All Together Now

Carter 05

Keepin' It Real: School Success Beyond Black and White [Inequality - Education, Empirical - Ethnography]: "Keepin' It Real addresses FOUR MAIN ISSUES that deal with how students handle everything from the institutional, the cultural, and the personal, when it comes to their school attachment. [1] First, in our society, not all groups, but rather a privileged few get to define what knowledge is or to define the images of the intelligent student. Students expressed their awareness of these dynamics, wrestling with their perceived unfairness of it all. If a pupil does not conform to these images, no matter how sharp his native ability, then he is marginalized. Students in this study, as the evidence will show, claim that their school attachement and engagement are often affected by how teachers and principals, the school's cultural gatekeepers, parcel out rewards and sanctions according to who abides by dominant cultural rules. They call attention to a hierarchy of cultural meanings in schools and in society that further perpetuates social inequality. [2] Second, I challenge a predominant yet persistant view that a reactive culture among African American and Latino students towards white and middle-class dominance engenders attitudes and values that inhibit their academic achievement. I claim that the ethno-racial cultures serve positive functions, including a sense of belonging, distinction, and support for how to critique and cope with inequality. Their ethno-racial cultures are not mere adaptations and reactions to experiences with closed opportunities. Neither are bad behavior, deviance, and delinquency the principal components of these cultures. Rather, their cultural presentations of self are better understood as practices of distinction based on a critique of an undiscerning mainstream culture in schools rahter than a submission to powerless and oppression. [3] The story of how these youths deploy culture to gain status is complex and varied, however, and their approaches are better understood as a continum rather than a fixed, singular cultural narrative. Some students comply with the dominant or mainstream cultural rules, while others challlenge them and create and maintain their own repertoire of cultural codes and meanings. Thus, the third major argument of Keepin' It Real is that students' differences in attachment and engagement to school are connected to their ideologies about how in-group members should respond to social inequalities and about how in-group members should respect the cultural boundaries that they create between themselves and others. [4] Fourth, the common cultural explanations for Black and Latino student achievement miss another key variation within these groups that comes from the intersections between ethno-specific culture and gender socialization among low-income African American and Latino students. ... there is also an untold gender story in the race, ethnicity, culture, and achievement literature. Research has hinted at the 'feminization' of achievement and schooling in the United States, and within many Black and Latino communities, the ratio between the number of girls and boys completing high school and attending college has doubled." 6 "students in this study fell into THREE GROUPS that characterize how they managed their identities, cultural styles, and educational beliefs. ... Noncompliant believers [believe] that education is the main route to socioeconomic mobility [but] their cultural identities and self-understanding as racial and ethnic beings lead them to challenge the compliance with rules that we use to denote good students. Usually, such students have limited knowledge of dominant culural rules, or they refuse to accept all of the codes and expectations from ... the 'culture of power' because they see value in their own body of cultural know-how, which the school does not necessarily acknowledge. ... cultural mainstreamers embrace the dominant cultural repertoire, or body of cultural know-how, and although they express their own racial or ethnic background as a central part of their identity, they portray most cultural behaviors as racially or ethnically neutral. ... Cultural mainstreamers comply with the mandates of schooling, even if they risk being rejected by their fellow African American and Latino peers for refusing to embrace their own racial and ethnic speech codes and musical, interactional, and social styles. A third group, the cultural straddlers, deftly abides by the schools' cultural rules. ... For example, a cultural straddler is the African American or Latino student who is a member of the school's academic elite, enrolled in the advanced placement and honors classes, who is recognized by his teachers and selected to represent the school and speak at a special event held at the local university that brings together future young leaders, and who is popular among his peers at school and back at the housing project where he lives because he 'keeps it real' by creating rhymes and poetry that resonate with them about the social and economic conditions of their community and society." 12

Bonacich 73

A Theory of Middleman Minorities [Relations, Theory]: ABSTRACT: "Starting with the concept of 'middleman minorities' developed by Blalock, encompassing such groups as the Chinese in Southeast Asia, Jews in Europe, and Indians in East Africa, this paper presents a model which tries to explain the development and persistence of the form. A key variable is the orientation of immigrants towards their place of residence, with sojourning [temporarily residing] at first, and later a 'stranger' orientation affecting the solidarity and economic activity of the ethnic group. These in turn arouse the hostility of the host society, which perpetuates a reluctance to assimilate completely, or 'stranger' status." (583) "One of the principal peculiarities of [middleman minority] groups is the ECONOMIC ROLE they play. In contrast to most ethnic minorities, they occupy an intermediate rather than low-status position. They tend to concentrate in certain occupations, notably trade and commerce, but also other 'middleman' lines such as agent, labor contractor, rent collector, money lender, and broker. They play the role of middleman between producer and consumer, employer and employee, owner and renter, elite and masses." (583) "This paper will present an ALTERNATIVE APPROACH to middleman minorities. It develops a model which incorporates some of these ideas, but as part of a larger framework. The prevalent themes are found to be inadequate for two chief reasons. First, discrimination and hostility against minorities usually has the effect of hurting group solidarity and pride, driving a group to the bottom rather than the middle of the social structure. How then can we explain the closing of ranks reaction of these particular groups, and their peculiar ability to create success out of hatred? (Or to cite cases, why Japanese Americans been able to overcome racism, while Blacks have not?) Second, the argument that middleman minorities arise in response to functional requisites may have merit. But it is clear these groups persist beyond the status gap. One finds them in post-colonial societies, after the elites have gone (e.g. the Chinese in Southeast Asia, Asians in East Africa, Parsis in India). And one finds them in modern industrial societies (e.g. the Indians in Britain, Jews in 20th century Germany, Chinese in New Zealand, Japanese in the United States)." (584) "Middleman minorities typically evince the following TRAITS: a resistance to out-marriage, residential self-segregation, the establishment of language and cultural schools for their children, the maintenance of distinctive cultural traits (including, often, a distinctive religion), and a tendency to avoid involvement in local politics except in affairs that directly affect their group. They form highly organized communities which resist assimilation. These features, I contend, are related to an orientation toward a homeland." (586) "Middleman minorities are STRANGERS. They keep themselves apart from the societies in which they dwell, engage in liquidable occupations, are thrifty and organized economically. Hence, they come into conflict with the surrounding society yet are bound to it by economic success." (593)

Nagel 95

American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Politics and the Resurgence of Identity [Community - Native, Empirical - Historical, Interviews]: ABSTRACT: "Ethnic renewal is the reconstruction of one's ethnic identity by reclaiming a discarded identity, replacing or amending an identity in an existing ethnic identity repertoire, or filling a personal ethnic void. Between 1960 and 1990, the number of Americans reporting an American Indian race in the U.S. Census more than tripled. This increase cannot be accounted for by simple population growth (increased births, decreased deaths, immigration), or by changing enumeration definitions or techniques. Researchers have concluded that much of this growth in the American Indian population results from 'ethnic switching,' where individuals who previously identified themselves as 'non-Indian' changed their race to 'Indian' in a later census. The question posed here is: Why does such ethnic switching occur? Drawing on historical analyses and interview data, I argue that this growth in the American Indian population is one instance of ethnic renewal. ... American Indian ethnic renewal contributes to our general understanding of how ethnicity is socially constructed." (947) "I ARGUE that the increase in American Indian ethnic identification reflected in the U.S. Census is an instance of 'ethnic renewal.' Ethnic renewal refers to both individual and collective processes. Individual ethnic renewal occurs when an individual acquires or asserts a new ethnic identity by reclaiming a discarded identity, replacing or amending an identity in an existing ethnic repertoire, or filling a personal ethnic void. Reclaiming a discarded identity might entail resuming religious observances or 'retraditionalization' (e.g., the return to orthodoxy by American Jews). Replacing an identity in an existing ethnic repertoire might involve religious conversion (e.g., the conversion to Islam by Christian African Americans); amending an existing ethnic repertoire might involve exploring a new side of one's family tree and including that nationality or ethnicity among one's working ethnic identities (e.g., the taking on of Armenian ethnicity by an Irish Armenian American already involved in Irish American ethnic life). Filling a personal ethnic void might entail adopting a new ethnic identity for the first time (e.g., Americans reconnecting with their ethnic 'roots' and joining ethnic social, political, or religious organizations). Collective ethnic renewal involves the reconstruction of an ethnic community by current or new community members who build or rebuild institutions, culture, history, and traditions." (948) CONCLUSION: "The rise in American Indian ethnic identification during the last three decades has resulted from a combination of factors in American politics. Assimilationist federal Indian policies helped to create a bicultural, intermarried, mixed race, urban Indian population living in regions of the country where ethnic options were most numerous; this was a group 'poised' for individual ethnic renewal. The ethnic politics of the civil rights era encouraged ethnic identification, the return to ethnic roots, ethnic activism, and provided resources for mobilizing ethnic communities; thus, the climate and policies of civil rights provided individuals of native ancestry (and others as well) symbolic and material incentives to claim or reclaim Indian ethnicity. Red Power activism during the 1960s and 1970s further raised Indian ethnic consciousness by dramatizing long held grievances, communicating an empowered and empowering image of Indianness, and providing Native Americans, particularly native youth, opportunities for action and participation in the larger Indian cause. Together then, federal Indian policies, ethnic politics, and American Indian activism provided the rationale and motivation for individual ethnic renewal. The overall explanation of the resurgence of American Indian ethnicity I offer here can be seen as part of a general model of ethnic renewal. The impact of federal Indian policies on American Indian ethnic renewal represents an instance of the political construction of ethnicity (i.e., the ways in which political policy, the structure of political opportunity, and patterns of political culture shape ethnic boundaries in society). The impact of events in this larger political arena on Indian ethnic activism and identity illustrates the role of politics and political culture in ethnic mobilization (i.e., the power of political zeitgeist and shifting political definitions to open windows of opportunity for ethnic activists and to affirm and render meaningful their grievances and claims). The impact of Red Power on American Indian ethnic consciousness reveals the role of human agency in individual and collective redefinition and empowerment (i.e., the power of activism to challenge prevailing policies, to encourage ethnic awareness, and to foster ethnic community-building). This model of ethnic renewal suggests that, given the capacity of individuals to reinvent themselves and their communities, ethnicity occupies an enduring place in modern societies." (961)

