana, U.S. There were 2,000 inhabitants of New Lanark, 500 of whom were young children from the poorhouses and charities of Edinburgh and Glasgow. The children, especially, had been well treated by the former proprietor, but their living conditions were harsh: crime and vice were bred by demoralizing conditions; education and sanitation were neglected; and housing conditions were intolerable. Owen improved the houses and—mainly by his personal influence—encouraged the people in habits of order, cleanliness, and thrift. He opened a store that sold sound-quality goods at little more than cost and strictly supervised the sale of alcoholic beverages. His greatest success was in the education of the young, to which he devoted special attention. In 1816 he opened the first infant school in Great Britain at the New Lanark mills and gave it his close personal supervision. The schools, which eschewed corporal punishment and other traditional methods, emphasized character development and included dancing and music in the curriculum. Although Owen initially was regarded with suspicion as an outsider, he quickly won the confidence of the people, especially because of his decision during an embargo against the United States during the War of 1812 to pay wages to the workers while the mills were closed for four months. The mills continued to thrive commercially, but some of Owen's schemes entailed considerable expense, which displeased his partners. Frustrated by the restrictions imposed on him by his partners, who emphasized profit and wished to conduct the business along more ordinary lines, Owen organized a new firm in 1813. Its members, content with a 5 percent return on their capital and ready to give freer scope to his philanthropy, bought out the old firm. Stockholders in the new firm included the legal reformer and utilitarian Jeremy Bentham and the Quaker William Allen.

Saint-Simon

Saint-Simon was born of an impoverished aristocratic family. His grandfather's cousin had been the Duke de Saint-Simon, famous for his memoirs of the court of Louis XIV. Henri was fond of claiming descent from Charlemagne. After an irregular education by private tutors, he entered military service at 17. He was in the regiments sent by France to aid the American colonies in their war of independence against England and served as a captain of artillery at Yorktown in 1781. During the French Revolution he remained in France, where he bought up newly nationalized land with funds advanced by a friend. He was imprisoned in the Palais de Luxembourg during the Reign of Terror and emerged to find himself enormously rich because of the depreciation of the Revolutionary currency. He proceeded to live a life of splendour and license, entertaining prominent people from all walks of life at his glittering salons. Within several years he had brought himself close to bankruptcy. He turned to the study of science, attending courses at the École Polytechnique and entertaining distinguished scientists. In his first published work, Lettres d'un habitant de Genève à ses contemporains (1803; "Letters of an Inhabitant of Geneva to His Contemporaries"), Saint-Simon proposed that scientists take the place of priests in the social order. He argued that the property owners who held political power could hope to maintain themselves against the propertyless only by subsidizing the advance of knowledge. By 1808 Saint-Simon was impoverished, and the last 17 years of his life were lived mainly on the generosity of friends. Among his many later publications were De la réorganisation de la société européenne (1814; "On the Reorganization of European Society") and L'industrie (1816-18, in collaboration with Auguste Comte; "Industry"). In 1823, in a fit of despondency, Saint-Simon attempted to kill himself with a pistol but succeeded only in putting out one eye. Throughout his life Saint-Simon devoted himself to a long series of projects and publications through which he sought to win support for his social ideas. As a thinker, Saint-Simon was deficient in system, clearness, and coherence, but his influence on modern thought, especially in the social sciences, is undeniable. Apart from the details of his socialist teachings, his main ideas are simple and represented a reaction against the bloodletting of the French Revolution and the militarism of Napoleon. Saint-Simon correctly foresaw the industrialization of the world, and he believed that science and technology would solve most of humanity's problems. Accordingly, in opposition to feudalism and militarism, he advocated an arrangement whereby businessmen and other industrial leaders would control society. The spiritual direction of society would be in the hands of scientists and engineers, who would thus take the place occupied by the Roman Catholic church in the European Middle Ages. What Saint-Simon desired, in other words, was an industrialized state directed by modern science, and one in which society would be organized for productive labour by the most capable men. The aim of society would be to produce things useful to life. Saint-Simon also proposed that the states of Europe form an association to suppress war. These ideas had a profound influence on the philosopher Auguste Comte, who worked with Saint-Simon until the two men quarreled. Although the contrast between the labouring and the propertied classes in society is not emphasized by Saint-Simon, the cause of the poor is discussed, and in his best-known work, Nouveau Christianisme (1825; "The New Christianity"), it takes the form of a religion. It was this development of Saint-Simon's teaching that occasioned his final rupture with Comte. Before the publication of Nouveau Christianisme, Saint-Simon had not concerned himself with theology, but in this work, beginning with a belief in God, he tries to resolve Christianity into its essential elements, and he finally propounds this precept: that religion "should guide the community toward the great aim of improving as quickly as possible the conditions of the poorest class." This became the watchword of the entire school of Saint-Simon.

How was the peace restored and maintained after 1815?

The eventual eruption of revolutionary political forces was by no means predictable as the Napoleonic era ended. Quite the contrary. After finally defeating Napoleon, the conservative aristocratic monarchies of Russia, Prussia, Austria and Great Britain known as the Quadriple Alliance, reaffirmed their determination to hold France in line. Other international questions remained unresolved. Even before Napoleons final defeat, the allies had agreed to meet o fashion a general peace accord in 1814 at the congress of Vienna.By carefully managing the balance of power and embracing conservative restoration, they brokered an agreement that contributed to fifty years of peace in Europe. The allied balance powers were concerned first and foremost with the defeated enemy, France. Agreeing to the new restoration of the Bourbon dynastic, the allies offered France lenient terms after Napoleons addiction. The first treaty of paris, signed before napoleon escaped from Elba and attacked the Bourbon regime, gave France the boundaries it had possessed in 1792, which were larger than those of 1789. In addition France did not have to pay war reparations. Thus the victorious powers avoided provoking a spirit of victimization and desire for revenge in the defeated country. Self interest and traditional ideas about the balance of power motivated allied moderation toward France, To Clemens von Metternich and Robert Castlereigh, the foreign ministers of Austria and Great Britain respectively, as well as their French counterpart, Charles Talleyrand, the balance of power mean an international equilibrium of political and military forces that would discourage aggression by any combination of states or, worse the domination of Europe by any single state. Austria, Britain, Prussia, and Russia were determined to settle Europe after the years of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. Talleyrand was admitted to represent France. The settlement was a series of compromises. France was contained but not harshly punished. Russian expansion in eastern Europe was feared and limited. Austria gained influence in Germany and Italy. Prussia extended its territories. Britain's main interests were overseas. Minor states were treated as pawns. Some were combined to form larger states. Former rulers were restored. But nationalist feeling was thought unimportant, even dangerous, by the major powers. The Vienna settlement has been seen by some historians as a sensible arrangement. It was the best that could be expected in 1815 after the Napoleonic Wars, preventing war until 1854. Metternich believed in conservatism so he wouldn't lose control over Austria. conservatism was the belief that radical ideas from the enlightenment would influence people to rebel. Karlsbad Decrees maintained conservatism.

