Unit 6 - The 'Golden Age' of the Weimar Republic (1924-1928)

Jews in the Weimar Republic

- Assimilation and integration: After the territorial changes of the Versailles Treaty, Weimar Germany contained only half a million Jews, less than 1 percent of the populace, with 80 percent of the Jewish population living in cities. Most Jews were well-integrated and assimilated into Germany's culture, and many thought of themselves to be more German than Jewish. Most Jews were patriotic and believed in assimilation, which they equated with maintaining their cultural and ethnic identity while becoming fully integrated within German society. The Jewish influence in Germany was much greater than their numbers would suggest. Many Jews were employed in important areas of German society, as doctors, bankers, and businessmen, especially in the larger cities. The position of these wealthier Jews gave the misleading impression, especially to some on the far right, that Jews were situated in areas where they could control Germany's economy and society. Jews were active in politics, the media, business, banking, industry, the professions of law and medicine, the academic world and music, and in the relatively new medium of cinema. There were two Jewish-run newspapers, the Berliner Tageblatt and the Frankfurter Zeitung which both promoted a liberal world-view. In politics, Jews were well-represented across the political spectrum, from Theodor Wolff and Walther Rathenau of the liberal DDP to Rosa Luxemburg and Kurt Eisner in the KPD and SPD respectively. Jews were also prominent in industrial and commercial circles, but their wealth and influence was greatly exaggerated by anti-Jewish propaganda at the time and afterwards. The Rathenau family controlled the electrical engineering firm AEG until 1927, and there were many Jewish firms involved in coalmining, steel-making, and in the chemicals industry in Silesia, but they had little involvement in the Ruhr and Rhineland in the West. Almost half of German private banks were owned by Jewish families, though mostly these banks represented the smaller concerns of the German banking world, owned by families such as the Schlesingers, Mendelssohns, and Bleichroders'.. Theywere also prominent in the retail and cloth industries, a presence which was of long-standing. Jews were well-represented in the professions of law and medicine, with 16% of German lawyers and 11% of doctors of Jewish extraction, but were especially prevalent in Berlin where they represented over half of all its doctors and lawyers. Jews were also notable in academic life, most spectacularly Albert Einstein, who revolutionised theoretical physics with his work on the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics. -Anti-Semitism: Most German Jews wished to assimilate, and in language, dress and lifestyle, Jews looked and acted like most Germans. Many had married non-Jews, given up their religious observance, or converted to Christianity. By the late 1920s, assimilation and integration was far advanced but many Germans still identified Jews as aliens and there remained a gap between the aspiration and reality of assimilation. Between 1918 and 1924, with more polarised political conditions, there was a backlash against the threat of "Jewish-Bolshevism", a conflation of the fear of communism and of Jews which had escalated from the time of the Spartacist risings and the Bavarian Socialist Republic, movements led in part by Jewish communists in the immediate post-war period. For these post-war revolts, see the material in the Unit 5 - Topic 1 - The Impact of War: Domestic Political Crisis and the Versailles Treaty. Anti-Semitism was part of the violent nationalism of the Freikorps and the National Socialists, and hyperinflation brought a fresh surge of hostility against Jewish financiers. During the calmer period between 1924 and 1930 anti-Semitic politics was pushed to the margins but there remained a virulent strain of it in Germany which permeated right-wing politics, and there was a fierce debate even among more liberal people as to the supposed influence of Jewish financiers and businessmen, which notable scandals like the Barmat scandal of 1925 did nothing to quell. The Barmat scandal involved the Barmat brothers, who were Russian Jewish businessmen, and the bribing of public officials and politicians to obtain loans from the Prussian State Bank and the Post Office. The brothers had a disreputable commercial portfolio, and the collapse of their businesses resulted in heavy losses to the German taxpayer. The SPD was heavily implicated in the scandal, with Gustav Bauer and Friedrich Ebert known to have strong connections with the brothers. Ebert had recommended a visa for Julius Barmat in 1919 and Bauer having financial links and receiving payments for services performed for the brothers. The political significance of the case was that it allowed the right-wing press to identify the Republic with corruption and foreign influences, and to conflate opposition to the Republic with opposition to socialism and 'Jewish influence'. The right-wing press found this association to be a highly-productive one and it would be revived many times.

The art and culture of Weimar Germany

- Berlin and Weimar culture: Perhaps the most remarkable feature of Weimar Germany was that of cultural activity. The censorship of pre-war Germany was removed, leading to greater freedom of expression and exchange of ideas. The Weimar period was one of great experimentation, innovation and creativity. Weimar Germany came to be known by many historians as the "the cradle of modernity". It was also perhaps the most colourful and vivid scene for the ongoing battle between traditionalists and modernists. Berlin nightclubs featuring cabaret acts became notorious for the risqué content which often included nudity, homosexuality, and transvestism. American jazz music was popular, often played by African-American musicians, and thus representing another challenge to traditional German culture. Political satire mocking traditional German icons shocked many conservatives who regarded the Berlin scene with horror and contempt. It was not just the sexual element which disturbed many people but the American influence on German culture, which seemed to be pervasive, decadent, and immoral, and perhaps most importantly not appropriate to German norms.

The extent of Germany's disarmament

- Compliance with the terms of the Versailles Treaty: Under the disarmament clause of the Versailles Treaty, Germany's army was limited to 100,000 men. No air-force was permitted, and the German navy was not permitted to have submarines and large battleships. The Rhineland was to be demilitarised, many fortifications had to be dismantled, and no troops were to be based in the area. To ensure compliance, Allied forces occupied the Rhineland and an Inter-Allied Control Commission (IMCC) was established to ensure that Germany complied with these provisions. These clauses caused huge resentment in Germany, especially as the Allies were free to build up their own formidable armed forces. - Secret rearmament: As the Treaty of Rapallo and its secret provisions showed, Germany found ways around these regulations, and they also built submarines in Spain and tanks and artillery in Sweden. Russia provided the main area of activity for the German military. After Rapallo, the military understanding led to the use of Russian bases as testing grounds, and joint output from the construction of new armaments factories. Russia allowed Germany to build, on a small scale, factories producing planes, tanks, and poison gas. All of this was expressly forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles but, for both nations, secret cooperation was beneficial in the context of a hostile international environment. Secret re-armament did not provide Germany with a fully-operational air force or army but it did ensure that Germany did not fall behind other powers in military technological research and development. German fortifications along the Rhine were dismantled, but new fortifications were constructed along the Polish frontier. Under the command of General von Seeckt, the Reichswehr found ways of surmounting the limitations placed on Germany as to army size. Most recruits were enlisted for short periods for intensive training which ensured that there was an efficient reserve body of highly-trained troops who could be called upon at short notice. The German army also sponsored several paramilitary groups which enjoyed a close relationship with the army, even after the Freikorps were disbanded after the Munich Putsch. In wanting to restore German military might, and considering closer relations with the Soviets as practical and not ideological, von Seeckt worked towards an alliance with Russia that would provide a means by which to destroy the newly-independent state of Poland. This type of strategic and political objective was not solely the province of the army and its old leadership, for the secret agreements and military cooperation were known by politicians who, not being opposed to the benefits which might accrue to Germany, turned a blind eye to them. While propelled by military leaders, secret rearmament was tacitly approved by politicians. - The end of Allied occupation: Withdrawal of Allied forces was a gradual process, for it was based on winning the confidence of the Allied countries, especially France, that Germany could be trusted. The Dawes Plan and the Locarno Treaty had demonstrated German willingness to cooperate. Allied forces withdrew from Zone I of the Rhineland in 1926, and the same year withdrew the IMCC. Once the Young Plan had been agreed by Germany in 1929, the way was clear for withdrawal of the remaining Allied forces. They were withdrawn from Zone II in 1929, and Zone III in 1930, five years ahead of the schedule stipulated in the Treaty of Versailles.

Women in the Weimar Republic

- Equality for women in Germany: There was much talk in Weimar Germany of the 'new woman' who was a symbol of women's changing position in German society since the end of the war. The new woman was supposedly free, independent, sexually-liberated, and more visible in German society. The Weimar Constitution had given women equal voting rights, greater access to education, equal opportunities in civil service appointments, and the right to equivalent pay. These liberal changes coincided with a shift in the gender balance within Germany, for with over two million men killed during the war, the opportunities for women to follow the traditional path of marriage, home and family were now limited. The war had also brought more women into the labour market. So, there were numerous imperatives driving forward the greater participation of women in German society. Arguably by as early as 1920, women's expectations of life had changed - but we must be careful not to exaggerate. Legally, the Civil Code of 1896 remained in force, and it laid down that husbands had the right to decide on all matters concerning family life including whether wives could take up paid employment. The Civil Code concerned all aspects of personal and civil rights and responsibilities within the common framework of all German states. Moreover, the most popular women's groups in the 1920s were not those representing progressive politics and modern social theories, but the opposite. The most popular women's group was the League of German Women (BDF) which had 900,000 members. The BDF supported traditional responsibility and authority, and was supported by conservative political parties, like the DNVP, and the churches who were alarmed at the perceived deviation from traditional family life and orthodox gender roles. While the 'new woman' was certainly a reality in some areas of Germany, most notably the larger cities, especially Berlin, it was something of a glib "cultivated myth" rather than a social reality. Most German women still lived traditional, orthodox, gendered lives based on home and family. -The "new woman": myth v reality: Gender equality meant equality of opportunity in employment, and by this measure the Weimar Republic did advance women's rights significantly. By 1925, 36% of the German workforce were women, and by 1933, there were 100,000 women teachers, and 3,000 women doctors. After the war, demobilisation laws required women to leave employment so ex-soldiers could find work. There were many jobs women had to give up on marriage, and many were still paid much less than men for equivalent work. Married women who continued to have paid-jobs were often attacked as "double-earners" and blamed for male unemployment. Many of these accusations were orchestrated in the right-wing press by church leaders and traditional right-wing political parties, who strongly advocated the dismissal of women workers. The sexual freedom allegedly enjoyed by women was also highly controversial. There was a large rise in the number of abortions, reaching an estimated one million per year by 1930. Divorce rates increased, (barrier) birth control was more widely available, with the result that there was a decline in birth-rates. Yet, abortion remained a criminal offence and was often performed by unqualified people. There were an estimated 10,000-12,000 deaths each year from abortions. Declining birth-rates were attacked by the conservative press and politicians as a "birth-strike" which threatened the health of the nation and the continued existence of the Germanic race. Both Catholics and Protestants were vigorously opposed to birth-control, divorce, and abortion, and many German women were committed members of Church congregations. -Women in politics: By the terms of the Weimar Constitution, women received equal voting rights as men and were also given the right to sit as elected representatives (Deputies) in the Reichstag. In 1919, 41 women were elected to the Reichstag but this number fell in subsequent elections, though on an international comparison the Reichstag had a higher proportion of female Deputies than the British House of Commons. Women were also politically-active at local and state levels. However, there were no female party leaders throughout the period, nor did any women even become a Cabinet member in any of the numerous Coalition governments across the period. Of the political parties, only the Communists (KPD) made gender equality a key element of its programme but it was the party which had least appeal to women. The party which gained the most from women's suffrage was the Catholic Centre party. In Protestant areas of Germany, the conservative parties the DNVP and the DVP were the main beneficiaries of women's suffrage but ironically none of those parties gave any support to feminist issues. Table 1: Female deputies in the Reichstag, 1919-1930 Year + Number of Deputies 1919 - 41 1920 - 37 May 1924 - 27 Dec. 1924 - 33 1928 - 33 1930 - 42 The achievement of women's suffrage in 1919 did not usher in a new era of female equality but it did bring the debate about women's rights to the centre of political debate in Germany. There was a constant struggle between those who wanted Germany to become a more modern, free and equal society, and those who espoused traditional values. The role of women in German society was an important aspect of this struggle.