Smith 07

Lone Pursuit: Distrust and Defensive Individualism among the Black Poor [Relations, Empirical - Ethnography]: "In Lone Pursuit, I ENGAGE current debates about persistent black joblessness by highlighting the process of finding work, which has often been neglected in prior research. In so doing, I show that interpersonal relations and intersubjective moments are crucial for understanding persistent joblessness. This is not because my analysis reveals the extent to which the black poor, especially those from high- and extreme-poverty neighborhoods, are disconnected from mainstream relations who could link them to job information and influence their hire. Rather, it reveals that the process of finding work is in great part a product of job-seekers' interactions with others in their social milieu, especially job-holders. Because the roles of job-seekers and job-holders are often in conflict, however, nurturing interpersonal relations characterized by distrust, these two fundamental nodes are often led to disengage from one another during the process of finding work, making all the more difficult the task of finding work in low-wage labor markets where employers rely heavily on job referral networks for recruitment and screening." "Although some job-seekers and job-holders were willing to receive and provide job-finding assistance, DISTRUST between job-seekers and job- holders was pervasive, and it negatively affected their decisions to co- operate during the job search process. Specifically, when in possession of job information or influence, the overwhelming majority of job-hold- ers expressed concern that job-seekers in their networks were too un- motivated to accept assistance, required great expenditures of time and emotional energy, or acted too irresponsibly on the job, thereby jeop- ardizing the job-holders' own reputations with their employers and harming their already tenuous labor market prospects. Consequently, they were generally reluctant to assist the job-seekers in their network. To justify their unwillingness, job-holders literally ranted about the im- portance of self-reliance, espousing individualistic tenets about finding a job. ... Furthermore, job-holders' reluctance had consequences for job- seekers' search behavior. Asubstantial minority of job-seekers so feared falling short of expectations or being maligned by their personal con- tacts for being jobless that they were disinclined to seek assistance or to accept it when offered. To justify their reluctance to use personal con- tacts, job-seekers embraced individualism, choosing to forgo personal contact use in favor of much less effective job search methods." CONCLUSION:"However, the black poor do not see structural factors as the ones that are most pressing, nor are they motivated by subcultures of defeatism or resistance. Instead, they largely explain persistent joblessness as a failure on the part of individuals to uplift themselves. Although em- ployer discrimination and the changing structure of the urban economy have had the most profound effects on the employment of the black poor, prior survey research suggests that among the black poor, struc- tural factors such as discrimination and job loss do not register as ma- jor impediments to achieving their goals. Deficient motivation and in- dividual effort do. Thus, even while acknowledging the prevalence of discrimination and other structural constraints, most poor blacks nonetheless conclude that hard work and individual resolve are most essential for blacks' achievement."

Marx 96

Race-Making and the Nation-State [Community - International, Empirical - Comparative-Historical]: "I PROPOSE to examine the causes and consequences of official 'race-making' by, means of a comparative analysis of South Africa, the United States, and Brazil, the most prominent cases in which European settlers dominated indigenous and slave populations of African origin. In each of these major regional powers, social and economic measures indicate significant and persistent disparities between black and white that built on the legacy of slavery. But the different context set them apart and therefore make them useful for a comparative study of the dynamics of official racial domination. Dutch, British, and Portuguese settlers brought varying practices, religions, and traditions to their colonies, making for economic development and state consolidation that followed divergent paths." (181) "I BEGIN by assessing earlier explanations of race-making as being / based on differences of slavery, culture, colonial rule, miscegenation, and economic development. While such influences must be incorporated into the present analysis, I dispute the argument that these legacies and interests preordained a more tolerant racial order in Brazil. Brazilians may have retrospectively interpreted their past to reinforce an image of racial tolerance, but in fact racism was as evident early on in Brazil as it was in the United States or South Africa (though it differed in form), and the inequality in Brazil continued. By contrast, in the United States and South Africa past discrimination was embraced and used to justify segregation and exclusion. This difference in kind is not explained by comparable degrees of discrimination or exploitation. The official projects of Jim Crow in the United States and apartheid in South Africa were shaped by distinct paths and challenges to building the nation-state. Disputes over the treatment of blacks and slaves had contributed to tensions among whites that culminated in the Civil War and the Boer War, respectively. Consolidated by these conflicts and their commitment to labor coercion, Southerners and Afrikaners had proved themselves a threat that had to be reckoned with if stability and development were to be restored. Blacks had not proved comparably disruptive, had already been distinguished by earlier racism, and could be excluded to appease Southern and Afrikaner demands. Agreement on a racially defined 'other' as a common enemy defined and en couraged white unity. Thus, the same issue of race that had exacerbated prior conflict was used to heal it, as racial domination gradually trans formed a potential triadic conflict among white factions and blacks into a more manageable dyadic form of 'white over black.' Such strategic adjustment can be described schematically as bolstering unity. But policy that appears functional in retrospect actually emerged from ongoing conflict, competition, and maneuvering of actors seeking solutions to real problems. Although intrawhite tension remained, it was contained within a unified polity. Racial domination was repeatedly reinforced to consolidate the nation-state. Brazil provides an essential comparison, for there no equally violent ethnic or regional conflict impeded nation-state consolidation. Unity did not require a racial crutch of formal discrimination; rather, 'racial democracy' emerged there as an ideological project of a state anxious to unify popular support without formal exclusion. As a result, explicit categories of racial domination were not officially constructed and images of past tolerance were encouraged. I will conclude by discussing how state policies provoked and shaped black protest, eventually forcing the abandonment of official discrimination / where it had been enacted. In South Africa and the United States racial domination unifying whites proved double-edged, having the unintended consequence of inciting black protest. Efforts to resolve one conflict exacerbated another. Apartheid and Jim Crow were then ended, as black protest replaced intrawhite conflict as the most pressing threat to the nation-state. In Brazil, with no clear target of state ideology and segregation policy to organize against — no apartheid or Jim Crow to challenge or reform — little Afro-Brazilian protest emerged, and racial conflict was largely avoided despite considerable socioeconomic inequality." (181-183) "The construction of racial domination requires clearly established boundaries of physically distinct categories. History, physical differences, and economic development may reinforce such categorical domination, but they do not preordain it or the form it will take. It is STATE POLICY that officially categorizes people as black, white, or mulatto and that enforces legal discrimination." (192)

Mendelberg 01

The Race Card: Campaign Strategy, Implicit Messages, and the Norm of Equality [Relations, Empirical - Historical, Surveys, Experiments]: PURPOSE: to "study ... change and continuity in electoryal communication about inequality, particularly racial inequality in the United States"; "to understand why race is often absent from the surface of American electoral campaigns but very much present underneath; "understanding how elites communicate with voters when electoral imperatives dictate a message that is unacceptable, according to the norm"; "to understand why elites sometimes guard their message, conveying meaning in an ambiguous or indirect way, and why they sometimes say exactly what they mean." xi ""To understand implicit discourse in electoral campaigns one must examine three variables: norms, parties, and citizens' predispositions. These variables operate outside the case of race and can thus shape campaign communication about other social cleavages. The value that each variable takes on, however, is not necessarily the same for all social cleavages. Each variable may change across cases. A norm may or may not be egalitarian; the party system may or may not align on a particular cleavage; and citizens' predispositions may or may not contain resentments, fears and stereotypes about the subordinate group in question. Only when norms are egalitarian, when the parties divide on the cleavage in question, and when many citizens have negative predispositions toward the subordinate group in question should we expect implicit appeals about that group. When norms are not egalitarian, or citizens' predispositions do not include stereotypes, fears, and resentments, or parties decline to appeal to these predispositions, then implicit appeals should be scarce or nonexistent." 239 "PART I of this book explains how and why many white politicians make racial appeals, and when these become implicit. ... Using historical analysis, CHAPTERS 2 AND 3 establish the importance of two causes of implicit racial campaign appeals: the norm of racial equality and a party alignment based on race. Racial appeals—implicit and explicit—are only used when the party system is structured by the issue of race. They are most prominent following a large shock to the status quo, such as the emancipation of slaves in the nineteenth century or the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision in the twentieth. Explicit racial appeals were common in the national elections of reconstruction and in the sosuthern elections of the disenfranchisement period, as CHAPTER 2 shows. Howevere, for a brief time, while Radical Republicans were in power, the norm changed, and explicit appeals waned somewhat in favor of slightly more implicit appeals. Implicit appeals, then as now, allowed politicians to appeal to white voters' racial predispositions without triggering condemnation from egalitarian-minded elites. Norms about race changed slowly but radically after 1930, and politicians increasingly tried to legitimize their racist discourse as a result, as CHAPTER 3 shows. Southern politicians made increasingly implicit references to white supremacy, black inferiority, or black threat, and decreased their reliance on explicit references to race. In the 1960s the Republican party forged a naational strategy that relied on implicit appeals to build, eventually, winning Republican coalitions in presidential elections and, with time, in souther congressional and gubernatorial elections. As in the nineteenth century, a race-based party system is producing racial appeals, but now the norm of racial equality is so strong that these appeals must be made implicitly. ... PART III asks what is distinctive about race in relation to gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and immigration, and offers remedies to the damage that implicit communication inflicts on equality. ... Part III generalizes the framework and concludes with implications for racial equality, egalitarian change, and democratic politics. Communication between elites and citizens is far more complex than scholars generally recognize, with the subtext at times more powerful than the text. Voters' political psychology is also more complex than commonly assumed, with consciousness at times playing a central role. Before the benefits of a liberal exchange of information can be realized, communication must shift from the implicit to the explicit level. As long as it remains implicit, voters cannot process information with full awareness of the message or reach decisions based on consciously selected predispositions. As long as implicit communication persists, efforts to improve the status of African Americans will be resisted by a white majority that believes it is living up to the promise of racial equality. And implicit racial communication will persist—until the party system realigns on an issue other than race. The argument I develop about racial communication explains why African Americans' position in American politics is distinctive relative to the position of other subordinate groups. The electoral politics of race is different from that of gender and sexual orientation because of the uneasy coexistence of a norm of equality with political conflict. But the same logic that illluminates the politics of race applies to other situations in which egalitarian norms are strong, yet conflict persists over the status of a subordinate group. CHAPTER 9 suggests how the logic applies to anti-ethnic and anti-immigrant politics in Europe." 26 "To understand implicit discourse in electoral campaigns one must examine THREE VARIABLES: norms, parties, and citizens' predispositions. These variables operate outside the case of race and can thus shape campaign communication about other social cleavages. The value that each variable takes on, however, is not necessarily the same for all social cleavages. Each variable may change across cases. A norm may or may not be egalitarian; the party system may or may not align on a particular cleavage; and citizens' predispositions may or may not contain resentments, fears and stereotypes about the subordinate group in question. Only when norms are egalitarian, when the parties divide on the cleavage in question, and when many citizens have negative predispositions toward the subordinate group in question should we expect implicit appeals about that group. When norms are not egalitarian, or citizens' predispositions do not include stereotypes, fears, and resentments, or parties decline to appeal to these predispositions, then implicit appeals should be scarce or nonexistent." 239