Friedrich Engels

On his way to Barmen, Engels went to Paris for a 10-day visit with Marx, whom he had earlier met in Cologne. This visit resulted in a permanent partnership to promote the socialist movement. Back in Barmen, Engels published Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England (1845; The Condition of the Working Class in England), a classic in a field that later became Marx's specialty. Their first major joint work was Die deutsche Ideologie (1845; The German Ideology), which, however, was not published until more than 80 years later. It was a highly polemical critique that denounced and ridiculed certain of their earlier Young Hegelian associates and then proceeded to attack various German socialists who rejected the need for revolution. Marx's and Engels's own constructive ideas were inserted here and there, always in a fragmentary manner and only as corrective responses to the views they were condemning. Upon rejoining Marx in Brussels in 1845, Engels endorsed his newly formulated economic, or materialistic, interpretation of history, which assumed an eventual communist triumph. That summer he escorted Marx on a tour of England. Thereafter he spent much time in Paris, where his social engagements did not interfere significantly with his major purpose, that of attempting to convert various émigré German worker groups—among them a socialist secret society, the League of the Just—as well as leading French socialists to his and Marx's views. When the league held its first congress in London in June 1847, Engels helped bring about its transformation into the Communist League. Marx and he together persuaded a second Communist Congress in London to adopt their views. The two men were authorized to draft a statement of communist principles and policies, which appeared in 1848 as the Manifest der kommunistischen Partei. It included much of the preliminary definition of views prepared earlier by Engels in the Grundsätze des Kommunismus but was primarily the work of Marx. The Revolutions of 1848, which were precipitated by the attempt of the German states to throw off an authoritarian, almost feudal, political system and replace it with a constitutional, representative form of government, was a momentous event in the lives of Marx and Engels. It was their only opportunity to participate directly in a revolution and to demonstrate their flexibility as revolutionary tacticians with the aim of turning the revolution into a communist victory. Their major tool was the newspaper Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which Marx edited in Cologne with the able assistance of Engels. Such a party organ, then appearing in a democratic guise, was of prime importance for their purposes; with it they could furnish daily guidelines and incitement in the face of shifting events, together with a sustained criticism of governments, parties, policies, and politicians. After the failure of the revolution, Engels and Marx were reunited in London, where they reorganized the Communist League and drafted tactical directives for the communists in the belief that another revolution would soon take place. But how to replace his depleted income soon became Engels's main problem. To support both himself and Marx, he accepted a subordinate position in the offices of Ermen & Engels in Manchester, eventually becoming a full-fledged partner in the concern. He again functioned successfully as a businessman, never allowing his communist principles and criticism of capitalist ways to interfere with the profitable operations of his firm. Hence he was able to send money to Marx constantly, often in the form of £5 notes, but later in far higher figures. When Engels sold his partnership in the business in 1869, he received enough to live comfortably until his death in 1895 and to provide Marx with an annual grant of £350, with the promise of more to cover all contingencies. Engels, who was forced to live in Manchester, corresponded constantly with Marx in London and frequently wrote newspaper articles for him; he wrote the articles that appeared in the New York Tribune (1851-52) under Marx's name and that were later published under Engels's name as Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany in 1848 (1896). In the informal division of labour that the two protagonists of communism had established, Engels was the specialist in nationality questions, military matters, to some extent in international affairs, and in the sciences. Marx also turned to him repeatedly for clarification of economic questions, notably for information on business practices and industrial operations. Marx's Das Kapital (Capital), his most important work, bears in part a made-in-Manchester stamp. Marx similarly called on Engels's writing facility to help "popularize" their joint views. While Marx was the brilliant theoretician of the pair, it was Engels, as the apt salesman of Marxism directing attention to Das Kapital through his reviews of the book, who implanted the thought that it was their "bible." Engels almost alone wrote Herrn Eugen Dührings Umwälzung der Wissenschaft (1878; Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science, better known as Anti-Dühring), the book that probably did most to promote Marxian thought. It destroyed the influence of Karl Eugen Dühring, a Berlin professor who threatened to supplant Marx's position among German social democrats.

Marxism

Marxism is an economic and social system based upon the political and economic theories of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. While it would take veritably volumes to explain the full implications and ramifications of the Marxist social and economic ideology, Marxism is summed up in the Encarta Reference Library as "a theory in which class struggle is a central element in the analysis of social change in Western societies." Marxism is the antithesis of capitalism which is defined by Encarta as "an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and distribution of goods, characterized by a free competitive market and motivation by profit." Marxism is the system of socialism of which the dominant feature is public ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange. Under capitalism, the proletariat, the working class or "the people," own only their capacity to work; they have the ability only to sell their own labor. According to Marx a class is defined by the relations of its members to the means of production. He proclaimed that history is the chronology of class struggles, wars, and uprisings. Under capitalism, Marx continues, the workers, in order to support their families are paid a bare minimum wage or salary. The worker is alienated because he has no control over the labor or product which he produces. The capitalists sell the products produced by the workers at a proportional value as related to the labor involved. Surplus value is the difference between what the worker is paid and the price for which the product is sold. An increasing immiseration of the proletariat occurs as the result of economic recessions; these recessions result because the working class is unable to buy the full product of their labors and the ruling capitalists do not consume all of the surplus value. A proletariat or socialist revolution must occur, according to Marx, where the state (the means by which the ruling class forcibly maintains rule over the other classes) is a dictatorship of the proletariat. Communism evolves from socialism out of this progression: the socialist slogan is "From each according to his ability, to each according to his work." The communist slogan varies thusly: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."

Nationalism

An idea destined to have an enormous influence in the modern world- was another radical idea that gained popularity in the years after 1815. The nascent power of nationalism was revealed in the success of the French armies in the revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, when soldiers inspired by patriotic loyalty to the French nation achieved victory after victory. Early nationalists found inspiration in the vision of a people united by a common languages, a common history and a common culture. In German speaking central Europe, defeat by Napoleon's armies had made the vision of a national people united in defense of their fatherland particularly attractive. In the early nineteenth century such national unity was more a dream than a reality as far more ethnic groups of nationalists were concerned. Local dialects abounded, even in relatively cohesive countries like France, where peasants from nearby villages often failed to understand each other. Moreover, a variety of ethnic groups shared the territory of most states, not just the Austrian, Russian and Ottoman Empires discussed earlier, Over the course of the nineteenth century, nationalism nonetheless gathered force as a political philosophy. Advancing literacy rates, the establishment of mass press, the growth of large state bureaucracies, compulsory education, and conscription armies all created a common culture that encourage ordinary people to talk pride in their national heritage. In multiethnic states, however, nationalism also promoted disintegration. Recognizing the power of the national idea. European nationalists generally educated, middle class liberals and intellectuals sought to turn the cultural until that the desired into political reality. They believed that every nation, like every citizen had the right to exist in freedom and develop its unique character and spirit, and they hoped to make the territory of each people coincide with well defined borders in an independent nation state.