The extent of economic recovery in industry and agriculture

- Industry in the Weimar Republic: By 1925, Germany appeared to be more stable and prosperous than in previous years. With the new currency and the Dawes Plan in operation and Schacht's work at the Reichsbank, interest rates were kept high to attract foreign investment, and American loans were forthcoming. All these factors lent credence to the idea that sustainable German economic growth was a very real prospect. Industrial output grew after 1924 but did not reach its 1913 levels until 1929. Growth rates however were unsteady, for the years 1925 and 1927 were good but the economy shrank slightly in 1928, by 1929 investment in new machinery and factories was declining. More positively, advances were made in the chemicals industry, especially in relation to artificial fertilisers, and the automobile and aeroplane construction industries were developing. For the population, living standards rose from 1924, from very low inflation and wage rises, but population growth had created a housing crisis in Germany, with overcrowding and insanitary conditions in some larger cities. Poor living conditions were linked to political extremism and thus posed a threat to social stability. The government responded by enacting a massive programme of housebuilding, with over 178,000 dwelling houses built in 1925, an increase of 70,000 on the previous year. - Workers and working practices: Workers generally saw an improvement in pay and working conditions between 1924 and 1928. The Republic had already set a maximum 8-hour working day and given trade unions the right to be part of the work councils in factories and mines. Real wages, that is, the purchasing power of wages relative to prices, increased across the period 1924-28 to a significant extent. The number of strikes declined over the period 1924-30, partly resulting from the introduction of compulsory arbitration, in which both sides agreed on an arbitrator to settle a dispute, which improved the ways of settling industrial disputes. Yet many employers resented the State's intervention in industrial affairs, and despite compulsory element, there were cases where employers refused to abide by the terms of the arbitrator. Table 1: Number of strikes in Germany, 1924-28 Year + Number of strikes 1924 - 1973 1925 - 1708 1926 - 351 1927 - 844 1928 - 739 1929 - 429 1930 - 353 These were years characterised by German industry undergoing "rationalisation" with new management and production techniques, and with antiquated machinery being replaced by better, more efficient machines. Many cartels were formed, that is, groups of companies within the same industries who operated together in agreeing to fix prices and share market information. While they reduced competition, they allowed for more profits to be re-invested for research. By 1925, there were approximately 3,000 cartel arrangements including 90% of Germany's coal and steel producers. After 1925, Germany was permitted to protect her industries by taxing imported foreign goods. Tariffs were accompanied by government subsidies given to firms to enable them to survive. All these practices limited competition and enabled inefficient companies to survive, which was contrary to Stresemann's attempts to make businesses more efficient.

Reichstag elections and coalition governments, 1924-28

- Reichstag elections: There were two elections in 1924, in May and December and the outcome of both indicated that there was a shift to the centre of politics, with an increase for parties which supported the constitutional status of the Weimar Republic. Over 61% of the electorate voted for pro-Republican parties in May 1924 and over 67% in December 1924. The May 1924 election was the first election contested by the Nazi party, and they secured 6.5% of the popular vote in May and only 3% in December. The share of the vote for the Communist Party also declined. Right-wing nationalist groups found their position weakening, and it was notable that the traditional conservative DNVP joined a coalition government for the first time in January 1925. Despite the extremist parties losing ground, it remained difficult for democratic parties to find the votes that would enable them to construct coalitions capable of ensuring stable governments. The anti-Republican parties could still inflict damage on the Republic but by 1928 support for the extremist parties had declined in the case of the Nazis and increased only very slightly for the Communists. The following Table shows the political complexion of the years between 1924 and 1928 and indicates the diffuse nature of politics in Germany and how fragmented the party system remained. Table 1: Number of Deputies in the Reichstag by major party - check topic 'Middle Class Party' refers to the Reich Party of the German Middle Class.

The reparations issue and the Young Plan

- The effects of the Dawes Plan: The Dawes Plan had only been a temporary settlement of the reparations issue. The revised payments introduced under the Plan in 1924 allowed the Republic to make smaller payments initially but by 1928 these had once again built up to the full annual rate of 2,500 million marks. Germany's recovery was perilous and fragile, and largely based on foreign loans and the patience and forbearance of countries acting in the capacity of lenders. Towards the end of 1928 the German government sought a revision of the Dawes Plan terms and conditions. At the same time, the French government insisted that, without satisfactory agreement on the pattern of reparation payments, their occupation of parts of the Rhineland would continue and they would not agree to withdraw their forces. The continuing distrust and bad-feeling between the two countries had, despite international agreements, continued. Stresemann agreed that the issue should be decided by a new international committee. The main political parties in Germany were at odds as to what to do to resolve the difficulties, thus continuing the fractious politics and alliances of the immediate post-war period and early 1920s. -The Young Plan: It was in the international community's interests to find an acceptable compromise on reparations to satisfy France and end armed occupation of German territory - and this led to the setting up of another international committee to re-examine the whole question of reparations. In 1929, the Young Plan, composed by a committee of experts (including, for the first time, German experts) under Owen D. Young, replaced the Dawes Plan as the method for the international management and organisation of reparation payments. Germany's obligations were lowered and to be paid off by annuities by 1988. The total reparations bill was set at £1.8 instead of £6.5 billion though over time the annual instalment would be increased. All foreign controls over German economic life were ended, and Germany assumed responsibility for her reparations payments. In return Britain and France agreed to withdraw troops from the Rhineland by June 1930. It might appear that the bitter legacy of the First World War was slowly being eroded. However, the Young Plan still left Germany saddled with a sizeable reparation debt. Repayment would be less initially, but was to settle at a figure of about 2,000 million marks a year, that is, approximately three-quarters of what it had been. News transcript: The Dawes and Young plans to schedule Germany's reparations payments are evolved and they failed. Impatient with German reparations tactics, France sends her troops into the Ruhr, expelling German police and soldiers, takes full control. In Germany, a one-time Austrian corporal makes his first appearance in Berlin. And under the swastika emblem takes a now famed salute from his Nazi Brown

The development of political parties

-Shortcomings of the political system: More prosperous economic conditions should have made the task of governing easier but for numerous reasons, it did not do so. Reichstag deputies had no distinct constituency, for under proportional representation, they were chosen from a long list to collectively represent a large area, and had no connection with constituents. The party list system gave party committees control over Reichstag deputies, and they had to behave consistent with the wishes of the party bureaucracies. The result was that the Reichstag arguably became a sterile and predictable debating chamber. The party leadership was also to blame, for factional rivalries operated, and party committees would not allow members to act on their own initiative. Likewise, party leaders often gave higher priority to protecting party interests, and the interest groups they represented, rather than the wider national interest; these limitations brought the party system, and the German democratic system, into disrepute. The parties themselves had their own limitations and interests which also proved to be damaging to Germany's political system. -Political parties: The SPD remained the largest single party in Weimar Germany in the mid-1920s but during these years they only participated in one of the six coalitions from June 1924. Although committed to reformist and constitutional politics, its Marxist origins held it back from some of the necessary compromises demanded by the complexities of coalition government. The SPD tended to be more comfortable in opposition. It had a strong base of support among workers and trade unions, but little appeal to the young, women, farmer, or the Mittelstand. The Centre party had been founded during the nineteenth century to defend Roman Catholic interests within the German Empire. As such, its support crossed class and occupation boundaries, and its appeal made it more flexible though more prone to division and splits over social and economic issues. Nevertheless, no Coalition during the Weimar years was formed without the Centre party, and it was a vitally important component of the political system. By the late 1920s the Centre party was drifting more to the Right, under the leadership of Heinrich Brűning. By way of contrast, the DDP was in decline in the mid to late 1920s, through internal disputes, and by difficulties in conveying what it stood for. The DDP was predominantly the party of liberal intellectuals and professions, and it remained an important party to the coalitions of the period. The DVP was similarly important as a pro-Republican party but with much of its support coming from industrialists. After Stresemann's death in 1929 it became more business-oriented and right-wing. To the Right, the DNVP was a traditionalist conservative, nationalist party which broadened its base beyond its natural constituency of landowners in Eastern Germany in the 1920s. Industrialists, professionals, and even industrial workers joined the party. The DNVP was anti-republican and anti-democratic and wanted the restoration of the monarchy in place of the Weimar Republic. The DNVP refused to join most coalitions but in the later 1920s became more willing to compromise with democratic parties. At the 1928 election, the DNVP suffered losses which led to it moving further towards the far Right. Under the leadership of Hugenberg, the DNVP went into an alliance with the Nazis and paramilitaries against the Young Plan, and henceforth was very hostile to the Weimar Republic.