Skocpol & Williamson 13

The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism [Relations, Empirical - Historical, Surveys, Interviews]: OUTLINE: "We say much more about the characteristics of ordinary Tea Partiers, how they got involved, and what they think. We lay out the complex relationships among the grassroots activists, national advocacy elites, and media purveyors who, together, make up the Tea Party as a whole. Then we probe how and why the Tea Party has had such a major impact on the Republican Party, driving it to the right, and more broadly shifting the focus and center of gravity of U.S. political debates. In conclusion, we will consider what the concurrence of Tea Party outbursts with Barack Obama's presidency means for democracy and governance in the United States." 18 CHAPTER 1 "locates Tea Party people in the overall landscape of U.S. society, showing that they are overwhelmingly older white citizens, relatively well educated and economically comfortable compared to Americans in general. Almost all are Republicans or conservatives to the right of the GOP." 20 "As we have seen throughout [CHAPTER 2], most aspects of Tea Party thinking are not new; they add up to the most recent incarnation of American conservative populism. ... Like earlier rounds of right-wing activism, the activism of Tea Partiers is driven by societal oppositions more than by detailed policy logic. Tea partiers at the grass roots are content with the parts of social provision they see as benefiting worthy people, even as they are determined to slash government assistance for those they see as freeloaders 'mooching' at taxpayer expense. Tea Partiers want no government regulation of their own businesses, homes, and property, even as they are eager for government to crack down on immigratns and others they see as political or cultural opponents. ... Yet the ideas and passions of today's Tea Partiers are also born of this time and place; they are very much responses to the startling social changes and roiling politics that mark the United States in the early twenty-first century. Obama's election to the nation's highest office galvanized conservatives desperate to express their opposition to everything they believe he stands for—a country changing too quickly in directions they dread ... changing societal norms, greater ethnic diversity, international cosmopolitanism, and new redistributions aimed at younger citizens." 81 "'Tea Party' as a fashionable label is losing its luster, as the media and many conservative elites move on. But the outlooks, values, and heightened engagement of many older American citizens who gravitated toward this protest eff ort starting in 2009 WILL REMAIN. Tea Party fears and outlooks are central to American politics in a period of culturally polarized generational change. For better and worse, Tea Party-style politics is likely to remain, for some time to come, a pivotal part of ongoing, fierce disputes about what U.S. government should do and not do. Tea Party activism is a generationally bounded variant of long-standing forms of conservative populism in America. The Tea Party in all of its manifestations has pulled the Republican Party sharply toward the right, and shift ed U.S. public debates at a critical juncture, blunting the reformist force of Barack Obama's historic presidency. The Tea Party's place in history, side by side with Obama, is assured. Even so, the longer-term results and after-effects of Tea Party mobilizations remain to be seen." 205

Motomura 08

Immigration Outside the Law [Immigration - Legality, Empirical - Historical (Supreme Court case)]: "I start with Plyler v. Doe, a 1982 U.S. Supreme Court decision that today occupies a curious place in the legal and public imagination. As a decision of constitutional law, Plyler held that immigration status may not be used to limit the access of any child in the United States to elementary and secondary education in public schools. But Plyler is more than a constitutional decision: It has broader, enduring meaning because it invites analysis of fundamental assumptions about immigration outside the law. Part I of this Essay revisits Plyler and briefly sketches the three key themes that explain the wide gulf between the majority and the dissent and which have become central to current debates. The first theme is the meaning of unlawful presence: Is immigration outside the law a matter of egregious lawbreaking, or does it represent an invited contribution to the U.S. economy and society that the government tolerates? The second theme is the role of states and cities: Can states and cities try to force out unlawful migrants by making it hard to find work or housing, or may they welcome immigrants who come outside the law? The third theme is the integration of immigrants: Should unlawful immigrants be given access to education, work, lawful immigration status, or even a path to formal citizenship? What measures - if any - should we take to foster their inte- gration into American society? ... Parts II, III, and IV present my core argument: Moving beyond the impasse that bedevils current debates requires understanding how the meaning of unlawful presence, the role of states and cities, and the inte- gration of immigrants combine to raise deeper questions. Specifically, Part II starts with themes that are in the public eye, showing that the meaning of unlawful presence and the role of states and cities jointly elucidate the more fundamental question of enforcement authority in immi- gration. Part III delves deeper, analyzing how the role of states and cities and immigrant integration merge to illuminate the building of communi- ties that include both citizens and noncitizens. Part IV reaches the most fundamental issues. It explores how the meaning of unlawful presence and the integration of immigrants together clarify how we think about the dimension of time with regard to immigration outside the law, and in particular discusses how we can balance lessons from the past, present, and future. Part IV further asks: Should policy mainly reflect historical considerations, the fact that certain immigrants are unlawfully in the United States today, or a need to integrate these immigrants into American society in the future? ... Part V concludes this Essay by drawing some lessons for durable, politically viable responses to immigration outside the law. Specifically, Part V sketches connections between enforcement authority, community building, and balancing past, present, and future with three larger areas of public policy. One is international economic development, which gen- erates and shapes migration. The others are economic and educational policies in this country, which determine how new immigrants affect the lives and futures of U.S. citizens. These areas of policy determine how we should enforce immigration law, build communities that include immigrants, and think about the dimension of time with regard to immigra- tion outside the law." 2039

DuBois 99

The Philadelphia Negro [Relations, Empirical - Surveys]: "1. GENERAL AIM.—This study seeks to present the results of an inquiry undertaken by the University of Pennsylvania into the condition of the forty thousand or more people of Negro blood now living in the [7th Ward in the] city of Philadelphia. This inquiry extended over a period of fifteen months and sought to ascertain something of the geographical distribution of this race, their occupations and daily life, their homes, their organizations, and, above all, their relation to their million white fellow-citizens. The final design of the work is to lay before the public such a body of information as may be a safe guide for all efforts toward the solution of the many Negro problems of a great American city." 1 PREFACE - "[Philadelphia's] Negro population is moreover peculiar in its excess of females and of young persons... More help should be extended to Negro working-women, the majority of whom are at domestic service. More opportunities are needed for healthy amusement for domestics on their 'days out' than are provided by the Negro churches; also more direction and legal protection concerning methods of saving and mutual benefit societies. The relation of mistress and servant is a problem in which the Negro domestic is not peculiar, but is involved in what is being done for a better adjustment of this relationship in general. Still the question remains: Why the abnormal excess of females in this city Negro population? The limited occupations open to men have much to do with it. Thus the women will be helped by every increase in employments for men which will make the relative numbers of the sexes more normal. The present abnormal sex distribution has caused considerable crime and moral degradation. This is still further accentuated by the fact that an abnormal age structure explains if it does not condone the most prevalent crimes. The chief problem of the Philadelphia Negro is not that of 'sheer ignorance,' for the percentage of illiteracy, as illiteracy / is measured statistically, is low. Yet when one asks seriously: What kind of education have these people received? and, How is it suited to their economic and social status? the educational problem assumes large proportions. In the case of a race still in its infancy in social development, a race which lacks most of the safe-guarding instincts of its stronger competitor, the education of each child for direct economic independence is of vital import. More should also be done for adult Negro education. The laboring men need training in organization and in esprit du corps, and must be enabled to diversify their employments and maintain a higher grade of efficiency in lines where they are being eliminated in the economic struggle for survival. The male as well as female servant class—the class which predominates in employments— needs training in the laws of health and hygiene, as well as in the technical knowledge of cleaning, cooking and household etiquette. The high death-rate of the Negro is largely due to the condition of living, rather than to marked racial weaknesses, and to the widespread ignorance of the laws of health. The family life needs strengthening at every point—a work in which the churches might do more than at present. The Negro church is strong as a social institution, but under present conditions it absorbs relatively too large a proportion of the family income, which could be spent more profitably on the social activities of the home. The housing problem is one of the most serious among Philadelphia Negroes. With the present progress in housing reform among the poorer classes of whites and the foreign population it should be easy to apply effective remedies. Negroes now pay abnormally high rents for the poorest accommodations, and race-prejudice accentuates this difficulty, out of which many evils grow." xii-xiii "THE NEGRO PROBLEM looked at in one way is but the old world questions of ignorance, poverty, crime, and the dislike of the stranger. On the other hand it is a mistake to think that attacking each of these questions single-handed without reference to the others will settle the matter: a combination of social problems is far more than a matter of mere addition,—the combination itself is a problem." 385 "[Outside] aid ... must furnish schools and reformatories, and relief and preventive agencies; but the bulk of the work of raising the Negro must be DONE BY THE NEGRO himself, and the greatest help for him will be not to hinder and curtail and discourage his efforts. Against prejudice, injustice and wrong the Negro ought to protest energetically and continuously, but he must never forget that he protests because those things hinder his own efforts, and that those efforts are the key to his future." (389-90)