The Communist Manifesto

Back in Brussels, Marx wrote The Communist Manifesto in January 1848, using as a model a tract Engels wrote for the League in 1847. In early February, Marx sent the work to London, and the League immediately adopted it as their manifesto. Many of the ideas in The Communist Manifesto were not new, but Marx had achieved a powerful synthesis of disparate ideas through his materialistic conception of history. The Manifesto opens with the dramatic words, "A spectre is haunting Europe-the spectre of communism," and ends by declaring: "The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Workers of the world, unite!" In The Communist Manifesto, Marx predicted imminent revolution in Europe. The pamphlet had hardly cooled after coming off the presses in London when revolution broke out in France on February 22 over the banning of political meetings held by socialists and other opposition groups. Isolated riots led to popular revolt, and on February 24 King Louis-Philippe was forced to abdicate. The revolution spread like brushfire across continental Europe. Marx was in Paris on the invitation of the provincial government when the Belgian government, fearful that the revolutionary tide would soon engulf Belgium, banished him. Later that year, he went to the Rhineland, where he agitated for armed revolt. The Communist Manifesto reflects an attempt to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory underlying this movement. It argues that class struggles, or the exploitation of one class by another, are the motivating force behind all historical developments. Class relationships are defined by an era's means of production. However, eventually these relationships cease to be compatible with the developing forces of production. At this point, a revolution occurs and a new class emerges as the ruling one. This process represents the "march of history" as driven by larger economic forces. The Communist Manifesto has four sections. In the first section, it discusses the Communists' theory of history and the relationship between proletarians and bourgeoisie. The second section explains the relationship between the Communists and the proletarians. The third section addresses the flaws in other, previous socialist literature. The final section discusses the relationship between the Communists and other parties.

Karl Marx

Born in Prussia on May 5, 1818, Karl Marx began exploring sociopolitical theories at university among the Young Hegelians. He became a journalist, and his socialist writings would get him expelled from Germany and France. In 1848, he published The Communist Manifesto with Friedrich Engels and was exiled to London, where he wrote the first volume of Das Kapital and lived the remainder of his life. In Brussels, Marx was introduced to socialism by Moses Hess, and finally broke off from the philosophy of the Young Hegelians completely. While there, he wrote The German Ideology, in which he first developed his theory on historical materialism. Marx couldn't find a willing publisher, however, and The German Ideology -- along with Theses on Feuerbach, which was also written during this time -- were not published until after his death. At the beginning of 1846, Marx founded a Communist Correspondence Committee in an attempt to link socialists from around Europe. Inspired by his ideas, socialists in England held a conference and formed the Communist League, and in 1847 at a Central Committee meeting in London, the organization asked Marx and Engels to write Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei (Manifesto of the Communist Party). The Communist Manifesto, as this work is commonly known, was published in 1848, and shortly after, in 1849, Marx was expelled from Belgium. He went to France, anticipating a socialist revolution, but was deported from there as well. Prussia refused to renaturalize him, so Marx moved to London. Although Britain denied him citizenship, he remained in London until his death. In London, Marx helped found the German Workers' Educational Society, as well as a new headquarters for the Communist League. He continued to work as a journalist, including a 10-year stint as a correspondent for the New York Daily Tribune from 1852 to 1862, but he never earned a living wage and was largely supported by Engels. Marx became increasingly focused on capitalism and economic theory, and in 1867, he published the first volume of Das Kapital. The rest of his life was spent writing and revising manuscripts for additional volumes, which he did not complete. The remaining two volumes were assembled and published posthumously by Engels.

Bourgeoisie

Bourgeoisie, the social order that is dominated by the so-called middle class. In social and political theory, the notion of the bourgeoisie was largely a construct of Karl Marx (1818-83) and of those who were influenced by him. In popular speech, the term connotes philistinism, materialism, and a striving concern for "respectability," all of which were famously ridiculed by Molière (1622-73) and criticized by avant-garde playwrights since Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906). The term rose in medieval France, where it denoted an inhabitant of a walled town. Its overtones became important in the 18th century, when the middle class of professionals, manufacturers, and their literary and political allies began to demand an influence in politics consistent with their economic status. Marx was one of many thinkers who treated the French Revolution as a revolution of the bourgeois. In Marxist theory, the bourgeoisie plays a heroic role by revolutionizing industry and modernizing society. However, it also seeks to monopolize the benefits of this modernization by exploiting the propertyless proletariat and thereby creating revolutionary tensions. The end result, according to Marx, will be a final revolution in which the property of the bourgeoisie is expropriated and class conflict, exploitation, and the state are abolished. Even in Marx's lifetime, however, it was clear that the bourgeoisie was neither homogeneous nor particularly inclined to play the role that he had assigned to it. Indeed, in many countries the middle classes could not usefully be described as bourgeois. In much of Western discourse, the term bourgeoisie had nearly disappeared from the vocabulary of political writers and politicians by the mid-20th century. Nevertheless, the underlying idea that most political conflict stems from competing economic interests and is therefore broadly concerned with property—an insight first offered by Aristotle (384-322 bc)—continued to be applied.

Conservatism

Conservatism, political doctrine that emphasizes the value of traditional institutions and practices. Conservatism is a preference for the historically inherited rather than the abstract and ideal. This preference has traditionally rested on an organic conception of society—that is, on the belief that society is not merely a loose collection of individuals but a living organism comprising closely connected, interdependent members. Conservatives thus favour institutions and practices that have evolved gradually and are manifestations of continuity and stability. Government's responsibility is to be the servant, not the master, of existing ways of life, and politicians must therefore resist the temptation to transform society and politics. This suspicion of government activism distinguishes conservatism not only from radical forms of political thought but also from liberalism, which is a modernizing, antitraditionalist movement dedicated to correcting the evils and abuses resulting from the misuse of social and political power. In The Devil's Dictionary (1906), the American writer Ambrose Bierce cynically (but not inappropriately) defined the conservative as "a statesman who is enamored of existing evils, as distinguished from the Liberal, who wishes to replace them with others." Conservatism must also be distinguished from the reactionary outlook, which favours the restoration of a previous, and usually outmoded, political or social order. It was not until the late 18th century, in reaction to the upheavals of the French Revolution (1789), that conservatism began to develop as a distinct political attitude and movement. The term conservative was introduced after 1815 by supporters of the newly restored Bourbon monarchy in France, including the author and diplomat Franƈois-Auguste-René, vicomte de Chateaubriand. In 1830 the British politician and writer John Wilson Croker used the term to describe the British Tory Party (see Whig and Tory), and John C. Calhoun, an ardent defender of states' rights in the United States, adopted it soon afterward. The originator of modern, articulated conservatism (though he never used the term himself) is generally acknowledged to be the British parliamentarian and political writer Edmund Burke, whose Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) was a forceful expression of conservatives' rejection of the French Revolution and a major inspiration for counterrevolutionary theorists in the 19th century. For Burke and other pro-parliamentarian conservatives, the violent, untraditional, and uprooting methods of the revolution outweighed and corrupted its liberating ideals. The general revulsion against the violent course of the revolution provided conservatives with an opportunity to restore pre-Revolutionary traditions, and several brands of conservative philosophy soon developed