The position of the extremist parties

-The Communists: Although it was the largest Communist Party outside of the Soviet Union the German Communist Party was never a mass party with a mass membership. It did have important support in industrial areas such as the Ruhr, Saxony, and Hamburg, but also significant support in Berlin. Although the party was dedicated to the overthrow of the Weimar Republic, its policy options were increasingly decided in Moscow not in Germany. As a member of the Soviet-run Comintern, the German Communist party received instructions as to policy and action from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Russians instructed the KPD to instigate uprisings in 1923 which, hastily-planned, and badly-executed, were ruthlessly put down. After 1924, the Russians instructed the KPD that the opportunity for revolution had now receded and they must now attack the SPD as the party which had betrayed the working class. By attacking the SPD, the Communists were deflected from the danger of the emerging party on the political Right, the Nazi party under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. It was a terrible misreading of the political situation in Germany and it had profound consequences in the years to come. -The Nazi party and its ideology: After the failure of the Munich putsch, Hitler used his time in prison to write his book Mein Kampf (My Struggle). Mein Kampf is partly autobiographical, detailing the process by which Hitler arrived at his political views, and partly a manifesto, detailing the future course of National Socialism in Germany. Hitler dictated the text to one of his most ardent followers, Rudolf Hess, who acted as his personal secretary in prison. Mein Kampf was published in two volumes: volume 1 with the sub-title 'A Settlement of Accounts' on 18 July 1923 and part 2 'The National Socialist Movement' on 11 December 1926. From 1930 it appeared in a single volume popular edition. By the time Hitler became Chancellor in 1933, 287,000 copies had been sold, and by the end of the Second World War, approximately 10 million copies had been sold or redistributed. In Nazi Germany, every newly-wed couple, and frontline soldier received a free copy. In Mein Kampf, the theory and programme of Hitler's world-view were presented in detail. The main ideas which motivated Hitler were racism, anti-Semitism, anti-Communism, the future of Germany in Europe, and the building of a new German Empire. Hitler also outlined the Nazi Party's methods of political organization, tactics, and propaganda. Yet, Mein Kampf is most revealing in detailing Hitler's political ideas, for these ideas clearly informed, if not perhaps precisely, the course of Nazi policies in the future. The main points of Hitler's political ideology were as follows: - The Germans were a superior race, especially in comparison to Jews and the Slavs of Eastern Europe - Dictatorship is essential to building up Germany's strength, as a means of overturning the injustices of the peace treaty of 1919 - Communism must be destroyed. Hitler saw it as 'Asiatic' and threatening to European civilization - The German people required more Lebensraum (living space) in the east to consolidate German domination in Europe - Germany's natural allies are Britain and Italy, and France and Russia her main enemies While imprisoned Hitler gave much thought and contemplation to political strategy. He arrived at an important conclusion, that the notion of seizing power by force should be abandoned. If he was to embark on an ambitious programme of reconstructing Germany, he had to win power legally, by winning votes and obtaining a strong position for the Nazis in the Reichstag. Here, the deficiencies of the Weimar Constitution could help, for the system of proportional representation meant that government by coalition was almost always necessary, and smaller parties could gain a disproportionate influence. Hitler therefore set himself the task of exploiting the deficiencies of the constitution of the Weimar Republic to win power.

Relations between the USSR and Germany

-The position of Russia: After the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 and the German Revolution of 1918, the two countries took very different paths. In Russia, the communist system of state control and one-party rule was at odds with the German political system of constitutional democracy and individual freedom. While most Germans were opposed to communism, both countries had been defeated in war and had suffered from punitive peace treaties. Moreover, the creation of a new kingdom of Poland after the First World War was fiercely resented in Germany and Russia. Both countries were international pariahs and outcasts, most obviously by neither being permitted to join the newly-established League of Nations after the war. For Germany, the League was a 'League of the victors', while for the Bolsheviks it was a 'Robbers League' of dominant capitalist powers. In the 1920s, the existence of Soviet Russia as the only communist power raised a paradox. Since the Soviet Union required peace and stability, and an economic recovery was needed, commercial relations with the West were necessary to bring in badly-needed capital and foreign specialists. Marxist-Leninist ideology suggested that a peaceful, stable capitalist world was the best guarantee against foreign intervention, but these conditions also diminished the prospects of communism succeeding in those countries. The potential strength of Germany was a main concern of the Soviet Union. German strength meant that the Bolsheviks felt the need to appease her, as this would aid the Bolsheviks in maintaining power, and gradually Russo-German relations improved. In anguish at defeat and the punitive peace of Versailles, many nationalist Germans were turning against the whole realm of liberal concepts of the Western European powers. They looked to an alliance of convenience with Russia, and joint war against the victors of Versailles. Both Germany and the Soviet Union were dissatisfied with the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 which provided for the settlement of Europe after the war. After ceding large amounts of territory in Eastern Europe to Germany at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, before the war ended, the Soviet Union could only stand by and watch this territory being taken from Germany as the defeated power at the end of the war. Both countries therefore felt they had international grievances which had to be addressed. Yet there was little beyond these shared grievances to provide the basis of any long-term agreement between them. The ideological differences of communism and liberal capitalism prevented prevented any close cooperation or shared vision of the world but did not mean that temporary agreements were out of the question.

Young people and youth groups in the Weimar Republic

-Youth culture: The struggle to control behaviour and development of the German youth was a central feature of the Weimar period. There was widespread concern that (especially male) youths were breaking free of the constraints of family, school, and religion. These children, who were predominantly working class and did not attend the highly-selective Gymnasium schools which provided a classical education, were expected to leave school at fourteen and begin an apprenticeship or employment. However, in a period of high youth unemployment there were fewer opportunities, especially after the steep rise in unemployment after 1924. By 1925-26, 17% of those unemployed were in the age 14-21 age group, which itself was a consequence of the baby boom between 1900 and 1910. The social welfare benefit system helped to prepare youths for employment but there were limits as to what could be achieved when jobs were so scarce. This gap led to many young men who lived in big cities joining gangs to find the comradeship, mutual support, and sense of belonging and adventure lacking in their lives. Gang membership could overcome social alienation, and gangs were especially prominent in working class districts of large German cities, and many had colourful names such as Death Defiers, Tartar's Blood, and Eagle's Claw, projecting an image of toughness, masculinity and an anti-social attitude. Each gang was territorial, and associated with distinct areas of cities, and the usual apparatus of gang behaviour, of initiation tests and ceremonies, flags, and uniforms were all part of the gang sub-culture. -Education: Germany prided itself on its fine educational system which had been developed in the nineteenth century by Prussia and then extended all over Germany after 1871. With the needs of industry particularly in mind, Realschules provided six years of schooling for children who would then go on to an apprenticeship. The State education system tended to divide along class lines, with Gymnasiums largely catering for the middle and upper classes, but religious influence was also important and both Protestant and Catholic churches had a large say within the educational system. Educational reformers tried to break down the divide between the schools on class and religious lines and provide a comprehensive, secular system for all pupils but they were only partially successful. The main reform during the Weimar period was the introduction of elementary schools which all children were to attend for the first four years of their education. Those who did not pass the entrance examination for the Gymnasium schools would then continue for four more years. Reformers did not remove the influence of religion from the educational system, for both Protestant and Catholic Churches vigorously defended their right to provide religious instruction via the state education system and their respective political parties ensured that their claims were not ignored. -Youth groups: Organisations for German youth began as early as the 1890s. The Wandervogel (wandering birds) consisted mainly of middle-class boys. They were non-political in nature, but promoting of a presumed German national identity, with a generally romanticist view of Germany's past. Outdoor activities, such as hiking, camping, and swimming were foremost among their activities. Some took it further by embracing naturalism and vegetarianism. Catholic and Protestant Church youth groups aimed at promoting religious observance and instilling respect for church, family, and school. The Roman Catholic Church was more engaged in this respect. There were also political youth groups. The Social Democrats, the largest of these types was founded in 1925, but there was also the Young Communist League established by the KPD, and the Bismarck Youth, which was linked to the DNVP, and which had a membership of 42,000 by 1928—the latter had strong links among middle and upper-class youths in Protestant areas but more surprisingly also had a strong working-class following in Berlin. Finally, there was the Hitler Youth, of the Nazi party, which was so important in the 1930s but which in the 1920s was slow to grow, with a membership of only 13,000 in 1929.

What did the policy of "fulfilment" entail for German foreign policy?

Applied to Germany's foreign policy in the 1920s, "fulfilment" meant accommodation and conciliation by Germany towards the Allied powers and by meeting their demands wherever possible, whether these were financial, territorial, or political. It was hoped that this stance would benefit Germany later as it would prove that she was now a responsible and trustworthy country who would act by reference to the rules of the international community and its institutions. Stresemann was the main advocate of this policy stance and he achieved much by his moderate approach at Locarno with the result that Germany was admitted into the League of Nations. Yet at the same time, Germany was breaching the terms of the Versailles Treaty by making secret agreements, most notably with the Soviet Union, on military activities and training, which violated the Versailles Treaty. Fulfilment was therefore something of a sham for Germany was not abiding by the terms of the Versailles Treaty, though crucially other European nations did not know this at the time.

Summary of Topic 1 - Economic developments

After the trauma of hyperinflation in 1923, the Germany economy was more stable in the years between 1924 and 1929. Inflation was brought under control with the issue of a new currency, and diplomatic efforts made to resolve the reparations issue, allowed Germany to attract foreign loans to help rebuild her economy. The German economy was making a steady recovery, with industrial production exceeding pre-war levels by 1928, and Germany becoming a world leader as exporter of manufactured goods. Yet Weimar Germany's industrial recovery and prosperity in the mid-1920s had not been matched in the agricultural sector, where employment and productivity had remained poor and poverty was widespread. Equally, the small independent businessmen and artisans of the Mittelstand found their living standards did not improve. The Young Plan was no magic wand to help bring about recovery in the German economy. In the long-term, the most serious problem for Germany was her financial position. Germany relied heavily on American loans, which could be withdrawn at any time. Imports exceeded exports, which meant that Germany was trading at a loss, with unfavourable balance of payments. Unemployment remained a major problem. With food prices falling rapidly in 1927, the income of farmers was damaged, and their debts increased.

Why were Germany and the USSR excluded from the League of Nations?

As the ruling Bolshevik Party was shunned by the international community after the communist revolution in Russia in 1917, and had made a separate peace with Germany in 1918, they had, by the time of the establishment of the League of Nations not been accepted into the international community of nations: outcasts on account of ideological reasons. As the defeated power in the war, and having been penalised heavily at Versailles as responsible for the outbreak of the war, by the "war-guilt" clause, Germany was not permitted to join the League of Nations because of her aggressive behaviour.