Royster 03

Race and the Invisible Hand: How White Networks Exclude Black Men from Blue-Collar Jobs [Inequality - Labor Market, Empirical - Interviews]: "From an economic point of view, my students' comments demonstrate a great faith in the 'INVISIBLE HAND.' They assume that everyone who seeks work has an equal chance of being considered for jobs and that the best candidate is nearly always chosen irrespective of race or other irrelevant characteristics—except when affirmative action interferes with this self-regulating system. The 'invisible hand' analogy suggests a sorting process that is free of particularistic bias and therefore inherently meritocratic. According to this worldview, anyone who studies and works hard ought to be able to make it in their chosen field. Faith in the 'invisible hand' is associated with an endorsement of Market explanations of social inequality. On the other hand, some of my students seem to endorse an alternative view, namely that many people get their jobs as a result of knowing the right people. Sociologists call this perspective the Embeddedness approach because it suggests that each person is embedded in a network of social relationships that help an individual accomplish a variety of goals, including getting a job. This approach brings to my mind the workings of a 'visible hand' that interferes with the workings of the 'invisible hand' and disrupts meritocratic sorting procedures. Not surprisingly, these two perspectives differ a great deal in how they explain the workings of complex labor markets that include young and minority job seekers, who are the main subject of this book." 6 "studying blacks and whites who attended the same vocational schools and studied many of the same trades. ... I constructed my study to answer a set of basic QUESTIONS: [1] What happens when whites and blacks share a track placement, the same teachers, and the same classrooms? [2] Can desegregated institutions, in this post-civil rights era, provide equal foundations and assistance for blacks and whites? [3] Does the problem of embeddedness—in this case, historically segregated job networks—stifle the emergence of cross-racial linkage mechanisms and networks beyond schools? [4] Or does the post-Civil Rights era provide a new color-blind labor market in which blacks who show signs of work-readiness and achievement succeed on a par with white peers in terms of initial employment outcomes? [5] Finally, are black students, as the racial deficits theory suggests, lacking something that should make them less desirable as workers than their white peers?" 10 FINDINGS: "Although the majority of the whites and blacks performed well and studied the same subjects ... whites experienced far greater success than blacks. Specifically whites held more jobs within their fields, earned higher wages, experienced less unemployment, and had smoother transitions between jobs. They also got more effective assistance from family and friends and from white male teachers. Blacks, by contrast, often relied on poorly situated black family members and friends, and received only verbal encouragement, rather than material assistance, from white male teachers. Despite the advantages whites held over blacks—advantages not linked to educational, motivational, or character differences—many whites were convinced that blacks were unfairly advantaged because of reverse discrimination. This ideology—fostered by whites who lived and socialized within racially segregated networks—served to create disincentives for including blacks and replaced the old black-inferiority rationale for exclusion with a new black-ascendency rationale. According to this view, since the government was helping blacks but not whites, whites must help one another in the marketplace. None of the white males I spoke with had faced direct discrimination in the workplace, but a number held vague suspicions that they had lost out to blacks at some point or another. Only black males were able to provide specific examples of subtle and not-so-subtle forms of racism" 11

Conley 99

Being Black, Living in the Red: Race, Wealth, and Social Policy in America [Inequality - Wealth, Empirical - Survey]: "The PREMISE of this book is a relatively simple and straightforward one: in order to understand a family's well-being and the life chances of its children—in short, to understand its class position—we not only must consider income, education, and occupation but also must take into account accumulated wealth. While the importance of wealth is the starting point of the book, its end point is the impact of the wealth distribution on racial inequality in America. ... At all income, occupational, and education levels, black families on average have drastically lower levels of wealth than similar white families. ... In contemporary America, race and property are intimately linked and form the nexus for the persistence of black-white inequality." 5 "Specifically, it is the HYPOTHESIS of book that certain tenacious racial differences—such as deficits in education, employment, wages, and even wealth itself among African Americans—will turn out to be indirect effects, mediated by class differences. In other words, it is not race per se that matters directly; instead, what matters are the wealth levels and class positions that are associated with race in America. In this manner, racial differences in income and asset levels have come to play a prominent role in the perpetuation of black-white inequality in the United States." 7 "TAKEN IN ITS ENTIRETY, the research presented in this book can go a long way toward showing that dynamics previously seen as rooted in an alternative or 'underclass' culture among African Americans should in fact be viewed as a result of economic inequality. In most cases, the effects of race are dramatically obscured by the impact of class dynamics and economic resources. ... While the impact of race varies depending on which outcome we examine, in almost all instances presented in this book socioeconomic variables have a much greater impact in predicting outcomes than does skin color or racial identity for this recent cohort (young adults who have grown up since the landmark civil rights legislation o the 1960s). ... By including property in the concept of social class, the empirical analysis presented throughout this book has shifted, but not ended, the race-class debate. Although race becomes insignificant in predicting a number of important outcomes for young adults when asset levels are included in causal models, wealth itself is nevertheless distributed unequally by race. Thus, one may conclude that the locus of racial inequality no longer lies primarily in the labor market but rather in class and property relations that, in turn, affect other outcomes. While young African Americans may have the opportunity to obtain the same education, income, and wealth as whites, in actuality they are on a slippery slope, for the discrimination their parents faced in the housing and credit markets sets the stage for perpetual economic disadvantage. On the policy side, this study shows the importance of shifting the debate about race from the traditional focus on the labor market to one geared toward rectivying wealth differences. Wealth, not occupation or education, is the realm in which the greatest degree of racial inequality lies in contemporary America." 133

Jenkins 97

Rethinking Ethnicity: Arguments & Explorations [Conceptual - Ethnicity, Theory]: SH: think race and ethnicity should be separate due to the ascription of racial categories--distinction not hard and fast because external categorization plays a role in ethnicity too [boundary deconstruction]

Sampson 08

Moving to Inequality: Neighborhood Effects and Experiments Meet Social Structure [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Surveys]: "1. Benefits of experimental design.—MTO is a major contribution to the long tradition of experimental social science. By introducing a randomized design that induces the poor to make residential moves to lower-poverty neighborhoods, MTO eliminates "selection bias" on unobservables as a confounding explanation of neighborhood effects on individuals. Given ethical, pragmatic, and institutional concerns that render social experiments rare, the design is ingenious. 2. Limits on MTO question and generalizability.—By design, MTO was an individual-level intervention that offered housing vouchers to extremely poor, largely minority families. Therefore, nothing can be inferred from MTO about the success or failure of neighborhood-level interventions, and any generalizations about voucher effects are restricted to an important but small segment of the population. 3. Mixed results.—At the individual level among the poor, MTO has demonstrated mixed results that vary by outcome, site, and subgroup— especially gender. Some effects are large (e.g., those on mental health and girls' behavior), while others, like adult economic self-sufficiency, appear null. In this sense MTO has been important in debunking simple-minded hypotheses: no simple conclusion can or should be drawn about neighborhood effects in the abstract. 4. Strength of treatment.—The treatment of the MTO voucher induced statistically significant reductions in census-tract poverty (about 8 percentage points overall) in comparison with the control group, but within what are usually considered high-poverty areas and (at least in Chicago) only for the later randomization cohorts. While over half of the families who used a voucher to move through MTO ("compliers") had tract poverty rates of approximately 20% in 2002, the average poverty rate was greater than 30% for both the experimental and control groups overall across sites. MTO thus induced neighborhood differences mainly of degree, not kind. There are also significant cohort interactions that need further study. 5. Beyond poverty.—There were even smaller differences induced by MTO in concentrated disadvantage, defined as the segregation of African-Americans in neighborhoods of resource deprivation across multiple domains (fig. 2). Moreover, whether we look only at destination neighborhoods or take into account interim moves, the racial context of both controls and experimentals was still hypersegregation—nearly identical for both groups. 6. Neighborhood counterfactuals by race.—Because of this intersection of poverty, race, and family structure—in Chicago as in many U.S. cities— there is no counterfactual for whites (as implicitly assumed in many studies), and therefore neighborhood effects of concentrated disadvantage are undefined for them. Independently, both the MTO and PHDCN studies portray, in different ways, this structural reality. 7. Neighborhood trajectories and social processes.—There were no significant differences in the rate of change for poverty or for a host of neighborhood-level social processes (e.g., cohesion, closure) in Chicago— whether static or dynamic—by randomization group. As a result, the trajectories that destination neighborhoods were on turned out to be virtually identical for experimentals and controls, and social organizational features of community were largely unaffected by treatment. The significance (or lack thereof) of differences does not change when complier status is adjusted. 8. Spatial proximity and flows of disadvantage.—Experimental and control families ended up in the same or similar larger community areas. The patterned structure of community-level ties induced by moving, seen in the "bird's-eye" view of Chicago (fig. 5), reveals a near-identical network across experimentals and controls. Moreover, community-area differences in social processes were not different by treatment group, nor was spatially lagged poverty or concentrated disadvantage. 9. Causal significance of moving.—By design, the MTO experiment induces neighborhood change by moving, itself a life-course event of theoretical significance. Hence, moving and context are intertwined. 10. Developmental neighborhood effects.—Because MTO subjects were selected on living in neighborhood poverty, which is durable, early developmental effects of concentrated poverty cannot be effectively studied for adults and only in a limited way for children. For the most part, MTO tests whether exits from poverty can overcome previously accumulated deficits. Thus, any lack of MTO effects does not imply a lack of durable or developmental neighborhood effects. 11. Urban dynamics.—Moves of a random sample (PHDCN) reproduce concentrated inequality and suggest the urban dynamics that would result if MTO-like programs were taken to scale. White and Latino flight also means that the treatment is not constant and that the intervention itself may induce further neighborhood changes and, by implication, the concentration of disadvantage. 12. Social interactions.—Using randomization as an instrumental variable requires that we invoke assumptions about voucher use, some of which, like noninterdependence of social interactions in the experiment, are open to question for acts of moving. If we assume no interference among units in MTO (see n. 17), we can estimate poverty-linked (or "bundled") neighborhood duration effects, per Ludwig et al.'s approach. But if migration research has taught us anything, it is that moving is embedded in chain-like social networks. Selection processes should therefore still be pursued as CM started to do, perhaps most effectively using time-varying counterfactual methods that exploit information on selection into neighborhood treatment. Because moving is a competing causal pathway in the duration-weighted models, counterfactuals are likewise needed to estimate and compare the effects of moving. 13. Follow-up.—Perhaps surprisingly, given the specific nature of the MTO treatment in a constrained urban structure, there is still evidence of neighborhood effects (point 3) that needs further unpacking. Even modest relative reductions in neighborhood poverty predict improvements in mental health and girls' behavior, which over time can cumulate to shape life outcomes. By following the youngest MTO children further in time, one can also gain more leverage on developmental interactions, albeit conditioned on poverty. Overall, I would conclude that the planned followup of MTO is a scientifically crucial investment. 14. Causes and mechanisms.—When randomization at the individual level is invoked and we find evidence for the influence of a voucher offer on individual outcomes, it remains unclear what mechanisms link the manipulated treatment with outcomes. Experiments do not answer the "why" question. The causes of neighborhood effects and social mechanisms have been a black box, and neighborhood-level interventions have been neglected. 15. Social structure and selection.—In the social structure that constitutes contemporary cities, selection bias is misleadingly thought of mainly in terms of unobserved heterogeneity and statistical "nuisance." Selection is a social process that itself is implicated in creating the very structures that then constrain individual behavior. MTO can be exploited to further study the causes of neighborhood effects and the aggregate consequences of movement for social inequality. If this is a reasonable summary and consensus is achieved, the burden can now be lifted from MTO as the judge and jury of neighborhood effects writ large. Indeed, the validity of MTO depends on the question one wants answered. As a century or more of urban sociology reveals, neighborhood effects may be conceived in multiple theoretical ways at multiple levels of analysis and at varying time scales of influence. No one design captures the resulting plethora of questions." 224