Corn Laws

Corn Law, in English history, any of the regulations governing the import and export of grain. Records mention the imposition of Corn Laws as early as the 12th century. The laws became politically important in the late 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, during the grain shortage caused by Britain's growing population and by the blockades imposed in the Napoleonic Wars. The Corn Laws were finally repealed in 1846, a triumph for the manufacturers, whose expansion had been hampered by protection of grain, against the landed interests. After 1791, protective legislation, combined with trade prohibitions imposed by war, forced grain prices to rise sharply. A bad harvest in 1795 led to food riots; there was a prolonged crisis during 1799-1801, and the period from 1805 to 1813 saw a sequence of bad harvests and high prices. From 1815, when an act attempted to fix prices, to 1822, grain prices fluctuated, and continuing protection was increasingly unpopular. The Anti-Corn Law League, founded in Manchester in 1839, began to mobilize the industrial middle classes against the landlords and in 1843 assisted Scotsman James Wilson in founding London's weekly news and opinion magazine The Economist to serve as a voice against Corn Laws. The league's leader, Richard Cobden, was able to influence the prime minister, Sir Robert Peel. The failure of the Irish potato crop in 1845 persuaded Peel to support the repeal of all Corn Laws, which was achieved in 1846. Regulation again became necessary in 1902, when a minimal duty was imposed on imported grain and flour, and in 1932, when British-grown wheat was protected by statute in recognition of an increasing dependence on foreign imports.

Das Capital

Das Capital is one of the major works of the 19th-century economist and philosopher Karl Marx (1818-83), in which he expounded his theory of the capitalist system, its dynamism, and its tendencies toward self-destruction. He described his purpose as to lay bare "the economic law of motion of modern society." The second and third volumes were published posthumously, edited by his collaborator Friedrich Engels (1820-95). Much of Das Kapital spells out Marx's concept of the "surplus value" of labour and its consequences for capitalism. According to Marx, it was not the pressure of population that drove wages to the subsistence level but rather the existence of a large army of unemployed, which he blamed on the capitalists. He maintained that within the capitalist system, labour was a mere commodity that could gain only subsistence wages. Capitalists, however, could force workers to spend more time on the job than was necessary to earn their subsistence and then appropriate the excess product, or surplus value, created by the workers. Because all profit results from an "exploitation of labour," the rate of profit—the amount per unit of total capital outlay—depends largely on the number of workers employed. Because machines cannot be "exploited," they cannot contribute to total profits, though they help labour produce more useful products. Only payroll capital—"variable capital"—is productive of surplus value and consequently of profit. The introduction of machines is profitable for the individual entrepreneur, to whom they give an advantage over his competitors. However, as outlay for machinery grows in relation to outlay for wages, profit declines in relation to total capital outlay. Thus, for each additional capital outlay, the capitalist will receive less and less return and can attempt to postpone his bankruptcy only by applying pressure on the workers. Ultimately, according to Das Kapital, the "capitalist class becomes unfit to rule, because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery." Consequently, the capitalist system collapses, and the working class inherits economic and political power. Although Marx approached capitalism as an economist and prided himself on the conceptual rigour of his work, Das Kapital—especially the first volume—is rich in empirical description. Marx praised the work of the Factory Inspectorate, from whose reports he drew vivid and terrifying examples of the overwork and ill-treatment from which British working people suffered. His savage description of so-called "primitive accumulation"—the process whereby Britain was transformed from a precapitalist to a capitalist economy—is a polemical rather than an analytic triumph.

What were the causes and outcome of the Haitian Revolution?

During the slave revolts that gradually morphed into a full-blown revolution, most participants in the Haitian Revolution had fairly limited goals: to destroy slavery and bring about a more free society on the island of Saint-Dominique, a French colony in the Caribbean. Beyond these goals, most of the slave forces had few long-term plans for what would come after emancipation. Some of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution were steeped in Enlightenment philosophy and hoped to model Haiti on the principals of the French and American Revolutions. Unfortunately, many of the most educated and democratically-minded of these leaders (most significantly, Toussaint L'Ouverture) died before the revolution found its end. Those that were left ruled the new nation single-handedly, with military might, and sometimes, cruelly. During the Haitian Revolution, more than 100,000 residents of the island had died. Few parts of the island had been unaffected by fire, warfare, disease, or general mayhem. The once-booming sugar-based economy was now seriously crippled and the newly-freed Haitians were faced with the difficult task of rebuilding the country they had won. Haiti's first post-revolutionary leader was the fire-brand General Jean-Jacques Dessalines. It was Dessalines who drafted the strongly-worded Haitian declaration of independence from France and renamed the island 'Haiti,' after the name used by the island's original indigenous inhabitants. Dessalines also ordered the mass slaughter of around 5,000 of the island's remaining white inhabitants. Dessalines named himself 'Governor for Life,' but eventually changed his title to 'Emperor.' This life term turned out to be rather short; Dessalines was assassinated in 1806 by his own men after ruling with a cruel hand for only two years. After Dessalines' brief reign was brought to a close, Haiti plunged into civil war. At the war's conclusion, the island was divided in power between two of Dessalines' generals. The south of Haiti fell under the rule of the General Alexandre Petion. In the north, Henri Christophe named himself king and began construction on what came to be known as the Citadel, a huge fortress designed to repel any foreign invaders who might wish to invade Haiti and reinstate slavery.

Anti-Corn Law league

Formed in 1839, the Anti-Corn Law League became the leading proponent in the campaign to repeal the Corn Laws and was later recognised as an inaugural model for the modern day pressure group. The League rejected protectionism on the grounds that it impeded political and economic progress and harmed Britain's export trade in manufactured goods, by restricting the ability of foreign traders to acquire British currency through the sale of foodstuffs. The roots of the Anti-Corn Law League stemmed from the establishment of the National Corn Law Association in London, in 1836, and the subsequent formation of the Manchester Anti-Corn Law Association in the Autumn of 1838, when the campaign first evolved into a mass movement. The following March, a conference of Association delegates formally voted to establish an Anti Corn Law League, with headquarters in the northern city. The League's Manchester base had particular poignancy given the city's reputation as a leading importer of raw materials and key centre of manufacturing. The site of the infamous Peterloo massacre, at St Peter's Field, became home to the organisation, which was so large that no building in Manchester had the capacity to hold a full meeting of its members. The organisation therefore constructed it's own accommodation and a temporary pavilion, opened in January 1840, was soon succeeded by a brick structure, before finally being replaced by a stone building in 1856. From April 1839, the League began publishing an anti-Corn Law circular, which later evolved into a weekly publication, known simply as The League. Moreover, the organisation published hundreds of books and pamphlets on the merits of free trade, which they were able to distribute cheaply following the introduction of the penny post in April 1840. Supported by a high level of subscriptions, the League was also able to spread its message by employing hundreds of paid public speakers to address meetings throughout the country. These paid campaigners were able to supplement and professionalise the work of the League's existing army of volunteers. The League was able to popularise its appeal by penning anti-Corn Law songs and hosting anti-Corn Law dances. The organisation also arranged major events such as the Anti-Corn Law Bazaar, which was held at the Manchester Theatre Royal, at the beginning of 1842 and followed by a Great Exhibition -style event at Covent Garden, in May 1845.

How and where was conservatism challenged after 1815?