Artistic innovation

Berlin was more than just cabaret sets and nightclub acts, and in artistic terms came to rival Paris as the cultural capital of Europe. Germans were prominent in innovative painting, architecture, and design. Some artists, such as George Grosz, used art to criticize modern society. Art was dominated by Expressionism, and the most famous artists were Grosz, Franz Marc, and Wassily Kandinsky. These painters believed that their works should express emotion and meaning rather than the physical reality hence their paintings were abstract in style and vivid in colour. They left a lasting impression on the world of art by imaginatively broadening the scope and content of artistic works. A similar emphasis on meaning and feeling motivated the musical composers, especially Arnold Schoenberg who was associated with the often harsh "atonal" music which lacked the traditional attributes of melody and key. A similar free-form approach was apparent in literature where novels increasingly focused on characters' internal mental state rather than the social reality that he or she inhabited. Revolt against political authority was a key theme, and Thomas Mann became the leading writer of this literary school. Mann was awarded a Nobel Prize for Literature in 1929, and, as a staunch supporter of the Weimar Republic, later went to live in Switzerland after the Nazi seizure of power in 1933. Despite these literary developments, the most famous novel of the interwar period, later made into a film with sound, was All Quiet on the Western Front, by Erich Remarque, which described the horrors of the First World War and which within three months in 1929, had sold 500,000 copies. Architecture and design were heavily influenced by the Bauhaus movement of art, design and photography, led by Walter Gropius. The Bauhaus movement encouraged students to break down the barriers between art and technology by incorporating industrial materials into their artistic works. Gropius used bold designs and unorthodox materials with unusual results. Germany also became the focus for a new approach in the theatre, where Expressionist ideas were incorporated, with stark set designs, and a reliance on abstraction and symbolism to convey their message. The most famous playwright was Bertolt Brecht, whose Threepenny Opera (1928) with Kurt Weill, was a huge success and represented a new form of musical theatre. Much of these new approaches were highly political, in attacking capitalism, war, and nationalism. Brecht was a left-wing critic of capitalism and capitalist culture. In the Threepenny Opera, Brecht cast the middle classes as villains and the working class and the underclass of criminals and prostitutes as heroes. Germany also shared in advancing the new medium of cinema, and Berlin was an important centre of world cinema. Great directors like Fritz Lang, Josef von Sternberg, and Billy Wilder (who was later a famous Hollywood director) were critically acclaimed for the quality of their work. The progressive culture of Weimar Germany, although it was innovative in many respects, did not appeal to everyone. Many, if not most, people viewed the new artistic developments as decadent and unpatriotic, and indicative of a decline in moral standards. In Berlin, the many extravagant cabaret shows and nightclubs and the transvestite parties, where men and women shared each other's clothes, made the city notorious, and to many Germans living outside Berlin, the city appeared corrupt, immoral, and obsessed with sex. Cultural innovation was another divisive factor in the Weimar Republic, to go along with religious, class, and political divisions. Yet the impact of Weimar culture very much centred on cities, and rural areas were only affected in a minor way. Here, family ties and traditional values still held sway though even here the spread of radio and cinema brought new cultural influences to bear. The Right feared that new cultural influences would be debilitating and would dilute German culture. For many, modernity in all its forms was viewed as immoral and un-German. The freedoms let loose by the Weimar Republic were welcomed by some, but feared by others. Changes within society and culture over time proved to be as divisive as political beliefs as they were closely aligned to broader Left/Right divisions. Weimar arts and culture is often best understood in visual as well as textual terms. Follow the links below for a flavour of this rich period in German history

In what areas of the economy were Jews particularly active?

Despite being a small minority in Germany, Jews were particularly prominent in sectors such as banking and the professions of law and medicine. Many prominent Jews were large business-owners and Jews also featured heavily in politics, the media and in academia. Jews were particularly visible in the professions of law and medicine in the larger cities of Germany, especially Berlin. In many of the more creative areas of the economy as well as in commerce and business. Jews made a disproportionate contribution to German life, and participated in most of the important sectors of the German economy.

Why, even in the so-called 'Golden Age' of the Weimar Republic, were there so many coalition governments between 1923 and 1928?

Despite moderate economic recovery, the political system of Germany remained based on proportional representation meaning that the shifting alliances and loyalties characteristic of coalition governments remained in place as a means of sustaining government majorities. Economic prosperity did not fundamentally change the political or constitutional complexion of Germany but only provided a brief respite from political conflict and violence. Within this type of political system, personal relationships remained important in the attainment of stronger working relationships and political ties.

Topic 4 - Germany's international position, 1924-28

Despite the deep divisions between German political parties, all German governments of the inter-war period were agreed that the Treaty of Versailles should be revised. The political Right were the most vociferous opponents of the Treaty, arguing that the provisions of the Treaty should be rejected and overthrown. For Gustav Stresemann, Foreign Minister from 1923 to 1929, foreign policy should be more nuanced that just a rejectionist stance. Stresemann understood that French suspicion of Germany was a great obstacle to Germany securing revision of the Treaty. Therefore, an improvement in relations with France and her Western Allies would be good for Europe, but also good for Germany not only in the immediate sense of better relations with the Western powers but for the longer-term in giving Germany a better chance of securing a revision of the Treaty which would restore German national pride and honour, and right the supposed wrongs of the past.

Agriculture in the Weimar years

German agriculture had been badly affected by the war: a reduction in livestock during the war resulted in a lack of manure, the main agricultural fertiliser. Like many of the other combatants there has been huge losses in manpower and horses, and nearly 15 per cent of arable land, land suitable for crops, had been lost under the Versailles Treaty. Other countries began to increase food production after the war, leading to overproduction and a slump in agricultural prices. To counteract this, some farmers borrowed money to modernise, and became heavily indebted. Many farms went bankrupt, unable to compete with cheap food and grains flooding the market. Although farmers were, to an extent, protected during the period of hyperinflation as they could pay off their debts, farmers were further hit in 1925-6 when continued world overproduction resulted in prices falling even further. In 1928 the average real income of farmers was up by less than 5 per cent on the 1913 figure; the average rise for all workers was 45 per cent. In 1928 farmers began to protest at their increasing poverty. The high number of foreclosures (the calling in by banks and lenders of loans) led to riots, seen as the 'farmer's revenge', and a move towards extremist parties such as the National Socialists. Taxes imposed by the government were viewed as an unfair burden and while import tariffs and subsidies were an attempt to help German farmers, farmers gained little from the economic recovery. By 1929, German agricultural production was at less than three-quarters of its pre-war level, and the effects of the Depression after 1929 further deepened and increased the level of indebtedness and poverty. - The limits to economic recovery: Signs of economic instability were present even during the Republic's so-called 'Golden Years' of 1924-29. Even before the depression of 1929-30 there were over one million unemployed. Stresemann thought German recovery was precarious, because her prosperity was largely dependent on short-term loans. Unemployment was a continuing problem, and by the end of 1925, there were one million unemployed in Germany; by March 1925 it was over three million, though it fell substantially after that date. The reasons are not hard to find: population growth, public spending cuts, and reductions in the workforce to make efficiency savings, led to higher unemployment. Table 2: Unemployment in Germany, 1925-29 Year + Percentage of workforce 1925 - 3.4 1926 - 10 1927 - 6.2 1928 - 6.3 1929 - 8.5 Germany's economy was too dependent on foreign loans to avoid being adversely affected by any world problems. The cost of the welfare state was pushing governments into debt, and because market confidence was so damaged after the early post-war problems, investment was too low to encourage growth. Employers' contributions to insurance funds were increasing their costs too, eating away at investment and discouraging them from employing new workers. The Mittelstand, the professional middle class, gained little from the recovery, for they did not enjoy comparative wage rises such as those of industrial workers, and they were more susceptible to public spending cuts.

Stresemann, "fulfilment" and foreign policy aims

Germany and revision of the Treaty of Versailles: As Foreign Minister, Stresemann worked hard to normalize Germany's relations with her former wartime enemies. He was seeking to restore Germany's position as a trading partner in Europe which would strengthen the German economy, and promote political stability. Stresemann's policy as Foreign Minister was therefore conciliatory and non-confrontational. This policy approach was known as "fulfilment" meaning that Germany would comply with the demands and requests of the Allies in the short term while looking to the longer-term to make changes in Germany's position and to revise the Versailles Treaty. Stresemann aimed to solve the reparations issue, protect Germans living abroad, and perhaps the most difficult issue of all, to adjust Germany's eastern frontiers, by recovering Danzig and the Polish Corridor separating Germany from East Prussia, and by correcting the frontier in Upper Silesia. Fig 6.1: Territory Ceded by Germany in the Versailles Treaty Stresemann's cautious diplomacy and cooperative attitude with the Western Powers incensed many Germans. His methods were often criticized and misunderstood, but his aims were shared by most Germans after 1919. He chose conciliation and caution, to integrate Germany back into the community of nations. In this way, the injustices imposed on Germany at Versailles would be corrected in due course. Those injustices were never forgotten, and provoked, in 1929, on the tenth anniversary of the signing of the Versailles Treaty, a day of national mourning. The German government issued the following manifesto, signed by President Hindenburg, Chancellor Müller, and every Cabinet Minister: "Today is a day of mourning. Ten years have passed since at Versailles the German peace negotiators were compelled to attach their signatures to a document which was a bitter disappointment to all friends of justice and of a genuine peace. For 10 years the treaty has weighted heavily upon all sections of the German nation, upon intellectual and upon economic life, upon the labours of the workman and the labours of the peasant. Intense, stubborn work and whole-hearted unity on the part of all classes of the German nation have been necessary in order to avert at least the most serious effects of the Treaty of Versailles, which threatened the existence of our Fatherland and placed the economic prosperity of Europe in jeopardy. Germany signed the Treaty without thereby acknowledging that the German nation was the author of the War. This imputation leaves our people no peace of mind and disturbs international confidence. We know that we are at one with all Germans in the repudiation of the charge of Germany's sole responsibility for the War, and in the firm trust that the idea of a true peace, which can only be based, not upon dictation, but upon the unanimous and sincere conviction of free and equal nations, will prevail in the future". 'Anniversary of Versailles', (The Times, 28 June 1929) This manifesto could have been written in the immediate aftermath of the signing of the peace treaty, and reveals the persistence of strong national sentiments, a sense of grievance, and the pain and shame associated with signing the Treaty. Yet, however strongly opposed Germans were to the Treaty it was unrealistic to expect its provisions to be easily overturned. In this respect, Stresemann was a realist who fully recognized the limits placed on his diplomacy and the power at his disposal. As he wrote in 1927: 'I lack the material power of an army and this, in the nature of things, despite all the pacific assurances of the peoples of the world, still remains the really decisive factor as far as the influence of Great Powers is concerned'. Cited in William Carr, A history of Germany, 1815-1990 (4th edition, 1991), p. 283 Yet Stresemann did hold out the hope that Germany would again become one of the "Great Powers" and while this process may take time it was part of his project for returning Germany to what was viewed by many Germans as its rightful and prominent place in Europe and in the community of nations.

What were the limits to German economic recovery between 1924 and 1929?

Germany still suffered from high levels of unemployment which emanated to some extent from structural long-term changes like population growth, and the German economy remained highly dependent and dangerously reliant on short-term foreign loans for investment. Agriculture had struggled to recover from the wartime dislocation and had still not regained its pre-war levels of productivity. Overall economic growth was uneven, investment imbalanced, and agricultural and industrial development highly volatile.