Briggs et al 10

Moving to Opportunity: The Story of an American Experiment to Fight Ghetto Poverty [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey, Interviews, Ethnography]: "[MOVING TO OPPORTUNITY was a] social experiment [that] enrolled nearly 5,000 very low-income, mostly black and Hispanic families, many of them on welfare, who were living in public housing in the inner-city ghettos of Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York. But about five years after they had entered the program, many of the families in the favored 'experimental' group were living once again in high-poverty neighborhoods. Young women in that group showed big drops in risky behavior and big improvements in mental health, on average, while young male movers did not. The males even showed some signs of increased delinquency if they had lived, at least for a time, in the low- poverty areas. Parents likewise showed major drops in anxiety and depression—two of the crippling symptoms of being chronically poor in high-risk ghettos—but no improvements in employment or income. While skeptics worried that relocating would rob the families of vital social support from loved ones, as well as a sense of community, many movers appeared to be maintaining the same limited social circles—mostly disadvantaged relatives and close friends, with frequent trips to high-poverty areas—despite living in more advantaged neighborhoods. We wanted to know why." 13 "FIRST MAJOR LESSON of our work: MTO and the fight against ghetto poverty cannot succeed without a major national commitment to make rental housing affordable in safe, livable neighborhoods." 16 "This is the SECOND MAJOR LESSON of our work, and it is one that challenges both liberal and conservative views of poverty: that the most vulnerable among the poor are embedded in 'communities' of kin that often expose them to extraordinary risk and burden, no matter where they live." 18 "THIRD MAJOR LESSON of our work: For poor people who have lived segregated lives in dangerous, high-poverty neighborhoods, conven- tional choice programs offer little room to maneuver, thanks to the choosers' information poverty, the limited comparisons they are equipped to make, and a logic of choice focused simply on avoiding violence and other risks—not necessarily on garnering 'opportunity.'" 19 "This sets up a FINAL, BOTTOM-LINE MESSAGE: Housing mobility is a powerful, and indeed essential, tool for fi ghting ghetto poverty—but one that is extraordinarily vulnerable to the strong-idea-weakly-implemented problem, as well as unfounded assumptions about how persistently poor people can escape the risks of ghettos, regardless of where they are able to live." 20 "IN ESSENCE, MTO tests the idea that changing someone's 'social address'—specifically, helping them to relocate from distressed public housing projects in high-risk, high-poverty urban ghettos to low-poverty neighborhoods— can change their life for the better." 27

Oliver & Shapiro 06

Black Wealth, White Wealth: A New Perspective on Racial Inequality [Inequality - Wealth, Empirical - Survey & Interviews]: "The empirical HEART of our analysis resides in an examination of differentials in black and white wealth holdings. This focus paints a vastly different empirical picture of social inequality than commonly emerges from analyses based on traditional inequality indicators. The burden of our claim is to demonstrate not simply the taken-for-granted assumption that wealth reveals 'more' inequality—income multiplied x times is not the correct equation. More importantly we show that wealth uncovers a qualitatively different pattern of inequality on crucial fronts. ... In stating our case, we do not discount the important information that the traditional indicators provide, but we argue that by adding to the latter an analysis of wealth a more thorough, comprehensive, and powerful explanation of social inequality can be elaborated." 3 "We develop THREE CONCEPTS to provide a sociologically grounded approach to understanding racial differentials in wealth accumulation. These concepts highlight the ways in which this opporrtunity structure has disadvantaged blacks and helped contribute to massive wealth inequalities between the races. Our first concept, 'racialization of state policy,' refers to how state policy has impaired the ability of many black Americans to accumulate wealth—and discouraged them from doing so—from the beginning of slavery throughout American history. From the first codified decision to enslave African Americans to the local ordinances that barred blacks from certain occupations to the welfare state policies of today that discourage wealth accumulation, the state has erected major barriers to black economic self-sufficiency. ... Our second focus, on the 'economic detour,' helps us understand the relatively low level of entrepreneurship among and the small scale of the businesses owned by black Americans. While blacks have historically sought out opportunities for self-employment, they have traditionally faced an environment, especially from the postbellum period to the middle of the twentieth century, in which they were restricted by law from participation in business in the open market. ... The third concept we develop is synthetic in nature. The notion embodied in the 'sedimentation of racial inequality' is that in central ways the cumulative effects of the past have seemingly cemented blacks to the bottom of society's economic hierarchy. A history of low wages, poor schooling, and segregation affected not one or two generations of blacks but practically all African Americans well into the middle of the twentieth century." 4 "The CENTRAL QUESTION of this study is, Why do the wealth portfolios of blacks and whites vary so drastically? The answer is not simply that blacks have inferior remunerable human capital endowments—substandard education, jobs, and skills, for example—or do not display the characteristics most associated with higher income and wealth. We are able to demonstrate that even when blacks and whites display similar characteristics—for example, are on a par educationally and occupationally—a potent difference of $43,143 in home equity and financial assets still remains. Likewise, giving the average black household the same attributes as the average white household leaves a $25,794 racial gap in financial assets alone." 8

Mastrofski 11

Race, Policing, and Equity [Inequality - Policing, Introduction]: "The rapidly growing sophistication of evidence on crime and place also is enlarging to add the element of 'justice,' one that too often remains an afterthought in the research literature about crime policy. The findings of this budding literature on the justice of crime control practices suggest that more complex explanations are required regarding race effects. ... Despite the differences of viewpoint found among the researchers and essayists presented in this volume, as a group they conjure what may be a growing uneasiness or ambivalence about the potential for problems in the current 'you call we haul' system of allocating police resources, whether it is considered a sort of inequitable 'collateral damage' of the war on drugs or the deleterious consequences of an 'elegant social machinery.'" 598

Hamilton 14

Selection, Language Heritage, and the Earnings Trajectories of Black Immigrants in the United States [Inequality - Income, Empirical - Surveys]: EF: Hamilton examines more recent waves of black immigration to evaluate whether black immigrants' earning trajectories surpass those of native born blacks. Building upon past research, he compares black immigrants to native black internal migrants and seeks to understand the importance of native language. He concludes that in 20 years, immigrants from English-speaking countries are likely to surpass earnings of native born blacks in general and movers in particular. He argues that these results demonstrate the importance of selective migration and language heritage as determinants of earnings.

Fox 12

Three Worlds of Relief: Race, Immigration, and the American Welfare State from the Progressive Era to the New Deal [Community - Other, Empirical - Historical]: LW: Examines the relationship that European immigrants, blacks, and Latinos had with the U.S. welfare state from the Progressive Era to the New Deal, going beyond the black-white paradigm. Fox argues that these three groups experienced "three different trajectories of inclusion, exclusion, and expulsion," respectively. Blacks, Mexicans, and European immigrants inhabited three different worlds of welfare due to "local and regional differences in political and labor market contexts as well as group-level differences in labor market position, political incorporation, and racial or color status"

Jargowsky 15

Architecture of Segregation: Civil Unrest, the Concentration of Poverty, and Public Policy [Inequality - Poverty, Empirical - Survey]: EF: Jargowsky examines recent trends in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty, seeking to understand the policies and choices that create concentrated disadvantage as an "architecture of segregation" that ultimately leads to societal problems, such as police violence, crime, and high-poverty ghettos. He argues that the US is seeing a dramatic re-concentration of urban poverty, despite earlier gains, which has resulted in a doubling of the population living in high poverty ghettos and a particularly large impact on poor children. He points to housing policy as a main driver of residential segregation by race and socioeconomic status, arguing that suburbanization has allowed the wealthy to flee city centers and inner-ring suburbs with the political and financial support of the state.