Greek rebellion-THough conservative statemen had maintained the autocratic status quo despite revolts in Spain and the Two Sicilies, a national revolution succeeded in Greece in the 1820s. Since the fifteenth century the agrees had lived under the domination of the Ottoman Turks. IN spite of centuries of foreign rule, the Greeks has survived as a people, united by their language and the Greek Orthodox religion. In the early nineteenth century the general growth of national aspiration inspired a desire for independent This rising national movement led to the formation of secret societies and then to open revolts. fundamental reforms in Great Britain- BY the 1780s there was growing interest in some kind of political reform and organized union activity began to emerge in force during the Napoleonic Wars. Yet the radical aspects of the French Revolution threw the British aristocracy into a panic for a generation, making it extremely hostile to any attempts to change the status quo. The reform bill of 1832 was propelled into law by a mighty surge of popular support. This increased the number of voters by about 50 percent, to include about 12 percent of adult men in Britain and Ireland. Comfortable middle class groups in the urban population as well as some substantial farmers who lease their lands received the right to vote. this threatened conservatism. When France replaced Charles X with Louis Philippe conservatism was also threatened. He did not accept the Constitutional Charter of 1814 and adopted the red, white and blue flag of the French Revolution.

Carlsbad Decrees

In 1815, the Congress of Vienna met to determine the geopolitical future of Europe in the wake of the Napoleonic Wars. For the German states, the congress decided on a moderate course of action. The delegates at the congress realized, as much as they hated to, that they could never return to the old forms of government that had existed before the French Revolution. Instead, a loose coalition of the thirty-nine Germanic states, the two largest being Austria and Prussia, was created. It was named the German Confederation. To many Germans - all of whom had been living under the liberal Code Napoleon for several years - the Confederation was too conservative. Immediately after the Congress of Vienna disbanded there were calls for liberal reform within Germany. In the first four years of the Confederation, numerous liberal local governments were established. However, the main liberal movement existed in the German youth. At the German Universities, liberal societies called Burschenschafts were formed. These organizations promoted liberal politics and German Nationalism - the two entities that Prince Metternich and the Holy Alliance despised the most. Such liberal movements grew, and they came to a head in 1819 when a radical student assassinated the conservative playwright August von Kotzebue. In the wake of the assassination, there existed major concern among the German, conservative elite, about the growing radicalism amongst their youths. Prince Metternich, seeing an opportunity to take advantage of these feelings, held an emergency symposium for the leaders of the major German states in Carlsbad. Metternich convinced the German states to band together in a system to suppress all liberal agitation in Germany, especially among the German youth. The actions they took, the resolutions and laws they declared, are referred to as the Carlsbad Decrees. The Carlsbad Decrees did a number of things. A uniform system of press censorship was adopted, and such revolutionary authors as Locke and Rousseau were banned. All universities were closely supervised by the confederation, and all of the Burschenschafts were disbanded. Finally, a complex commission of spies and informants was created to investigate and punish any liberal and radical organizations. The Carlsbad Decrees were largely successful - within the perspective of their ability to fulfill their intentions. Except for a brief period in 1830, conservative control of the 39 states in the German Confederation remained until the revolutions of 1848. The Carlsbad Decrees were the original promoters and facilitators of such conservatism.

Czar Alexander I

In the first years of his reign the liberalism of his Swiss tutor, Frédéric César de La Harpe, seemed to influence Alexander. He suppressed the secret police, lifted the ban on foreign travel and books, made attempts to improve the position of the serfs, and began to reform the backward educational system. In 1805, Alexander joined the coalition against Napoleon I, but after the Russian defeats at Austerlitz and Friedland he formed an alliance with Napoleon by the Treaty of Tilsit (1807) and joined Napoleon's Continental System. Alexander requested M. M. Speranski to draw up proposals for a constitution, but adopted only one aspect of Speranski's scheme, an advisory state council, and dismissed him in 1812 to placate the nobility. During this period Russia gained control of Georgia and parts of Transcaucasia as a result of prolonged war with Persia (1804-13) and annexed (1812) Bessarabia after a war with Turkey (1806-12). Relations with France deteriorated, and Napoleon invaded Russia in 1812. Alexander's defeat of the French made him one of the most powerful rulers in Europe. At first his foreign policy was liberal, but from 1812 on, Alexander was preoccupied by a vague, mystical Christianity, which contributed to his increasing conservatism. Under the influence of the pietistic Juliana Krüdener and others, he created the Holy Alliance to uphold Christian morality in Europe. Viewing revolutionary movements as challenging to the authority of legitimate Christian monarchs, the czar now supported Metternich in suppressing all national and liberal movements. Alexander's religious fervor was partly responsible for the establishment of military colonies, which were agricultural communities run by peasant soldiers. Intended to better the lot of the common soldier, the colonies became notorious for the regimentation and near-serfdom imposed on the soldiers. Alexander abrogated many of his earlier liberal efforts. His policies caused the formation of secret political societies, and when Alexander's brother Nicholas I succeeded him the societies led an abortive revolt (see Decembrists). After Alexander's death, rumors persisted that he escaped to Siberia and became a hermit. His tomb was opened (1926) by the Soviet government and was found empty; the mystery remains unsolved. In Alexander's reign St. Petersburg became a social and artistic center of Europe. Ivan Krylov and Aleksandr Pushkin dominated the literary scene. An excellent picture of Alexander's period is found in Leo Tolstoy's War and Peace.

Proletariat

In the theory of Karl Marx, the term proletariat designated the class of wage workers who were engaged in industrial production and whose chief source of income was derived from the sale of their labour power. As an economic category it was distinguished in Marxian literature from the poor, the working classes, and the Lumpenproletariat. Because of its subordinate position in a capitalist society and the effects of periodic depressions on wages and employment, the proletariat as described by Marxists was usually living in poverty. But it was not therefore identified with the poor, for some members of the proletariat, the highly skilled or labour aristocracy, were recognized as not poor, and some members of the entrepreneurial class were not wealthy. Despite synonymous use in agitational literature, the term proletariat was distinguished from the working class as a generic term. The former referred to those engaged in industrial production, whereas the latter referred to all who must work for their living and who received wages or salary, including agricultural labourers, white-collar workers, and hired help occupied in the distribution services. The Lumpenproletariat consisted of marginal and unemployable workers of debased or irregular habits and also included paupers, beggars, and criminals.

Laissez-faire

Laissez-faire, policy of minimum governmental interference in the economic affairs of individuals and society. The origin of the term is uncertain, but folklore suggests that it is derived from the answer Jean-Baptiste Colbert, controller general of finance under King Louis XIV of France, received when he asked industrialists what the government could do to help business: "Leave us alone." The doctrine of laissez-faire is usually associated with the economists known as Physiocrats, who flourished in France from about 1756 to 1778. The policy of laissez-faire received strong support in classical economics as it developed in Great Britain under the influence of economist and philosopher Adam Smith. Belief in laissez-faire was a popular view during the 19th century; its proponents cited the assumption in classical economics of a natural economic order as support for their faith in unregulated individual activity. The British economist John Stuart Mill was responsible for bringing this philosophy into popular economic usage in his Principles of Political Economy (1848), in which he set forth the arguments for and against government activity in economic affairs. Laissez-faire was a political as well as an economic doctrine. The pervading theory of the 19th century was that the individual, pursuing his own desired ends, would thereby achieve the best results for the society of which he was a part. The function of the state was to maintain order and security and to avoid interference with the initiative of the individual in pursuit of his own desired goals. But laissez-faire advocates nonetheless argued that government had an essential role in enforcing contracts as well as ensuring civil order. The philosophy's popularity reached its peak around 1870. In the late 19th century the acute changes caused by industrial growth and the adoption of mass-production techniques proved the laissez-faire doctrine insufficient as a guiding philosophy. Although the original concept yielded to new theories that attracted wider support, the general philosophy still has its advocates.