Summary of Topic 4 - Germany's international position, 1924-28

Gustav Stresemann was an able politician and a skilful and influential diplomat. His long-term objective, shared with most Germans, was to secure a revision of the Treaty of Versailles. Stresemann had been an outspoken nationalist during the First World War and he remained highly attached to a vision of Germany placing a central role in Europe. To achieve his objective, he adopted a nuanced policy of compliance and "fulfilment" which aimed at promoting a healthy and amicable relationship with the Western powers. Over time, he calculated that this close relationship would lead to benefits for Germany. While this approach to policy-making may be considered as devious, it was a realistic assessment of the best way to proceed given the state of opinion among the Allies powers. Seeking reconciliation with the West, Stresemann found the Russian threat a useful card to play to put pressure on France and Britain. Having earlier pushed for acceptance of the Dawes Plan in return for financial credits, Stresemann hoped to accomplish in politics what the Dawes Plan had accomplished in economics, with European stability and Western borders guaranteed. He managed to gain help from the United States, France, Britain, and the USSR, and protected Germany from French invasion, while projecting the possibility of a revision of Germany's eastern borders later. Stresemann was aware that Germany's recovery depended on moderation and maintaining good relations with the West. While the Rapallo and Berlin agreements with the Soviet Union were useful in the short-term, he never regarded the Russian alliance as a substitute for agreements with the Western powers. In making courageous and intelligent agreements with the West, Stresemann delivered a blow to the Soviet Union by demonstrating that Germany was no longer struggling against the European settlement of 1919. Whether Germany could continue to maintain peaceful relations with the West, while also resorting to the subterfuge of agreements with the Soviet Union remained extremely doubtful, but ultimately these foreign policy dilemmas were overtaken by the economic and financial disaster which engulfed the global economy in 1929.

What does the election of Hindenburg as President and the voting at the Presidential election say about the political condition of Germany in 1925?

Hindenburg's election indicated that Germany remained a very divided nation and that the Right and Left divisions were very pronounced. The controversies of the immediate post-war period were far from resolved and the political Right looked to Hindenburg to restore the conservative, authoritarian, and monarchist basis of the German empire. The pattern of voting in the election campaign was a further indication of the sharp divisions between Left and Right and between pro-Republican and anti-Republican parties.

The Treaty of Rapallo

In achieving so much internationally in the mid-1920s Gustav Stresemann was helped by the fear that Western European countries had that Germany might make an agreement with the Soviet Union. This, in fact, had already happened, with many German politicians seeing the advantages of a closer relationship with Russia, among them Rathenau, who in April 1922 negotiated the Treaty of Rapallo under the following terms: - Germany and Russia renewed trade and commercial cooperation - Diplomatic relations were restored - All outstanding claims for war damages were dropped The commercial needs of Russia were great, for if the Russian economy was to recover after the years of revolution and civil war, commercial connections and trading links were necessary. It soon became clear that Germany could provide these needs, and commercial and military contacts began in 1921. A secret clause was added in July 1922 which allowed German troops to train on Russian soil with heavy weaponry, and Germany permitted to develop new weapons and to train pilots in Russia, away from the scrutiny of the Allied Powers. All these actions were strictly prohibited by the Versailles Treaty. In return, Germany was to provide training for the Russian military. Military cooperation was mutually beneficial, for Germany had an excess of military experts who could instruct the Red Army in military techniques and in the development of modern armament industries. Russia could help Germany bypass the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, for the Allied Control Commission could not enforce its military provisions on the soil of a country that had not been party to the agreement. As a formal treaty establishing normal diplomatic and commercial relations, Rapallo was an act of political emancipation for Germany and a decisive step in the Soviet government's campaign to be treated as a normal state. Both sides gained immensely from the agreement. The Russians gained German military expertise, while the Germans were permitted to obtain further military experience and to keep abreast of technological developments. The German generals were impressed by the benefits for the army from its direction by a dictatorial regime. The political advantage for the Soviets was that it prevented the re-establishment of a united front of capitalists, which could threaten the communist state. Rapallo was an important symbolic step for Germany away from post-war isolation. The Treaty was an agreement that demonstrated Germany's evasiveness over disarmament, and her defiance of the terms of the Versailles Treaty. Cooperation between Russia and Germany was a concern for Poland. Despite the peaceful resolution of the Russo-Polish war of 1920, relations between Russia and Poland remained tense and volatile and appeared likely to result in another crisis in due course. In the aftermath of the First World War, Poland had taken territory from Germany and the Soviet Union, and though both major powers were experiencing difficulties in recovering fully from the rigours of war and revolution, there seemed little doubt that they would not rest content with the loss of territory they had been forced to make. Indeed, Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau, Germany's ambassador to the Soviet Union, had infamously spoken in December 1924 about "driving Poland back to its ethnographic frontiers" which had been interpreted by the Russians as a sign of Germany's interest in military cooperation with the Soviets.

Why did Germany and Russia establish closer relations in the early 1920s?

In anguish at defeat and the punitive peace of Versailles, many nationalist Germans were by the 1920s turning against the entire realm of liberal concepts as advanced by the Western European powers. Both Germany and the Soviet Union were dissatisfied with the Treaty of Versailles of 1919, with both being defeated powers who looked to a joint war against the victors of Versailles. After 1921, Germany and Russia found themselves isolated, international pariahs, with both excluded from the League of Nations. Both countries had something which the other country needed, and it therefore made sense to cooperate and to make secret agreements which were mutually beneficial.

The extent of political stability in Weimar Germany by 1928

In political terms, the Weimar Republic achieved a high degree of stability by the late 1920s. In the Reichstag elections, the extreme parties, the Communists and the Nazis, received less support than the mainstream moderate parties. The coalition governments while only marginally more stable than those of the early 1920s, presided over an economy that was making a steady recovery. By 1928 industrial production exceeded pre-war levels, and Germany was becoming a world leader as an exporter of manufactured goods. The sign of Hindenburg as President was perhaps a sign of right-wing accommodation with the Republic but could also be viewed as a sign of the serious divisions within the Republic. The weaknesses of the Weimar Constitution remained as potent as ever. Stable government proved to be impossible to achieve and public respect for democratic institutions was thus further eroded. With a system of proportional representation, Weimar Germany always had coalition governments, and as the parties often disagreed on fundamental political principles, it was an unsatisfactory form of government, for important decisions and action were often impossible. Parties often represented sectional not national interests which made it difficult for a national consensus to emerge. The parties and the interests they represented placed great obstacles in the way of political freedom of action and good government. Nevertheless, the Article in the Constitution allowing the President to pass laws by decree was a dangerous one: in the wrong hands, it could lead to dictatorship. There were warning signs on the horizon that the period of relative political calm was about to end. Support for the Communists increased in 1928, and from late 1928 the Nazis also began to make advances in local elections; by 1929, the party's membership stood at 100,000. In the long term, the most serious problem for Germany was her financial position. Germany relied heavily on American loans, which could be withdrawn at any time. Imports exceeded exports, which meant that Germany was trading at a loss, with unfavourable balance of payments. Unemployment remained a major problem. With food prices falling rapidly in 1927, the income of farmers was damaged, and their debts increased. The economic situation in Germany had improved from earlier in the 1920s but the economy remained fragile and vulnerable.

Declining support for the Nazis, 1924-28

In the aftermath of the Munich Putsch, the Nazi Party lost some credibility, particularly outside of Bavaria. The reaction against the forceful methods of the Nazis was strengthened by the economic recovery under Stresemann. Support for the Nazis declined between 1924 and 1928, and their position in the Reichstag was weakened. Table 3: The Nazi Party in Reichstag elections, 1924-1928: Date + Seats in Reichstag + Number of parties with more seats May 1924 32 5 December 1924 14 7 1928 12 7 Hitler seems to have realized that better economic conditions removed the force of many of the Nazis' arguments. He reorganized the party, with many branches established throughout Germany, establishing the Nazis as a national political party. With a national profile, party membership increased, with a significant body of support from farmers and craft (artisan) groups. Although attentive to the importance of obtaining working class support, the Nazis were losing the battle to gain the support of disgruntled workers. In the 1928 elections, the Communists gained four times the number of Nazi voters, but even they were struggling to obtain votes during the years of economic prosperity. The Nazis lost 100,000 votes at the 1928 election but began to successfully concentrate their efforts in rural areas, especially in the Protestant North of Germany, where they performed well in 1928. The Nazis adapted by appealing to groups who were not sharing in prosperity, especially farmers. The Nazis promised help for farmers when they gained power, and praised the purity of the rural lifestyle compared to the immorality and criminal features of city life, pointedly referencing the 'decadence' of the Weimar Republic (For the cultural decadence of the Weimar era, see Unit 6 - Topic 3 - Political developments and the workings of democracy). Many conservative people supported the Nazi stance, considering the cultural freedom of the Weimar Republic as indecent and as promoting immoral values. -Hitler as leader and orator: Although support for the Nazis declined during the Stresemann years, Hitler felt confident that the return of economic problems would benefit the party. By sharpening party organization, the Nazis would be well placed to benefit from an economic and political crisis. By 1928, the Nazi Party had evolved into a national political party, which retained a paramilitary wing, and which argued for authoritarian, nationalist, racial, and anti-communist policies. Hitler had gained the support of many loyal adherents, and had developed into a figure who managed to attain great loyalty and veneration from his followers. Although he had not yet secured a personal dictatorship over the party, for there were other important figures such as Röhm, he was increasingly viewed as the most important figure in the party. Hitler aroused strong feelings amongst followers and opponents. Ludendorff, a collaborator in the Munich Putsch, had turned against him by 1928. When he later learnt that Hitler was to be appointed Chancellor, he stated "This evil man will plunge our Reich into the abyss and will inflict immeasurable woe on our nation." Hitler cultivated the art of leadership, and his personal magnetism was often (and still is) often talked of. He inspired tremendous loyalty from his followers. From 1923, Hitler's most important followers within the Nazi Party were Rudolf Hess, Hermann Goring, and Ernst Röhm but Hitler also had important connections with other sections of society, most importantly through Dietrich Eckart, whose connections extended to the higher echelons of German society, and Nordic racial circles. Alfred Rosenberg, the ideologue, was another important point of contact between Hitler and anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic Russian émigrés. Hitler's genius as an orator and propagandist was undoubted. He was an extensive platform speaker and traveller across Germany. The development of mass propaganda techniques by the Nazis, under the direction of Josef Goebbels, appealed to the feelings rather than the intellect. Hitler had no illusions about the intelligence of the masses. His speeches painted contrasts, where points of political dispute were black and white. Hitler believed that vehemence, passion, and fanaticism were the compelling forces to move the masses to action, and that 'To be a leader, means to be able to move masses'. (Mein Kampf, p.474) Propaganda was not confined to the spoken word. Posters, always in red, to provoke the communists, were used. The swastika, the flag, saluting, uniforms, and the hierarchy of ranks were all devices used by Hitler to portray the image of his party as dynamic and energetic and committed to restoring order and pride to Germany.

Why was revision of reparation payments important to the international community, including the United States and Britain?

It was important for peace in Europe that the issue of reparation payments was settled, for France would make concessions over the Ruhr occupation and Germany could take steps towards economic recovery which would also benefit the United States and Great Britain, as it would facilitate better trading conditions and ensure that debts would be paid, which was especially important to the United States.

What was the significance of the exclusion of Germany's eastern borders from the guarantees given under the Locarno Treaty?