MacLeod 09

Ain't No Making It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low-Income Neighborhood [Inequality - Education, Empirical - Ethnography]: "The male teenage world of Clarendon Heights is populated by two divergent PEER GROUPS. The first group, dubbed the Hallway Hangers because of the group's propensity for 'hanging' in a particular hallway in the project, consists predominantly of white boys. Their characteristics and attitudes stand in marked contrast to the second group, which is composed almost exclusively of black youths who call themselves the Brothers. Surprisingly, the Brothers speak with relative optimism about their futures, while the Hallway Hangers are despondent about their prospects for social mobility. ... The optimism of the Brothers and the pessimism of the Hallway Hangers stem, at least in part, from their different appraisals of the openness of American society. ... some of the brothers aspire to middle-class occupations partly because they do not see significant societal barriers to upward mobility." 6 "This book's BASIC FINDING—that two substantially different paths are followed within the general framework of social reproduction—is a major challenge to economically determinist theories. Two groups of boys from the same social stratum who live in the same housing project and attend the same school nevertheless experience the process of social reproduction in fundamentally different ways. ... The interface between the cultural and the structural is critical to our understanding of social reproduction. ... Aspirations provide a conceptual link betweeen structure and agency in that they are rooted firmly in individual proclivity (agency) but also are acutely sensitive to perceived societal constraints (structure)." 137 CONCLUSION: "This book shifts the emphasis from individual deficits to structural inequality. Part One discloses that the roots of perceived individual pathology—unruliness in school, alcohol and drug abuse, violence, and crime—actually lie deep within the social structure. The leveled aspirations and behavior of the Hallway Hangers cannot be understoood apart from structural constraints on opportunity that in their cumulative effect are all too forbidding. The Brothers, in contrast, refuse to be cowed by the long odds. Spurred on by the distinctively American language of aspiration that gushes forth from our television shows, oru pop songs, and our advertisements, the Brothers lace up their sneakers and ' just go for it.' But we have seen that schools, even ones as good as Lincoln High, end up reinforcing social inequality while pretending to render it superfluous. The Brothers struggle academically in school and are socialized for positions near the bottom of the class pyramid. Part Two explores how the Hallway Hangers and Brothers fare in the structure of the job market. The results are depressing. The experiences of the Hallway Hangers since 1984 show that opting out of the contest—neither playing the game nor accepting its rules —is not a viable option. Incarceration and other less explicit social penalties are applied by society when the contest is taken on one's own terms. There is no escape: The Hallway Hangers must still generate income, build relationships, and establish households. ... Trapped inside the game, the Hallway Hangers now question their youthful resistance to schooling and social norms. Granted the opportunity to do it over again, the Hallway Hangers say they would have tried harder to succeed. But the Brothers have always tried, which is why their experiences between 1984 and 1991 are as disheartening as the Hallway Hangers'. If the Hangers show that opting out of the contest is not a viable option, the Brothers show that dutifully playing by the rules hardly guarantees successs either. Conservative and liberal commentators alike often contend that if the poor would only apply themselves, behave responsibly, and adopt bourgeois values, then they will propel themselves in to the middle class. The Brothers follow the recipe quite closely but the outcomes are disappointing. They illustrate how rigid and durable the class structure is. Aspiration, application, and intelligence often fail to cut through the firm figurations of structural inequality. Though not impenetrable, structural constraints on opportuntiy, embedded in both schools and job markets, turn out to be much more debilitating than the Brothers anticipated. Their dreams of comfortable suburban bliss currently are dreams deferred and are likely to end up as dreams denied. ... This book shows clearly that POVERTY IS NOT A BLACK ISSUE. ... The underclass has been twisted into a racial rather than a class formation, and poverty has become a black issue. By bringing the white poor into view, our story dissolves the mistaken connection between African Americans and behavior associated with poverty—crime, family disruption, substance abuse, and so on. ... Because criminality is almost completely confined to the Hallway hangers, this study debunks stereotypes about the black poor. ... Poverty is not a moral problem, much less a black moral or cultural problem. ... This book confirms that STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY CAUSES POVERTY. The presumed behavioral definciencies of the lower class are the consequenc rather than the cause of poverty." 242

Bourdieu 91

Identity and Representation [Community - Other, Theory]: PURPOSE: to explain the subjectivity behind identity and boundary making JS SUMMARY: In Identity and Representation, Bourdieu shows that categorization is an act of exercising power when it achieves recognition. In his words, ethnic categories institute a reality by using the power of revelation and construction. This power is referred to as symbolic power, or the power to impose upon other minds a vision, old or new, of social divisions. Exercising symbolic power depends upon an individual or group's symbolic capital, or social authority. According to Bourdieu, there are objective relations of material and symbolic power, but then there are also practical schemes through which agents classify other agents and evaluate their position within objective relations; researchers must distinguish between the two.

Cornell & Hartmann 98

Mapping the Terrain: Definitions [Conceptual - All, Theory]: ETHNIC GROUPS DEFINITION: "[1] involves three kinds of claims: a claim to kinship, broadly defined; a claim to a common history of some sort; and a claim that certain symbols capture the core of the group's identity. [2] these claims need not be founded in fact. [3] The extent of actual cultural distinctiveness is irrelevant. [4] An ethnic group is a subpopulation within a larger society. [5] An ethnic identity is self-conscious." 19 "ETHNICITY, then, is identification in ethnic terms—that is, in the terms outlined above. An ETHNIC IDENTITY identity is an identity conceived in such terms. A population or social collectivity may be simply an ETHNIC CATEGORY, assigned an ethnic identity by outsiders. But once that identity becomes subjective—that is, once that population sees itself in ethnic terms, perhaps in response to the identity outsiders assign to it—it becomes an ETHNIC GROUP." 21 FROM SH: Race = a group of human beings socially defined on the basis of physical characteristics (conveys a naturalness that is difficult to overcome). racialization and ethnicization yield different products but they both organize society into distinctive kind of groups.

Bertrand & Mullainathan 04

Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination [Inequality - Labor Market, Empirical - Experiment]: "WE STUDY race in the labor market by sending fictitious resumes to help-wanted ads in Boston and Chicago newspapers. To manipulate perceived race, resumes are randomly assigned African-American- or White-sounding names. White names receive 50 percent more callbacks for interviews. Callbacks are also more responsive to resume quality for White names than for African-American ones. The racial gap is uniform across occupation, industry, and employer size. We also find little evidence that employers are inferring social class from the names. Differential treatment by race still appears to still be prominent in the U.S. labor market." 991 "WE FIND large racial differences in callback rates. Applicants with White names need to send about 10 resumes to get one callback whereas applicants with African-American names need to send about 16 resumes. This 50-percent gap in callback is statistically significant. A White name yields as many more callbacks as an additional eight years of experience on a resume. Since applicants' names are randomly assigned, this gap can only be attributed to the name mainipulation. Race also affects the reward to having a better resume. Whites with higher-quality resumes receive nearly 30-percent more callbacks than Whites with lower-quality resumes. On the other hand, having a higher-quality resume has a smaller effect for African-Americans. In other words, the gap bteween Whites and African-Americans widens with resume quality. While one may have expected improved credentials to alleviate employers' fear that African-American applicants are deficient in some unobservable skills, this is not the case in our data. ... We find that [an applicant's postal address] living in a wealthier (or more educated or Whiter) neighborhood increases callback rates. But, interestingly, African-Americans are not helped more than Whites by living in a 'better neighborhood. ... we find that the racial gaps in callback are statistically indistinguishable across all the occupation and industry categories covered in the experiment." 992

Quillian 08

Does Unconscious Racism Exist? [Relations, Review]: PURPOSE: "This essay argues for the existence of a form of unconscious racism." 6 ABSTRACT: "Research on implicit prejudice provides good evidence that most persons have deeply held negative associations with minority groups that can lead to subtle discrimination without conscious awareness. The evidence for implicit attitudes is briefly reviewed. Criticisms of the implicit prejudice literature raised by Arkes and Tetlock (2004) are discussed, but found to be inconsistent with several findings of prejudice research." 6 CONCLUSION: "Implicit attitude research has shown that deep negative associations form a hidden level of preferences in the minds of many persons directed against stigmatized racial groups. ... the current literature is sufficient to demonstrate the widespread existence of associations accurately described as unconscious racism." 10

Telles 04

Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil [Community - International, Empirical - Surveys]: LW: Sociological theory presumes that "high rates of intermarriage and low levels of residential segregation" indicate "greater acceptance of outgroups." However, social proximity in Brazil does not translate into full inclusion in Brazil's economic and political life. Instead marriage and residential patterns are largely a result of Brazil's hyperinequality, emphasizing the role of shared class experience, which diminishes the effects of a "racist culture". It is because of deeply racist attitudes that upward mobility is stunted and nonwhite Brazilians hit "a discriminatory glass ceiling." Hyperinequality accounts for both the highly restricted channels for mobility and the few resources that nonwhite Brazilians possess. It is impossible to determine which factor—extreme class inequality or a racist culture—best explains Brazilian racial inequality as the two are inextricably connected and reinforcing.

Tilly 98

Durable Inequality [Immigration - Assimilation, Empirical - Case Study]: OPPORTUNITY HOARDING: "Mamaroneck Italians' concentration in landscape gardening excludes other potential workers from the business, but it hardly qualifies as exploitation; neither secure control of a productive resource, incorporation of effort by excluded parties, nor appropriation of a substantial surplus marks the position of these modest people. Rather, the term 'opportunity hoarding' describes their generally successful strategy. By sequestering technical knowledge, ties to wealthy households and institutions, reputations for good work, and access to capital within an ethnically defined network, they have fashioned a classic immigrant niche." 153 "CHAIN MIGRATION is the arrangement in which numerous people leave one well-defined origin serially for another well-defined destination by relying on people from the same origin for aid, information, and encouragement; most chain migrations involve considerable return of migrants to their place of origin. Many chain migrations begin as circular migrations: seasonal, annual, or longer-cycle movement of agricultural workers, craftspersons, or petty merchants from a base to some other well-defined place where temporary work awaits them. ... The essence of chain migration was, and is, the existence of continuing contacts between a specific community of origin and a specific com- munity of destination-—Roccasecca and Mamaroneck, a Welsh mining village and Chicago, a Polish shtetl and Johnstown. It involves frequent moves of persons between the two communities, with help and encour- agement from persons at both ends. Even including the forced migration of Africans (who arrived literally, not figuratively, in chains), this sort of continuously connected migration system accounts for the great bulk of immigration to the Americas during the past five centuries. That fact in itself should alert us to the likelihood that what happened to migrants at one point in time, and how they organized their migration, significantly affected the fate of both their descendants and later migrants." 163