Romanticism

Like other cultural movements, romanticism was characterized by intellectual diversity. Nonetheless, common parameters stand out. Artists inspired by romanticism repudiated the emphasis on reason associated with well known Enlightenment philosophes like Voltaire or Montesquieu. Romantics championed instead emotional exuberance, unrestrained imagination and spontaneity in both art and personal life. Preoccupied with emotional excess, romantic works explored the awesome power of love and desire and of hatred, guilt and despair. Where Enlightenment thinkers applied the scientific method to social issues and cast rosy predictions for future progress, romantics valued intuition and nostalgia for the past. Where enlightenment thinkers embraced secularization, romantics sought the inspiration of religious ecstasy. Where the Enlightenment valued public life and civic affairs, romantics delved into the supernatural and turned inward, to hidden recesses of the self. Nowhere was the break with Enlightenment classicism more apparent tan in romanticism general conception of nature. Classicits were not particularly interested in nature. The romantics, in contrast, were enchanted by stormy seas, untouched forests and ice arctic wastelands. Nature could be awesome and tempestuous, a source of beauty or spiritual inspiration. most romantics saw the growth of modern industry as an ugly, brutal attack their beloved nature and on venerable traditions. They sought escape- in the unspoiled Lake District of northern England, in exotic North Africa, in an imaginary and idealized Middle Ages. The study of history became a romantic obsession. History held the key to a universe now perceived to be organic and dynamic, not mechanical and static, as Enlightenment thinkers had believed. Historical novels like Sir Walter Scott's Ivanhoe, a passionate romance set in twelfth century England, found eager readers among the literate middle classes. Professional historians influenced by romanticism, such as Jukes Michelete, went beyond the standard accounts of great men or famous battles. Michelle's many books on the history of France consciously promoted the growth of national aspirations; by fanning the embers of memory, Michelet encourage the French people to search the past for their special national destiny.

Socialism

More radical than liberalism or nationalism was socialism. Early socialist thinkers were a diverse group with wide ranging ideas. Yet they shared a sense that the political revolution in France, growth of industrialized Britain and the rise of laissez faire had created a profound spiritual and moral crisis. Modern capitalism, they beloved fomented a selfish individualism that encourage inequality and split the community into isolated fragments. Society urgently required fundamental change to re establish cooperation and a new sense of community. Socialism developed as a political ideology in the nineteenth century as a reaction to industrial injustice, labor exploitation, and unemployment in Europe. For Karl Marx, who helped establish and define the modern theory of socialism, societal problems were rooted in an economic system which relied on the private ownership of property, and led to wealth remaining in the hands of a few and at the cost of the laborers who were the source of wealth. Marx advocated a revolution of the working class which would lead to collective ownership of the means of production (property and capital). This control, according to Marx's successors, may be either direct, exercised through popular collectives such as workers' councils, or it may be indirect, exercised on behalf of the people by the state. Currently, there is a diverse array of ideas that have been referred to as "socialist," from forms of "market socialism," which advocate achieving economic justice through taxation and redistribution through state welfare programs to the hardcore communists who advocate total state control of all property and the economy, to a unique Asian and unclear variant known as "socialism with Chinese characteristics." "Socialism" has often been used as a slogan by unscrupulous leaders seeking political power. They prey on the frustration and sense of injustice of low-paid or unemployed people. Both the National Socialism in Germany under Hitler and the Soviet-style developed by Lenin and his successors became totalitarian states that denied personal freedom to citizens. These totalitarian political systems had no checks and balances on power, which human civilization has learned is necessary to control the human tendency to take more than what one produces.

Quadruple Alliance

Quadruple Alliance, alliance first formed in 1813, during the final phase of the Napoleonic Wars, by Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, for the purpose of defeating Napoleon, but conventionally dated from Nov. 20, 1815, when it was officially renewed to prevent recurrence of French aggression and to provide machinery to enforce the peace settlement concluded at the Congress of Vienna. The members each agreed to put 60,000 men in the field in the event of French aggression. More significantly, they agreed to meet occasionally to confer on European problems and to keep European political development within terms of the 1815 settlement. This program was partially carried out by the congresses of Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach, and Verona. At the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen, 1818) France was admitted to full participation in the proceedings, creating in effect the Quintuple Alliance. Although the old alliance was secretly renewed on Nov. 1, 1818, because of some continued fear of France, there was never an occasion for the alliance to oppose France, and it remained inactive. British foreign policy diverged from that of the other powers in the 1820s, weakening the efforts of the Austrian prince Klemens von Metternich to use the alliance for reaction and counterrevolution throughout Europe.

Why did the ideas of the Romantic Movement so easily support reformist and radical political ideas, including liberalism, republicanism, and nationalism? What does this reveal about the general connections between art and politics?

Romanticism arose in late 18th and in 19th century. It started as a backlash against Enlightenment -- specifically, against the enlightenment rationalism. Romantics thought that the Enlightenment philosophes had reduced humanity to clockwork, excising all freedom and passion from life -- unweaving the rainbow, so to speak. Romanticism was often reactionary, harking back to the idealized earlier times, though not always. Many Romantics were instead radical progressives. What united them was not a cogent political programme nor a singular metaphysical view, but rather the opposition to the perceived excessive rationality of the Enlightenment; it was the idealistic, almost anti-rational exaltation of man as a passionate and aesthetic, rather than rational, being. Fundamentally, Romantics were opposed to empirical reason, and sometimes, though not always, anti-intellectual in general. This reflects liberalism because their want of freedom. Liberalism expresses the need to give a voice to the people similarly to romanticism. These reveals that art does have an influence on politics and they are indeed connected.

Holy Alliance

The Holy Alliance was derived out of the Quintuple Alliance in the Congress of Vienna on September 26th, 1815. The main purpose of the Holy Alliance was to uphold Christianity as the prominent faith and reflected the return to Conservative politics in Europe. Headed by Tsar Alexander, he wanted to return to politics long before the French Revolution and other revolutions in Europe. However, it is important to note that Great Britian was not part of the Holy Alliance, even though it was in the Quintuple Alliance. King George IV of Great Britian refused to sign on constitutional grounds. The alliance was noted for its union of politics and religion as one treaty. The Alliance had three articles. The first article basically noted that all of the members of the Holy Alliance are brethren, and will assist each other when necessary to protect religion, peace, and justice. The second article established the three nations as a Christian nation. The second article also states we owe the treasures of our lives to God, and recommend to the subjects of the three nations to to enjoy God's gifts, and exercise his principles. The third article states those that agree to this Alliance shall indeed utilize the principles of God and Christianity to shape the destinies of mankind of which they have influence over. The Holy Alliance was a symbol to all revolutionaries of the old social order, and thus revered it with hatred. The Alliance did not want any liberal revolutionaries accomplishing any victories in Europe along with promoting Christian faith. This led to Austrian forces overturning a liberal revolution in southern Italian Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Additionally, the French aided Spanish King Ferdinand VII against a liberal revolution. Public opinion believed this alliance was to join with the Church to reestablish their powers as a political authority. However, in reality, the papal Councillors and bishops regarded the Alliance coldly because it contained schism, heresy, and orthodoxy. Therefore, it is not accurate to believe the idea that the Church and Monarchies were conspirators with one another to gain power. The Holy Alliance ended with the death of Tsar Alexander I in 1825.