It was significant that there was nothing said in the Locarno treaties regarding Germany's Eastern frontiers, for Stresemann was looking to regain the eastern territories lost by Germany through the terms of the Versailles Treaty. By making the agreement with France, Belgium, Britain, and Italy, Stresemann accepted the boundaries of Western Europe, providing Germany with additional security from another French invasion of the Ruhr.

The 1924 Dawes Plan

On 9 April 1924, the Dawes Committee Report, headed by the American General Charles G. Dawes published its report, with several recommendations. It was to be highly influential in the course of events which followed. Dawes proposed that Germany should pay an annual sum for reparations rising from 1,000 million marks (£50 million) up to the fifth year, to 2,500 million marks (£125 million) in the fifth and subsequent years. This method was a way of easing Germany into making the payments, and was touted as an equitable and fair way of managing the reparations process. The money for reparations was to be obtained from taxation from the ordinary budget, guaranteed by earmarking customs and excise revenues, from German railway bonds and industrial debentures. An international loan, mainly from the United States, was to be provided for Germany of 800 million marks (₤40 million), and an appointment of an official, an 'Agent-General', to supervise reparations payments. The Dawes Plan recommended that Germany's currency should be stabilized on the Gold Standard.

On what basis did right-wing nationalists attack the Young Plan?

Right-wing nationalist groups opposed the Young Plan for the same reasons they opposed the Dawes Plan: that it sanctioned and legitimised the Versailles Treaty and its financial provisions and the war-guilt clause on which those provisions were based. These groups also demanded immediate Allied withdrawal from occupied areas of Germany, which was not to be conditional on Germany's acceptance of the Young Plan. While they failed in their objectives, by their powerful critique, right-wing nationalist groups gained considerable support for their robust stance.

The reparations issue

Reform of reparation payments: Domestic reform, Stresemann believed, had to be accompanied by a renewed attempt at achieving a better relationship with other countries. In the first instance, this meant dealing with the issue of reparations. It was a question which remained sensitive for it raised painful memories of wartime and the peace treaty which Germany had accepted under duress. Nevertheless, Stresemann was shrewd enough to acknowledge that the issue must be dealt with in a calm, measured, and business-like manner. Stresemann asked the Allies Reparations Committee to set up a Committee of financial experts to examine and address Germany's concerns over the level and incidence of reparation payments. The United States had a special interest in the question, for as the lender to the Allies during the war, the Americans knew that the Allies, but especially France, needed regular reparations payments to pay back her American loans. Although much resented in France, the 'Curzon note', a letter issued by the British government to the French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré, restored confidence in Germany that there was the prospect of a fair settlement of the question. In the letter, Curzon had declared the illegality of the Ruhr occupation, and demanded a settlement of Germany's debt by an impartial committee of financial experts. While rejecting the French claim of a precedent from the 1871 Franco-Prussian war, when France paid reparations to Prussia, Curzon made it clear that the British government thought that the method chosen by France and Belgium to secure reparation payments was "doomed to failure." Curzon's advocacy of an 'expert inquiry' led on 30 November 1923 to the Reparations Commission establishing two committees of experts to examine the question of Germany's capacity to pay. The resulting Dawes Plan and London conference settled the question for the time being. With the coming to power of the first Labour government in Britain in 1924, the Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald signalled his intent to pursue a conciliatory policy towards Germany. In a sense, this stance only continued the British approach to the entire issue of Franco-German relations. In a note to the French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré in February 1924, MacDonald expressed concern over the apparent determination of France to ruin Germany and dominate Europe. While there had been a long-running dispute between the Allies as to how to treat Germany, Britain hoped that over time France would see sense. These positive signs of a calmer, more measured approach resulted in the American-led Dawes Plan, which eased the short-term burden of reparations, and raised the prospect of a more orderly administration of reparation payments.

The end of hyperinflation and the stabilisation of Germany

Stresemann and financial discipline: During his short Chancellorship from August to November 1923, Stresemann made numerous crucial decisions and policy initiatives. Stresemann set out to control inflation, the most immediate and pressing problem of the Weimar Republic, by three measures. Firstly, on 26 September 1923, Stresemann decided to call off passive resistance in the Ruhr. It was a controversial and risky decision but Stresemann calculated that he had no choice, for inflation was out of control and it was necessary for the government to stop paying striking workers (and printing more currency) as it was a drain on government expenditure. Two days later, Stresemann lifted the ban on reparation deliveries to France and Belgium. Although Hitler declared these actions as displaying the Republic's subservience to the enemy, and an insult to Germany, it is hard to see how otherwise peace and stability could have been restored to Germany, which were essential pre-conditions in promoting economic recovery. The need to cut expenditure was the second strand of Stresemann's policy, for the budget was spiralling out of control. Stresemann cut expenditure by cutting state salaries and by raising taxes on individuals and companies. Up to 300,000 civil servants were made redundant. With the level of debt reduced, confidence in the government was restored, especially important in international terms, for overseas loans would not be made available unless Germany adopted a regime of financial discipline. Again, this was an unpopular measure but one that was deemed to be necessary. Thirdly, Stresemann appointed banker Hjalmar Schacht as a special currency commissioner to tackle hyperinflation, and a new currency, the Rentenmark, was introduced in November 1923. A Rentenmark was equivalent to 1,000 million old marks, and a reformed Reichsbank issued its own new notes in 1924. - Currency and financial stability: The introduction of the Rentenmark to replace the mark was a necessary and crucial step towards financial stability. As there was no gold to back the currency, the traditional method of providing money with value, the German government mortgaged the asset-value of land and industrial goods worth 3.2 billion Rentenmark to back the new currency. It was only a temporary measure but as the population accepted and used the currency, the hyper-inflation was halted, and financial stability restored. In August 1924, the financial stability which had thus been obtained enabled German statesmen to introduce a new currency, the Reichsmark, to replace the Rentenmark. By these measures, inflation was under control and the value of the currency stabilised at home and abroad. Germany was in better financial shape than she had been since before the war. One consequence of the new financial discipline, however, was that more companies went out of business, with a rise in bankruptcies from 233 in 1923 to over 6,000 in 1924. The end of the Ruhr conflict in August 1923, the dampening of inflation by the issuing of the new currency in November 1923, and the crushing of left-wing and right-wing threats in Saxony and Bavaria introduced a phase of economic and political consolidation and stability in the Weimar Republic. French and Belgian troops were withdrawn from the Ruhr. The removal of domestic and foreign problems which had produced such a high level of instability, meant there was a greater prospect for progress, stability, and peace.

Gustav Stresemann and economic policy

Stresemann and the 'Golden Age': Gustav Stresemann was Chancellor of Germany from August to November 1923, and then Foreign Minister until his death in October 1929. More than any other politician of the Weimar Republic he was responsible for the recovery of the German economy in the late 1920s. Not only that, but Stresemann managed to build trust in Germany among the statesmen of other nations. After the troubles of the period 1919-23, it appeared to be impossible to achieve a high degree of national unity, and Germany's desperate economic situation and the political extremism it was promoting, seemed incapable of solution. Stresemann appeared at first no more capable than his predecessors of preventing the disintegration of the economy and preserving the unity of Germany, but after a series of financial measures in 1923 accompanied by greater stability in international affairs, Weimar entered a period often known as a 'golden age' of economic prosperity and political stability. -Economic recovery: Given the political complexion of Germany and the deep-seated economic difficulties, it was no easy task to restore stability. At the height of hyperinflation in August 1923, the value of the currency continued to fall, and communist violence in many working-class areas continued, with trains and trucks raided for food by a half-starved population. The government of Cuno collapsed, and replaced by Stresemann's coalition, termed the "great coalition" for it was the first in the history of the Weimar Republic to include all the large moderate parties from the Left and Right, with the DVP sharing power with the Centre, SPD and the DDP. When Stresemann took office, the Republic was in serious economic and political difficulties but by the time he left office, he had established a far higher degree of political stability by stabilising the currency and placing it on a new footing, and by curbing left and right-wing revolts.

What were Gustav Stresemann's foreign policy achievements, and what was his main objective?

Stresemann attempted to restore Germany's position in Europe, and was willing to pursue a moderate policy of reconciliation with other European nations. Germany made the Rapallo Treaty with Russia in 1922, but also developed better relations with Western European nations through the Locarno treaties. Stresemann secured international acceptance of Germany entering the League of Nations in 1926, and in 1928 signed the Kellogg-Briand Pact. He also settled the reparations dispute, calling off passive resistance against France, which led to better international relations. Stresemann's main objective was to build international trust in Germany again, as a means of securing changes in the Versailles Treaty, especially in relation to the Polish Corridor to restore Germany's territorial integrity.

What measures did Gustav Stresemann take to control inflation?

Stresemann called off passive resistance as it was costing Germany too much, and he was looking for a longer-term political solution to the domestic and international position of Germany. Stresemann also cut government expenditure, reduced salaries, raised taxes, and issued a new currency. All these policies were aimed at achieving political and financial stability which would allow a better chance for domestic peace and greater international cooperation, financial and political, in Germany's relations with the international community.

The Treaty of Locarno

Stresemann proposed that France, Germany, and Belgium, with Italy and Britain as guarantors, should recognize as permanent the Western frontiers fixed at Versailles, while also confirming demilitarization of the Rhineland. These measures provided security for France from future German aggression. In return, Germany and France renounced war as a means of solving future differences, and agreed that any future disputes would be referred to the League of Nations. This was important for Germany as it meant that France could not in the future invade the Ruhr. At Germany's request, the French, German, Italian and British delegates met at the Swiss town of Locarno in 1925. The resulting treaties from this diplomatic summit, the Rhineland Pact, and the Arbitration Treaties, are collectively known as the Locarno Pact, and it was signed on 1 December 1925. The terms of the Rhineland Pact confirmed the Western frontiers established at Versailles, and Germany agreed to keep troops out of the Rhineland. Britain and Italy both agreed to aid Germany, France or Belgium if any of these countries were attacked by any of its neighbours. In the Arbitration Treaties, Germany agreed with France, Belgium, Poland, and Czechoslovakia that any dispute between them should be settled by a conciliation committee to mediate discussions. In addition, France signed Mutual Agreement defence treaties with Poland and Czechoslovakia which stipulated that France would ensure that Germany did not break the agreements she had made. Any conflict regarding Western boundaries should be referred to the League of Nations, and France would not be permitted to cross into Germany should there be any dispute between Germany and Poland or Czechoslovakia. Locarno was hailed as a major triumph for it was the first time that Germany recognised the Western frontiers imposed on her at Versailles and accepted the loss of the territories of Alsace-Lorraine to France, and Eupen-Malmedy to Belgium. For France, there was a guarantee of support from Britain should there be another German attack, while for Germany, Locarno meant there could be no repeat of the occupation of German territory. Germany secured French withdrawal from the Rhineland over the next five years without having to make any assurances herself as to disarmament. Significantly, Germany did not guarantee her Eastern frontiers with Poland and Czechoslovakia, and though Stresemann agreed that any changes must come about peacefully, the absence of a guarantee left open the possibility of revision of the Eastern borders later. This lack of clarity was to cause problems later in the inter-war years, especially so because France had made treaties of mutual guarantee, the 'Cordon sanitaire', with Poland and Czechoslovakia against aggression.