Bobo et al 97

Laissez-Faire Racism: The Crystallization of a "Kinder, Gentler" Anti-Black Ideology [Relations, Theory]: "WE ARGUE that in the post World War II period the racial attitudes of white Americans involves a shift from Jim Crow Racism to Laissez Faire Racism. As part of this change, we witnessed the virtual disappearance of overt bigotry, of demands for strict segregation, of advocacy of government mandated discrimination, and of adherence to the belief that blacks are the categorical intellectual inferiors of whites. The decline of full blown Jim Crow Racism, however, has not resulted in its opposite: a thoroughly anti-racist popular ideology based on an embracing and democratic vision of the common humanity, worth, dignity, and place in the polity for blacks alongside whites. Instead, the institutionalized racial inequalities created by the long slavery and then Jim Crow eras are now popularly accepted and condoned under a modern free market or laissez-faire racist ideology. Laissez Faire Racism involves persistent negative stereotyping of African Americans, a tendency to blame blacks themselves for the black-white gap in socioeconomic standing, and resistance to meaningful policy efforts to ameliorate America's racist social conditions and institutions. Jim Crow Racism was at its zenith during a historical epoch when African Americans remained a largely southern, rural, agricultural workforce; when anti-black bias was formal state policy (i.e., separate schools and other public accommodations); and when most white Americans comfortably accepted the idea that blacks were inherently inferior. Laissez Faire Racism is crystallizing in the current period as a new American racial belief system at a point when African Americans are a heavily urbanized, nationally dispersed and occupationally heterogeneous population; when state policy is formally race-neutral and committed to anti-discrimination; and when most white Americans prefer a more volitional and cultural, as opposed to inherent and biological, interpretation of blacks' disadvantaged status." (3) "The basis for retaining the term 'RACISM' is two fold. First, African Americans remain in a unique and fundamentally disadvantaged structural position in the American economy and polity. This disadvantaged position is partly the legacy of historic racial discrimination during the slavery and Jim Crow eras. Even if all direct racial bias disappeared African Americans would be disadvantaged due to the cumulative and multidimensional nature of historic racial oppression in the U.S. Further, racial discrimination continues to confront African Americans albeit in less systematic and absolute ways in its current form. Rather than relying on state enforced inequality as during the Jim Crow era, however, modern racial inequality relies upon the market and informal racial bias to recreate, and in some instances sharply worsen, structured racial inequality. Hence, the phrase 'Laissez Faire Racism.' ... Our second reason for retaining the term racism is that these racial inequalities exist in a social climate of widespread acceptance of notions of black cultural inferiority." 4 "Our argument draws heavily on the framework for understanding racial prejudice developed in the work of Herbert BLUMER." (3)

Omi & Winant 94

Racial Formation in the United States [Conceptual - Race, Theory]: "We define RACIAL FORMATION as the sociohistorical process by which racial identities are created, lived out, transformed, and destroyed. Our presentation of racial formation theory proceeds in several STEPS. First, we provide a concept of RACIALIZATION to emphasize how the phenomic, the corporeal dimension of human bodies, acquires meaning in social life. How are corporeal differences among humans apprehended and given meaning? Next, we advance the concept of RACIAL PROJECTS to capture the simultaneous and co-constitutive ways that racial meanings are translated into social structures and become racially signified. Then, we discuss the problem of RACISM in an attempt to specify under what conditions a racial project can be defined as racist. Finally, we discuss RACIAL POLITICS, the way society is racially organized and ruled. Here, we consider RACIAL DESPOTISM, RACIAL DEMOCRACY, AND RACIAL HEGEMONY as frameworks for racial rule and racial resistance. We suggest that in the early 21st century the hegemonic concept of race in U.S. society is that of 'colorblindness.' The ideological hegemony of colorblindness, however, is extremely contradictory and shallow. It confronts widespread resistance and falls short of achieving the political stability that hegemonic projects are supposed to deliver." 109 PART I: much of racial theory is encompassed by three approaches or paradigms "CHAPTER 1 examines ETHNICITY theory—a perspective that arose in the post-World War I years as an insurgent challenge to the religious doctrines and biologistic accounts of race that prevailed at the time. From its initial efforts to explain the social upheaveals brough about by vast waves of immigration to the United States around the turn of the 20th century, ethnicity theory focused on U.S. processes of incorporation such as assimilation and cultural pluralism. ... The rise in the late-1960s and early-1970s of radical social movements based in communities of color caught ethnicity theorists by surprise. ... In response to the perceived radical threa, ethnicity theorists moved rightward, gravitating to neoconservative positions that emphasized individualism, not 'groupism,' and embracing colorblind racial policies and practices. ... CHAPTER 2 considers class theories of race, accounts that afford primacy to economic structures and processes. Class theories render race legible by examining economic inequalities along racial lines. ... these efforts uniformly fail to account for the role of race as a cause of existing economic relationship. ... While inequality is certainly an important dimension of race and racism, we argue that race cannot simply be reduced to an economic matter. ... CHAPTER 3 considers nation-based theories of race. These have their origins in the imperial seizures of territory and the settler colonialism of the modern era. ...While the nation-based paradigm supplies a valuable concept—peoplehood—to the overall corpus of racial theory, it is still reductionist vis-a-vis race. Nation-based theories treat race as a mere manifestation of the presumptively deeper concept of 'the nation,' and project 'internal' colonial relations of domination and resistance forward into the present." 11 "In PART II, Racial Formation, we advance our own theory of racial formation, departing from ethnicity-, class-, and nation-based understandings. ... In CHAPTER 4, The Theory of Racial Formation, we stress that race is a social construction and not a fixed static category rooted in some notion of innate biological differences. ... To say that race is socially constructed is to argue that it varies according to time and place. ... While acknowledging the inherent instability and socially constructed characteristics of race, we argue that there is a crucial corporeal dimension to the race-concept. ... We define this process as racialization—the extension of racial meaning to a previous racially unclassified relationship, social practice, or group. We also advance the concept of racial projects to capture how racial formation processes occure through a linkage between structure and representation. Racial projects are efforts to shape the ways in which human identities and social structures are racially signified, and the reciprocal ways that racial meaning becomes embedded in social structures. ... CHAPTER 5, Racial Politics and the Racial State, focuses on the political sociology of race, the social organization of power along racial lines. A central concern here is the historical development and contemporary orientation of the U.S. racial state. We stress the porous boundary between state and civil society, especially where race is concerned. The racial state inhabits us, so to speak; it is within our minds, our psyches, our hearts. At the same time we shape and reshape the state, identifying with it or against it, carrying out the signifying action that is the essence of politiccal life, both collectively and individually. In this chapter, we stress the shift from racial domination to racial hegemony that has taken place in the post-World War II period." 12 "In PART III, Racial Politics Since World War II, we apply our racial formation approach to recent racial history. ... In CHAPTER 6—The Great Transformation—we consider the development of the anti-racist movement, focusing particular attention on the 1960s. ... CHAPTER 7—Racial Reaction: Containment and Rearticulation—discusses the development over time of a center-right power bloc capable of counterattacking and curtailing the influence of the radical democratic movements that had developed through the 1960s. ... In CHAPTER 8—Colorblindness, Neoliberalism, and Obama, we argue that colorblind racial ideology underwrites the neoliberal accumulation project in the United States, and that neither colorblindness nor neoliberalism would be politically feasible without the other. ... In sum, after World War II a system of racial hegemony was substituted for the earlier system of racial domination." 14

DiTomaso 13

The American Non-Dilemma: Racial Inequality Without Racism [Relations, Empirical - Interviews]: EF: DiTomaso responds to Myrdal's (1944) hypothesis of the American moral dilemma that would drive white Americans to push for racial equality after WW II, by refocusing the discussion on the advantages that whites receive, rather than racism experienced by blacks, to explain why racial inequality remains post CRM. She argues that racial inequality arises more from the opportunity hoarding and sharing of social resources by whites with other whites, than from direct discrimination. Whites do not see or understand these invisible advantages and therefore attribute their success to hard work, and by corollary, the failures of blacks to their moral failings. Coinciding with the emergence of religious politics and the neoliberal agenda pushed by elites, whites today do not recognize their advantage but also seek to protect their advantages, which explains their espousal of racial equality ideals, but their lack of policy commitment. "One of the MAIN ARGUMENTS of this book is that we have been framing racial issues in ways that keep us from understanding what creates and reproduces racial inequality. Specifically, racial inequality is most often assumed to be the result of racism or discrimination, and providing equal opportunity within a context of individual effort and achievement has been offered as the primary solution to racial problems. I argue, in- stead, that framing racial issues through a lens of racism, equal opportu- nity, and individualism contributes to the inability of most whites to see the nature of their own participation in the creation and reproduction of racial inequality. Whites assume that other people are racists, but not them. They assume that equal opportunity embodies fairness, but they live lives of advantage—that is, of unequal opportunity. And their com- mitment to individualist explanations for inequality ignores the group - based nature of their search for advantage and the extent of their efforts to use social resources, including economic, social, and cultural capital, to gain advantage." "I ARGUE that one of the most important privileges of being white in the United States is not having to be racist in order to enjoy racial advantage. Rather than racism or discrimination being the primary mechanisms by which racial inequality is reproduced, I argue that it is the acts of favorit- ism that whites show to each other (through opportunity hoarding and the exchange of social capital) that contribute most to continued racial inequality." "I argue in this book that it is the FOCUS ON RACISM itself that enables whites to remove themselves from the conversation about race. That is, the emphasis given to racism in popular culture, public policy, and the academic literature enables whites to believe that race is not about them. The nature of white privilege, however, is that most of the time whites do not have to succumb to personal prejudice or engage in negative actions toward racial minorities in order to enjoy the privileges of being white. Because whites have access to valuable community resources and get both preference and the benefit of the doubt in many areas of their lives, they can count on racial privilege without having to fight for it or even defend it much of the time." "THUS, the search for racists, the reliance on equal opportunity as the standard of fairness, and the firm belief in the rewards of individual ef- fort and talent all come together to assure whites that they deserve what they have achieved in their lives and that blacks could have the same outcomes if they would just "do it the way I did." From this view, there is no moral dilemma regarding egalitarian values and racial inequality be- cause there is an assumption that people are responsible for their own life outcomes and can achieve anything they want if they just put their minds to it, make the necessary effort, and do not give up. That whites do not always do this themselves to get to where they are in their lives does not constitute hypocrisy as such, because the dynamics undergird- ing their own life outcomes are invisible to them. Most do not see the structures of segregation, the processes by which unequal opportunity is hoarded and passed along to friends and family, or the group- based na- ture of the advantages that whites pass along to other whites."