Six acts

The Six Acts of 1819, associated with Henry Addington, Viscount Sidmouth, the home secretary, were designed to reduce disturbances and to check the extension of radical propaganda and organization. They provoked sharp criticism even from the more moderate Whigs as well as from the radicals, and they did not dispel the fear and suspicion that seemed to be threatening the stability of the whole.. Lord Liverpool and his Tory government responded to the Peterloo Massace by introducing the Six Acts. When Parliament reassembled on 23rd November, 1819, Lord Sidmouth, the government 's Home Secretary, announced details of what later became known as the Six Acts. By the 30th December, 1819, Parliament had debated and passed six measures that it hoped would suppress radical newspapers and meetings as well as reducing the possibility of an armed uprising. (1) Training Prevention Act: A measure which made any person attending a gathering for the purpose of training or drilling liable to arrest. People found guilty of this offence could be transportated for seven years. (2) Seizure of Arms Act: A measure that gave power to local magistrates to search any property or person for arms. (3) Seditious Meetings Prevention Act: A measure which prohibited the holding of public meetings of more than fifty people without the consent of a sheriff or magistrate. (4) The Misdemeanours Act: A measure that attempted to reduce the delay in the administration of justice. (5) The Basphemous and Seditious Libels Act: A measure which provided much stronger punishments, including banishment for publications judged to be blaspemous or sedtious. (6) Newspaper and Stamp Duties Act: A measure which subjected certain radical publications which had previously avoided stamp duty by publishing opinion and not news, to such duty. These measures were opposed by the Whigs as being a suppression of popular rights and liberties. They warned that it was unreasonable to pass national laws to deal with problems that only existed in certain areas. The Whigs also warned that these measures would encourage radicals to become even more rebellious.

Greater Germany

The definition of the national unity of German was a major difficulty for the Frankfurt National Assembly. Schleswig's natural affiliation was a smaller problem. The biggest problem was that large portions of the two most powerful states in the German Confederacy, Prussia and especially Austria, had large possessions outside the confederation with non-German populations. Incorporating such areas into a German nation-state did not only raise questions regarding the national identity of their inhabitants, but also regarding power politics between the German states. On the other hand, Bohemia and Moravia were to remain within the confederation, in spite of large non-German populations and Czech efforts to the opposite. Similarly, the delegates decided to incorporate the Prussian Province of Posen, against the wishes of the Polish population. Caricature of the creation of the nation-state. From left to right: Heinrich von Gagern, Alexander von Soiron, Carl Theodor Welcker and Friedrich Daniel Bassermann. The borders of the future German nation-state had only two possibilities: The Kleindeutsche Lösung ("Smaller German Solution") aimed for a Germany under the leadership of Prussia and excluding imperial Austria, so as to avoid becoming embroiled in the problems of that multi-cultural state. The supporters of the Großdeutsche Lösung ("Greater German Solution"), however, supported Austria's incorporation. Some of those deputies expected the integration of all the Habsburg monarchy's territories, while other Greater German supporters called for a variant only including areas settled by Germans within a German state. While the majority of the radical left voted for the Greater German variant, accepting the possibility, as formulated by Carl Vogt of a "holy war for western culture against the barbarism of the East",[10] i.e., against Poland and Hungary, whereas the liberal centre supported a more pragmatic stance. On 27 October 1848, the National Assembly voted for a Greater German Solution, but incorporating only "Austria's German lands". The Austrian emperor Ferdinand I was, however, not willing to break up his state. On 27 November 1848, only a few days before the coronation of his successor, Franz Joseph I, he had his Prime Minister Schwarzenberg declare the indivisibility of Austria. Thus, it became clear that, at most, the National Assembly could achieve national unity within the smaller German solution, with Prussia as the sole major power. Although Schwarzenberg demanded the incorporation of the whole of Austria into the new state once more in March 1849, the dice had fallen in favour of a Smaller German Empire by December 1848, when the irreconcilable differences between the position of Austria and that of the National Assembly had forced the Austrian, Schmerling, to resign from his role as Ministerpräsident of the provisional government. He was succeeded by Heinrich von Gagern. Nonetheless, the Paulskirche Constitution was designed to allow a later accession of Austria, by referring to the territories of the German Confederation and formulating special arrangements for states with German and non-German areas. The allocation of votes in the Staatenhaus (§ 87 ) also allowed for a later Austrian entry.

Congress of Vienna

The eventual eruption of revolutionary political forces was by no means predictable as Napoleonic era ended. Quite the contrary. After finally defeating Napoleon, the conservative, aristocratic monarchies of Russia, Prussia, Austria and Great Britain- known as the Quadruple Alliance- reaffirmed their determination to hold France in line. Other international questions remained unresolved. even before Napoleons final defeat, the allies had agreed to meet to fashion a general peace accord in 1814 at the Congress of Vienna, where they faced a great challenge: how could they construct a lasting settlement that would now sow the seeds of another war? By carefully managing the balance of power and embracing conservative restoration, they brokered an agreement that contributed to fifty years of peace in Europe. The allied balance powers were concerned first and foremost with the defeated enemy, France. Agreeing to the new restoration of the Bourbon dynastic, the allies offered France lenient terms after Napoleons addiction. The first treaty of paris, signed before napoleon escaped from Elba and attacked the Bourbon regime, gave France the boundaries it had possessed in 1792, which were larger than those of 1789. In addition France did not have to pay war reparations. Thus the victorious powers avoided provoking a spirit of victimization and desire for revenge in the defeated country. Self interest and traditional ideas about the balance of power motivated allied moderation toward France, To Clemens von Metternich and Robert Castlereigh, the foreign ministers of Austria and Great Britain respectively, as well as their French counterpart, Charles Talleyrand, the balance of power mean an international equilibrium of political and military forces that would discourage aggression by any combination of states or, worse the domination of Europe by any single state. The Great Powers- Austria, Britain, prussia, Russia and France- used the balance of power to settle their own dangerous disputes at the Congress of Vienna. The victors generally agreed that each of them should receive compensation in the form of territory for their successful struggle against the French, Greath Britain had already won colonies and strategic outposts during the long wars. Austria gave up territories in Belgium and southern Germany but expanded greatly elsewhere, taking the rich provinces of Venetia and Lombardy in northern Italy as well as former Polish possessions and new lands on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, Russian and Prussian claims for territorial expansion were more contentious. When France, Austria and great britian all argued for limited gain, Russia accepted a small Polish kingdom and Prussia took only part of Saxony in addition to its gains to the west. This compromise fell very much within the framework of balance of power ideology.