Why did the Nazis gain support in rural areas in 1928, while losing it in other areas of Germany?

The Nazis gained support in rural areas as they made a determined attempt to exploit rural grievances which were of long-standing duration under the Weimar Republic. As one of the most aggrieved groups, farmers were more likely to respond to the Nazis message while economic prosperity in the 1920s among many urban social classes blunted the Nazi message in German towns and cities.

The election of Hindenburg as President in 1925

The 1925 Presidential Election: Although the period of progress and stability from 1924 to 1928 is often referred to as the 'Golden Era', beneath the surface there were difficulties. Politically, there were many opponents of the Weimar Republic and the democratic system. Many people wanted the Kaiser to return, and hankered after the days of the German Empire. These tendencies became very apparent when President Ebert died suddenly in February 1925. The Presidential election revealed a lot about German politics and the state of German opinion. Ebert had been indirectly elected by the National Assembly but his successor had to be elected consistent with the rules of the Weimar Constitution, meaning a full national election campaign. Under the rules of the Constitution, if no candidate received more than 50% of the vote in the first round of voting, a second ballot had to be held, and it was also possible to nominate alternative candidates. There were seven candidates in the first round and Karl Jarres of the DVP won the largest number of votes, with the SPD candidate coming in second but there was no outright winner. In the second round of voting, Jarres withdrew in favour Paul von Hindenburg, who allegedly consulted the exiled Kaiser before agreeing to stand. The SPD withdrew its candidate and advised its supporters to vote for the Centre party candidate Wilhelm Marx who they thought would stand a better chance of winning. Only three candidates stood, Hindeburg, Marx, and Ernst Thälman of the KPD, whose presence ultimately split the left-wing anti-Hindenburg vote, and allowed Hindenburg to win, with Hindenburg winning 48.3 percent of the vote to Marx's 45.3, and Thälman's 6.4. Aged 78, Field Marshal Hindenburg was a relic of the past, with his military uniform, war medals, and authoritarian views. Hindenburg had closer links with the army and the German landowners of the East than with the institutional and social pillars of the Weimar Republic. He was a critic of the democratic system, and was revered by right-wing parties who regarded his election as the beginning of the restoration of the old order and a shift away from parliamentary democracy. In Berlin, he was greeted by cheering crowds waving black, white, and red flags, the colours of the old German Empire. Hindenburg's election was greeted by traditionalists as a great event, and a justification for the right-wing "stab-in-the-back" theory. Support for extremist parties had declined and political violence had abated, but the result of the election indicated a divided nation, and despite the reparations and hyperinflation issues being resolved there clearly remained smouldering discontent at past events. In his Presidential oath Hindenburg agreed to work with the Reichstag parties for national unity. In the short-term, he was true to his oath and did not abuse his powers. His election was constructive in the sense that it reconciled some of the right-wing elements of the country, especially those in the DNVP, to work within the constitutional parameters of the Weimar Republic, and to play a more constructive role. During the election campaign, Hindenburg had made it publicly known that he had "no specific mandate in terms of a party political programme or a party political coalition" and that he was "the candidate of the entire nation and as the future head of the entire state is completely free in his decisions". It was not the case that Hindenburg envisaged himself in a non-political role, for he had earlier said by reference to Ebert, that "as the first President, also Guardian of the Constitution, had not given up his origins in the Social Democratic workforce, so no one could expect me to give up my political convictions." If there was any idea that Hindenburg would act as a force for national unity, it was later dispelled. Party politics carried on as usual, with party advantages generally placed above the national interest, and by the early 1930s Hindenburg was becoming impatient with party political intrigue, and was moved to use his Presidential powers more often.

German and Allied acceptance of the Dawes Plan

The Dawes Plan was hotly-debated in the Reichstag, and the opposition, mainly the DNVP, attacked the policy, believing instead that Germany should fully renounce the terms of the Versailles Treaty and refuse to pay reparations. Stresemann supported the Plan largely on the basis that it would be a means of securing foreign loans; he viewed it as an "economic truce" and not a final settlement. The Dawes Plan was eventually agreed and the advantages for Germany were clear—for the Allies had accepted that Germany's problems over payment were legitimate. It was on the basis that Germany was now a responsible power, that loans were granted with which Germany could rebuild her domestic and industrial infrastructure. Moreover, French acceptance that its troops withdraw from the Ruhr led to optimism in Germany that they had regained their country. Allied acceptance of the plans was made more certain by Poincaré's replacement as Prime Minister of France by Edouard Herriot, leader of the French radicals. Herriot agreed the Dawes Plan should be put into operation and an inter-allied conference was held in London to settle arrangements. The Conference, beginning on 16 July 1924, reached sufficient agreement that by 2 August, German representatives were invited to attend. The German delegates were chiefly concerned with the evacuation of the Ruhr, which Herriot agreed would be completed within a year. The Dawes Plan was the kind of arrangement Britain had long sought, for it combined reparations payments with measures for German reconstruction. With the Ruhr issue settled and Germany accepted again into the international arena, Germany entered an era of relative progress and prosperity. Gross National Product (GNP) increased significantly from 1925 to 1928/9, reaching pre-war levels by 1927. The years 1924-9 are sometimes referred to as the 'Golden Years' of Weimar but this was a 'Golden Age' based on foreign borrowing and it was not to last.

The Kellogg-Briand Pact

The Kellogg-Briand Pact was further evidence of the popularity of peaceful international sentiments. The American Secretary of State Frank Kellogg and French Minister of Foreign Affairs Aristide Briand instigated the pact, which had no formal binding legal status. The United States was reluctant to engage in any agreement that would bind them to intervene in European conflict but would agree to a statement of general principles. Hence, over sixty nations, including Germany, signed on 27 August 1928 the 'General Treaty for the Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy', renouncing war "as an instrument of national policy in their relations with one another." The British government was willing to sign the pact, with the significant proviso of taking necessary action in defence of the Suez Canal and other vital strategic points of the Empire. In renouncing war as an instrument of national policy, no provision was made for punishing aggression. There were therefore no sanctions attached to the pact, and in the face of aggressive acts in the following years, it was shown to be little more than a good-will gesture, though symbolic of the desire of nations to maintain peace.

Which parties commanded most support in the years between 1924 and 1928, and which parties suffered the largest loss of seats in the same year?

The SPD was the largest political party in Germany throughout the 1923-28 period, followed by the Centre party, and indeed this pattern was true for the preceding period beginning in 1919. The Nazi party suffered the largest losses after the 1924 elections, largely because of their involvement in the Munich Putsch and from the economic recovery and economic prosperity especially notable in German cities and towns. Communists also lost support, as did the DNVP and to a lesser extent the DDP. The support of the Centre party largely held up while that of the SPD increased considerably.

The Treaty of Berlin

The Treaty of Berlin of 1926 confirmed the Rapallo Treaty for five years, and added that Germany would remain neutral if the USSR was at war provided the USSR had not been the aggressor. Thus, mutual neutrality in case of attack, and abstention from any trade boycott, provided security for both countries. The Treaty came a year after Locarno and showed that Stresemann had not abandoned the desire to secure revision of Germany's eastern frontiers. It was necessary for Germany to establish good relations with Russia because the USSR would resist any border changes it did not agree with. The Russians were unsettled by the prospect of Germany's integration into a Western anti-Bolshevik bloc, and regarded any separate agreement between Germany and the Western Allies as a violation of the Rapallo treaty. It took a similar view of Germany's entry into the League of Nations, of which the Soviet Union was not a member. In this way, Germany gained leverage and influence over Soviet policy, but Germany's conciliation with the Western powers, despite reassuring tones from Germany, was an unwelcome development for the Soviet Union.

The League of Nations

The Treaty of Locarno was a great success for Stresemann and the French Minister Aristide Briand. It led to Germany joining the League of Nations in 1926, with a place on the League Council. For Germany, the danger of an anti-German coalition was removed. France had a British guarantee of German frontiers, and a German guarantee that the return of Alsace-Lorraine was permanent. Nevertheless, France remained distrustful of Germany, and in 1929 began construction of the Maginot Line of fortifications along her eastern border as protection against future German aggression. Nevertheless, the treaty and the 'Locarno spirit' were hailed with enthusiasm throughout Europe as heralding a new era of peace in Europe. Stresemann regarded the Locarno Pact as a great achievement and was rewarded with League of Nations members and (jointly with Briand) a Nobel Peace Prize in 1926. In 1927, Stresemann stated: "I do not think of Locarno only in terms of its consequences for Germany. Locarno means much more to me. It is the achievement of lasting peace on the Rhine, guaranteed by the formal renunciation of force by the two great neighboring nations and also by the commitment of other states to come to the aid of the victim of an act of aggression in violation of this treaty." He had achieved a great deal for Germany without giving much in return but predictably he was attacked by right-wing groups for conceding too much and appeasing the Allies. It was inevitable that those who held that the Versailles Treaty should be overturned would take this stance for any negotiation was offensive to them. Nevertheless, Stresemann did achieve rather a lot for Germany in promoting international goodwill and cooperation rather than ill-feeling and conflict. Despite his political moderation, Stresemann, like most Germans, wanted to revise the Treaty of Versailles but his way of doing this was to build trust with other European nations. He particularly wanted to restore the territorial integrity of Germany which had been torn asunder at Versailles by the 'Polish Corridor' separating East Prussia from the rest of Germany.

In what ways did the Weimar Republic promote women's rights and in what ways did it fail to advance women's rights?

The Weimar Republic promoted women's rights by allowing equal voting rights and by allowing women to sit as Deputies in the Reichstag. There were large numbers of women in the workforce in the 1920s, many in professional occupations, but the inbuilt bias against women remained strong. The modern Constitution still retained the Civil Code of 1896 relating to all Germany states which stipulated that husbands retained great control over the lives of their wives. Men were given priority in employment, where women were increasingly discouraged from being within the workforce and where men enjoyed higher pay. The social and political gender discrimination was supported by the main Churches and by right-wing political parties which held conservative, traditionalist views of gender in society.