Liberalism

The principal ideas of liberalism- liberty and equality were by no mean defeated in 1815. First realized successfully in the American Revolution and then in then achieved in part in the French Revolution, liberalism demanded representative government as opposed to legally separated classes. The idea of liberty also meant specific individual freedoms: freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of worship and freedom from arbitrary arrest. Such ideas are still the building beliefs in modern democratic states, but in Europe in 1815 only France with Luis XVIII's Constitutional Charter and Great Britain with its parliament had realized any of the liberal program. Even in those countries, liberalism had only begun to succeed. Although conservatives still saw liberalism as a profound threat, it had gained a group of powerful adherents: the new upper classes made wealthy through growing industrialization and global commerce. Liberal economic principles, the doctrine of Laisserz faire, called for free trade, unrestricted private enterprise and no government interference in the economy. Liberalism includes a broad spectrum of political philosophies that consider individual liberty to be the most important political goal, and emphasize individual rights and equality of opportunity. Although most Liberals would claim that a government is necessary to protect rights, different forms of Liberalism may propose very different policies (see the section on Types of Liberalism below). They are, however, generally united by their support for a number of principles, including extensive freedom of thought and freedom of speech, limitations on the power of governments, the application of the rule of law, a market economy (or a mixed economy with both private-owned and state-owned enterprises) and a transparent and democratic system of government. Like the similar concept of Libertarianism, Liberalism believes that society should be organized in accordance with certain unchangeable and inviolable human rights, especially the rights to life, liberty and property. It also holds that traditions do not carry any inherent value, that social practices ought to be continuously adjusted for the greater benefit of humanity, and that there should be no foundational assumptions (such as the Divine Right of Kings, hereditary status or established religion) that take precedence over other aspects of government.

What were the causes and outcome of the Greek Revolution of 1821-1832?

The rebellion originated in the activities of the Philikí Etaireía ("Friendly Brotherhood"), a patriotic conspiracy founded in Odessa (now in Ukraine) in 1814. By that time the desire for some form of independence was common among Greeks of all classes, whose Hellenism, or sense of Greek nationality, had long been fostered by the Greek Orthodox Church, by the survival of the Greek language, and by the administrative arrangements of the Ottoman Empire. Their economic progress and the impact of Western revolutionary ideas further intensified their Hellenism. The revolt began in March 1821 when Alexandros Ypsilantis, the leader of the Etairists, crossed the Prut River into Turkish-held Moldavia with a small force of troops. Ypsilantis was soon defeated by the Turks, but, in the meantime, on March 25, 1821 (the traditional date of Greek independence), sporadic revolts against Turkish rule had broken out in the Peloponnese (Modern Greek: Pelopónnisos), in Greece north of the Gulf of Corinth (Korinthiakós), and on several islands. Within a year the rebels had gained control of the Peloponnese, and in January 1822 they declared the independence of Greece. The Turks attempted three times (1822-24) to invade the Peloponnese but were unable to retrieve the area. Internal rivalries, however, prevented the Greeks from extending their control and from firmly consolidating their position in the Peloponnese. In 1823 civil war broke out between the guerrilla leader Theódoros Kolokotrónis and Geórgios Kountouriótis, who was head of the government that had been formed in January 1822 but that was forced to flee to the island of Hydra (Ýdra) in December 1822. After a second civil war (1824), Kountouriótis was firmly established as leader, but his government and the entire revolution were gravely threatened by the arrival of Egyptian forces, led by Ibrāhīm Pasha, which had been sent to aid the Turks (1825). With the support of Egyptian sea power, the Ottoman forces successfully invaded the Peloponnese; they furthermore captured Missolonghi in April 1826, the town of Athens (Athína) in August 1826, and the Athenian acropolis in June 1827. The Greek cause, however, was saved by the intervention of the European powers. Favouring the formation of an autonomous Greek state, they offered to mediate between the Turks and the Greeks (1826 and 1827). When the Turks refused, Great Britain, France, and Russia sent their naval fleets to Navarino, where, on Oct. 20, 1827, they destroyed the Egyptian fleet. Although this severely crippled the Ottoman forces, the war continued, complicated by the Russo-Turkish War (1828-29). A Greco-Turkish settlement was finally determined by the European powers at a conference in London; they adopted a London protocol (Feb. 3, 1830), declaring Greece an independent monarchical state under their protection. By mid-1832 the northern frontier of the new state had been set along the line extending from south of Volos to south of Árta; Prince Otto of Bavaria had accepted the crown, and the Turkish sultan had recognized Greek independence (Treaty of Constantinople; July 1832).

The years between 1815 and 1850 witnessed the invention of a number of new political struggles for political power. What impact did these ideologies and struggles have?

The years between 1815-1850 saw the rise of a number of related and competing ideologies, each holding a powerful influence in their own time. That influence often extended well into the future, continuing to the present day. These ideologies and struggles created a much more divided nation. People had many different ideas which often led to conflicts. This included revolts and rebellions. Some people believed other ideologies threatened their own. This led to a division of people with many fights. This also meant destruction for Europe after they try to fix the mess they made. A lot of the times the revolts ended up being unsuccessful so they would end up back where they started. This impacted all of Europe and left it more destroyed than before.

Klemens von Metternich

the political ideas of conservatism often associated with Austrian foreign minister Prince Klemens von Metternich, dominated Great Power discussions at the Congress of Vienna. Matternich's determined defense of the monarchical status quo made him a villain in the eyes of most progressive, liberal thinkers of the nineteenth century. Yet rather than denounce his politics, we can try to understand the general conservatism he represented. Born into the middle ranks of the landed nobility of Rhineland, Metternich was an internationally oriented aristocrat who made a brilliant diplomatic career, Austrian foreign minister from 1809- 1849, the cosmopolitan and conservative Metternich had a pessimistic view of human nature, which he believed was ever prone to error, excess, and self serving behavior. The disruptive events of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars confirmed these views, and Metternichs conservatism would emerge as a powerful new political ideological force in response to the revolutionary age. He firmly believed that liberalism as embodied in revolutionary American and France, bore the responsibility for the untold bloodshed and suffering caused by twenty five years of war. Like Edmund Burke and other conservatives, Metternich blamed liberal middle class revolutionaries for stirring up the lower class. Authoritarian government, he concluded were necessary to protect society from the baser elements of human behavior, which were easily released in a democratic system. Organized religion was another pillar of strong government; metternich despised the anticlericalism of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution and maintained that Christian morality was a vital bulwark against radical change. Metternich defended his class and its rights and privileges with a clear conscience. The church and nobility were among Europes most ancient and valuable institutions, and conservatives regarded tradition as the basic foundation of human society. The threat of liberalism appeared doubly dangerous to Metternich because it general went with aspirations for national undefended. Liberals believed that each people, each national group, had a right to establish its own independent government and fulfill its own destiny. The idea of national self determination under constitutional government was repellent to Metternich because it threatened revolutionize central Europe and destroy the Austrian Empire.