The impact of the Young Plan

The Young Plan inflamed nationalist opinion within Germany. Alfred Hugenberg, the leader of the DNVP launched a national campaign, alongside other right-wing groups, including Hitler's Nazi party. These right-wing groups drew up a document, known as the "freedom law" which demanded a national referendum. The law would require the government to repudiate the war-guilt clause of the Versailles Treaty, demand immediate evacuation of occupied areas of Germany, and declare any Minister who signed a Treaty that included acceptance of war-guilt to be tried for treason. A total of 4,135,000 people signed a petition to this effect, and it was debated and put to a referendum. Both in the Reichstag and at the ballot box the "freedom law" was decisively defeated. Nevertheless, at the referendum on 22 December 1929, 5,825,000 or 13.8% of the electorate voted for the "Freedom Law" (The Law against the Enslavement of the German People) which was a strong indication of the support for right-wing nationalism. Not the least important issue arising from the campaign was the leading role played by Adolf Hitler. Financed by Hugenberg, the campaign represented a decisive breakthrough for Hitler as a national political figure, while also acting as a force for unity among the various right-wing nationalist groups. Despite these protests, which were a significant indication of the growth of far right tendencies and sympathies, the Young Plan was duly ratified by the Reichstag and signed by President Hindenburg in March 1930. It was followed by French evacuation of the Rhineland in June 1930, five years earlier than had been planned.

Topic 2 - Social developments

The aftermath of war was a challenging time for Germany. As well as economic dislocation and political collapse, social and cultural trends emerged which challenged some dominant ideas of German culture and identity. The Weimar Constitution had given many more rights, freedoms, and opportunities to citizens as well as establishing greater legal equality than before. Many Germans, especially the younger generation and urban-dwellers, embraced these changes with enthusiasm, which led to more creativity, innovation, and imagination in the artistic and intellectual culture of Weimar Germany. Other more conservatively-minded individuals lamented the passing of a traditional way of life where roles, responsibilities and lines of authority had been clearly demarcated. This type of cultural conflict between traditionalism and modernity has often been a feature of modern societies where rapid social and economic change creates the conditions for upheaval in different areas of society, but it was particularly marked in Weimar Germany in the 1920s.

Topic 3 - Political developments and the workings of democracy

The domestic political and economic instability of the immediate post-war years was succeeded in the mid-1920s by a period of relative stability with international agreements and domestic economic progress blunting the discord and disorder of earlier years. During the period 1924-28 there was decline in support for extremist parties and a succession of centrist, moderate coalitions. Nevertheless, the continuation of fragmented political parties and patchwork coalitions was an indication that the Weimar political system, in seeking to maximise democracy through proportional representation, empowered smaller parties and legitimised extremist politics by their participation within the political system. The danger from extremist parties was in abeyance in the mid-1920s but it was never entirely absent, and only required grievances and an unfortunate set of circumstances to emerge with greater force. Despite appearances, Germany remained politically volatile and unstable.

What were the main changes in German industry between 1924 and 1928?

The main developments in German industry consisted of the emergence of new industries, such as automobiles and aeroplanes, and the development of pre-existing industries such as the chemicals industry. Within the workplace, there was a high degree of rationalisation, with more efficient working practices and organisation of the workforce. Compulsory arbitration aided German industrial relations and meant fewer strikes, thus making German industry more competitive though many employers resented the intrusion of the State into their private businesses. Cartels were formed by leading businesses within industries as a way of controlling prices and protecting profits.

Describe the main ideas of Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf

The main parts of Mein Kampf were racial and political. Hitler argued that the Germans were a superior race, especially compared to Jews and Slavs. Hitler referred to Jews, Slavs, and Communists, often collectively as 'Asiatic hordes'. This description was associated with Nazi racial ideology to identify the racial population of Eastern Europe, which represented both an obstacle and a challenge to the fulfilment of the Nazi vision of German living space or Lebensraum in Eastern Europe. These groups were viewed by the Nazis as barbarians who lacked the higher cultural attributes of reason and knowledge, as well as the lineage and purity of blood which was so important in Nazi ideology. These racial groups were to be cleared from the area as the prelude to a huge transfer of the Germanic population to lands in the East, as part of the process of 'Germanization' of Eastern Europe'. Communism had to be destroyed as it posed a threat to European civilisation, and Jews and Slavs were central to propagating Communism this provided a link between ideological and racial factors. Hitler saw these ideological and racial imperatives as central features to the future of Germany.

The attitude of elites and other groups towards the Republic

The old elites of the German Empire were hostile to parliamentary democracy, and they held to the belief that the Weimar Republic had emerged out of the betrayal of the Fatherland, a view which was strengthened by the acceptance of the Versailles Treaty. Many of these supporters of the old regime became reconciled to the Republic after Hindenburg's election, as they thought it would be the catalyst for a change of direction towards authoritarian government. In contrast, workers and socialists were angered that the Republic had not lived up to its earlier promise of greater equality and social justice. Middle class opinion was vital to the success of the Weimar Republic but there was great variation among the middle classes, with many of the more prosperous supporting the Republic but the more modest middle classes of the Mittelstand suffering greatly, especially in the hyperinflation period. While welcoming the economic stability under Stresemann, and Hindenburg's election, they often continued to oppose the Republic and ultimately were drawn towards the radical far right of the NSDAP.

Topic 1 - Economic developments

The period between 1924 and 1928 has traditionally been viewed by historians as one of political stability and economic recovery for the Weimar Republic. Some even argue that it was a "Golden Age" when economic difficulties and political conflict were minimised. Fundamental to this view are economic developments which curbed the political ferment of earlier years and held out the prospect of return to normal peacetime political and economic activity. With a more nuanced view we can now see that these years, while representing something of a recovery from the troubles of earlier years, were far from idyllic and trouble-free. In some ways, problems were merely deferred until a later date. Economic recovery was uneven between sectors, regions, and classes, and the incidence and extent of "prosperity" varied enormously. While Germany was more politically quiescent than in the early 1920s, right-wing nationalist groups remained a potential threat to the Republic. While the threat from the Left had abated somewhat, Germany was still very divided, and leading politicians were fully aware of this fact. The political system remained largely unresponsive to the demands of the people and remained fragile when faced with economic crisis.

Social welfare reforms in the Weimar Republic

The scope of social welfare: For many Germans, the welfare system promised more than it delivered. It was also expensive. In 1926, the German state was supporting approximately 800,000 disabled war veterans, 360,000 war widows and over 900,000 war orphans. In addition to old-age pensions and after 1927 unemployment benefits, the system relied on an extensive bureaucracy to administer it. Taxes were increased but, at the local level, administrators used the means at their disposal to test the legitimacy of welfare claims through means testing: that is, close assessment of the financial circumstances of each claimant. This inquisitive mode of proceeding led to much resentment at what was perceived to be humiliating and intrusive treatment. These feelings influenced the position of many people, especially military veterans, towards the Weimar Republic. The German state had expanded its responsibilities but left itself with a problem as to how to finance the burgeoning welfare system. The expansion of the system was most apparent in the mid-1920s when in 1924, the Public Assistance welfare programme to help the poor and the destitute was modernised. In 1925, the government's accident insurance scheme, introduced to help those injured at work, was extended to cover those suffering from occupational diseases. Finally, in 1927, the national unemployment insurance system, intended to provide benefits for the unemployed was begun, financed from contributions by workers and employers.

Why did the welfare system undermine support for the Weimar Republic?

The welfare system undermined support for the Weimar Republic in many ways. By raising the tax burden to finance welfare payments, the Weimar Republic alienated some social groups, especially among the middle and upper classes. Moreover, the inquisitive aspects of local bureaucracies were highly resented by welfare claimants, many of whom had fought in the war and who considered that they should be treated more generously for the sacrifices they had made. In these ways, the Weimar Republic managed to alienate different classes and sectors for different reasons but ultimately raised grievances and opposition which formed the basis for political groups advocating the overthrow of the Weimar Republic.

Economic improvement

There was an undoubted improvement in the lives of millions of Germans in the mid-1920s. Many workers, bolstered by trade union membership, negotiated wage increases. Businesses and salaried workers benefited from an improvement in trading conditions. Nevertheless, the bitter legacy of hyperinflation was not so easily swept away, for those who had lost from the hyperinflation crisis did not regain their savings. Farmers were also struggling with falling prices and foreign competition. The confidence which was apparent in Berlin was not replicated across the country, and social and cultural changes affected different groups in different ways. For much of rural Germany and for many small German towns very little changed.

Coalition governments, 1923-28

There were seven coalition governments between November 1923 and March 1930. Thus, this period of so-called stability was scarcely more stable than in previous years, except for the fact that support for the extremist parties was declining. With such a short duration, governments had no continuity and muddled along from crisis to crisis, with often trivial issues forcing an end to governments. One example of this process was that when President Hindenburg ordered the old Reich flag to be flown alongside the Weimar flag, it caused a Cabinet crisis and led to the collapse of the government. Sustaining a stable coalition government was hard work, for some combinations would not work as the parties could not work well together. The 'Grand Coalition' under Herman Műller in 1928 was one of the broadest coalitions, and only survived because of the strong personal working relationship between Műller and Stresemann. Table 2: Coalition Governments, 1923-28 Appointment date + Chancellor + Party + Coalition parties: August 1923 P. Scheidemann SPD SPD, Centre, DDP October 1923 G. Bauer SPD SPD, Centre, DDP November 1923 H. Műller SPD Moderate-socialist centre June 1924 Wilhelm Marx Centre DDP January 1925 Hans Luther No party DDP, Centre, BVP, DVP, DNVP January 1926 Hans Luther No party DDP, Centre, DVP, BVP May 1926 Wilhelm Marx Centre Centre, DDP, DVP, BVP January 1927 Wilhelm Marx Centre Centre, DVP, DNVP, BVP June 1928 H. Műller SPD SPD, Centre, DVP, DNVP, BVP

In what ways was Weimar arts and culture ground-breaking and why was it condemned by some as immoral and indecent?

Weimar arts and culture were ground-breaking in their form and content across many different fields, especially in music, arts, architecture and cinema, and possessed a seemingly new philosophy which centred upon the mental landscape of individuals, as opposed to social realities and social relations. However, it was open to condemnation for the way in which art forms clashed with traditional German values and attitudes, and when taboos such as nudity on stage, and diverse sexual orientation, were broken. Especially for those on the political Right, the culture of Berlin nightclubs, sexual diversity, and the attacks on traditional bearers of governmental and social authority, posed a threat to German culture.

What were the main issues relating to young people in the Weimar Republic?

Young people in the Weimar Republic were badly affected by the high levels of unemployment in the 1920s and the lack of jobs led to many joining gangs and in some cases supporting extremist political parties as a solution to their dire social situation. Education remained vital and the provision of elementary schooling and a basic standard of educational provision. Youth identity was an important factor, linked to religious and political groups—many political parties in the 1920s began youth organisations. While more activity-based youth groups were non -political, they also possessed a rather nationalistic and romanticized historical vision of Germany. Overall, across the period, in the absence of regular employment, youth groups provided an essential element of group identity.