Liebow 67

Tally's Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (DC participant obs)]: JS: Liebow conducts 12 months of participant-observation in 1962 and 1963 in DC, studying adult males because studies of low-income neighborhood usually focus on young violent men since the focus is usually on delinquency or on women and children. Liebow's basic premise is that the street corner men's social identity—their membership in the category of poor black men, has significance when grounded in the situations like work or marriage, where they will be treated as someone with the social identity of the black male loser. The emphasis on roles, "definition of the situation," presentation of self, acting, concealment, and vulnerability of the self in social life and group life are central in this account. Liebow argued that "the desire to be noticed by the world he lives in is shared by each of the men on the street corner. Whether they articulate this desire or not, one can see them position themselves to catch the attention of their fellows. His findings about employment show that the man-job relationship is a tenuous one...a job may occupy a relatively low position on the street corner scale of real values. Behind the man's refusal to take a job or his decision to quit one is not a simple impulse or value choice but a complex combination of assessments of objective reality on the one hand, and values, attitudes & beliefs drawn from different levels of his experience on the other. Menial jobs in retail/service do not pay enough to support a man and his family and street corner men do not put any less value on jobs than mainstream society. It is precisely the street corner man's orientation to the future, but a future loaded with trouble, that leads to greater emphasis on present 'I want mine right now' but also contributes to employment instability, transient quality of daily life, etc. On the father-child relationship, Liebow shows that there is a spectrum of Father-Child relationship covered by acknowledgement of paternity, financial support, and frequency of contact. A paradox emerges in that fathers who live with their children express less warmth and affection than those separated from their fathers. He writes that "The man who lives with his wife and child is under legal and social constraints to provide for them...chances are, however, that he is failing to provide for them, and failure in this primary function contaminates his performance as father in other respects as well. The more demonstrative and accepting he is of his children, the greater is his public & private commitment to the duties & responsibilities of fatherhood; and the greater his commitment, the greater and sharper his failure as the provider and head of the family. To soften this failure, and to lessen the damage to his public and self-esteem, he pushes the children away from him.

Skrentny 96

The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America [Community - Black, Empirical - Historical]: PURPOSE: "The goal of the book is to use sociological and historical tools to show why conservatives resist affirmative action and liberals support it. If social scientists can find ideas that will help them better understand or rethink their study of American politics, policy, or law, and if interested individuals on both sides of the issue can find ideas that will help them better understand or rethink their positions on affirmative action, the book will have succeeded." (ix) CONCLUSION: "In 1964 black Americans were having their race used to stop or hinder their employment or promotion in obvious ways. This undercut American moral leadership in front of an increasingly important world audience which was increasingly committed to principles of human rights. It was assumed that the poor showing of blacks and employment statistics was the result of this discrimination. When Congress moved to address the problem, the assumed counterprinciple to blacks having their race intentionally used against them was not having race used for them, but emphatically for race to be taken out of the model altogether, out of the daily practices of American employment. A line of sorts was drawn in the political culture of federal civil rights enforcement, following the principle of color blindness. What was ironic about this obsession with exclusive reliance on equal treatment was that unequal treatment of groups is characteristic of American politics and not uncommon in employment. But in the moral logic of American political culture, African Americans were seen as deserving no more than a color blind law. Not coincidentally, this is what civil rights groups demanded, and it was in fact a spectacular victory: most assumed that significant movement toward economic equality would naturally result from color blindness. Though few could have predicted it in 1964, the boundaries which made racial preference a taboo in that year soon began to blur and move. It was not a self-interested civil rights lobby suddenly realizing that affirmative action was what they should have been fighting for all along, and suddenly aided by new material resources. In fact the civil rights lobby was falling into disarray. The moves to racial hiring were not ideological, not based on new beliefs in the justice of racial group rights or preferences. The driving force of change came / from context-dependent, largely taken for granted logics of action, which simultaneously pointed differently situated actors toward an interest in affirmative action. Many of the most powerful people in the country, mostly white and male, began to see specifically hiring black Americans as a sensible and appropriate thing to do. One factor that made it safer to pursue an advocate affirmative action was the perceived crisis caused by black rioting. ... Meanwhile, officials working in the administrative agencies created to enforce the ostensibly potent color blind model found it difficult to demonstrate the models potency. ... As crisis managers and pragmatic administrators began unreflectively to redefine civil rights to mean the numbers-based, equal results of affirmative action, those accustomed to fighting for the civil rights tradition saw this as just another part of the tradition. ... / ... All that remained to legitimate a new civil rights policy for the Left was for a right-leaning president to enter the scene. Striving for a mark in the history books as presidents typically do, Nixon logically was attracted to the creative and liberal-confounding policy of affirmative action. ... Given the strong cultural rules against it, it is unlikely that affirmative action could ever have been forced onto the government by a well-organized interest group, or constructed from scratch in Congress or in a presidential leadership project. It had to happen incrementally, unintentionally, in behind-the-scenes meetings of White House officials and meetings of administrators, and in pragmatic nickel-and-dime court decisions. It needed special circumstances, such as the crisis perceived in the cities, a Cold War moral struggle based on a global model of human rights, and a conservative President Nixon needing to confound a liberal establishment used to having its way. Yet in those five years between 1964 and 1970, the political culture changed, so that affirmative action could be safely propounded to a national audience (though usually called 'civil rights' and 'equal opportunity,' less often called 'affirmative action,' and never called 'quotas'), and by 1971 it could be sanctioned by the Supreme Court. The Left quickly forgot its old dream of full employment and rallied to defend the new policy, which promised to guarantee the even older dream of equal participation. In their commitment to criticism of Nixon's every move, liberals were boxed into the position of de facto affirmative action defenders when Nixon's support wavered. Exactly where it came from, how and why it emerged, did not matter in the crisis climate of turbulent 1960s America. Intellectual justifications for affirmative action based on a compensatory logic were quickly derived. Republicans loudly backed away from that which they had made possible." (222-224)

Allport 54

The Nature of Prejudice [Relations, Theory]: "final DEFINITION of negative ethnic prejudice—one that will serve us throughout this book": "Ethnic prejudice is an antipathy based upon a faulty and inflexible generalization. It may be felt or expressed. It may be directed toward a group as a whole, or toward an individual because he is a member of that group." 10 THREE BROAD LEVELS OF PREJUDICE: (1) Cognitive Level of Prejudice - perceptions and beliefs based on logical and rational thoughts. Stereotypes as broad generalizations about a category of people. (2) Emotional Level of Prejudice - prejudiced feelings aroused by expression or thoughts of feelings, fears, hopes, joys, jealousies, and other emotions and a sense of entitlement and victimization at the hands of benefiting perpetrators (3) Action-Orientation Level of Prejudice - predisposition to act in favor of or against certain groups. "Are DISCRIMINATIONA AND PREJUDICE facts of the social structure or of the personality structure? The answer we have given is both. For greater precision we may say that what we call discrimination usually has to do with common cultural practices closely linked with the prevailing social system, whereas the term prejudice refers especially to the attitudinal structure of a given personality." 514 Allport believed that while prejudice and discrimination were functionally tied together they belonged to separate causal systems; prejudice is a thought or attitude; discrimination is the expression of that thought or attitude. However, prejudice does NOT automatically lead to discrimination.

Waters 99

Black Identities: West Indian Immigrant Dreams and American Realities [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, Empirical - Interviews (West Indian immigrants, black Americans, white Americans)]: "the crux of the story about the experiences of the West Indian immigrants and their children revolves around the interaction between the specific culture and identities of the immigrants and their children and how that culture and those identities are shaped and changed by conditions in America—especially the American racial structure. The main argument of this book is that black immigrants from the Caribbean come to the United States with a particular identity/culture/worldview that reflects their unique history and experiences. This culture and identity are different from the immigrant identity and culture of previous waves of European immigrants because of the unique history of the origin countries and because of the changed contexts of reception the immigrants face in the United States. This culture and identity are also different from the culture and identity of African Americans." 6

Lee & Bean 04

America's Changing Color Lines: Immigration, Race/Ethnicity, and Multiracial Identification [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, ReviewSurvey (Iranian immigrants in LA)]: "What do current trends and patterns in immigration, intermarriage, and multira- cial identification indicate about America's changing color lines? Increases in intermarriage and the growth of the multiracial population reflect a blending of races and the fading of color lines. Because interracial marriage and multiracial identification indicate a reduction in social distance and racial prejudice, these patterns appear to offer an optimistic portrait of weakening racial boundaries. ... Thus, what may at first glance appear to suggest a dissolution of color lines for all racial/ethnic groups may simply be a loosening of boundaries for new immigrant groups who are simply undergoing the transitional phases of immigrant incorpo- ration. This distinction is critical, and helps us to differentiate whether color lines are shifting for all racial/ethnic minorities, or whether they are changing mainly to accommodate new nonblack immigrant groups. Based on the reviewof the research literature, it is evident that the different rates of Asian, Latino, and black intermarriage and multiracial reporting suggest that although racial boundaries may be fading, they are not eroding at the same pace for all groups. Given the divergent patterns, the color line is apparently less rigid for newer immigrant groups such as Latinos and Asians. And while the color line may be shifting for blacks, this shift is occurring far more slowly, consequently placing Asians and Latinos closer to whites than blacks are to whites, and demonstrating the tenacity of the black/white divide. In essence, although boundary crossing may be rising, and the color line fading, a shift has yet to occur toward a pattern of unconditional boundary crossing or a declining significance of race for all groups. ... In a black/nonblack divide, Latinos and Asians fall into the nonblack category. The emergence of a black/nonblack divide is even evident in areas with high concentrations of immigrants, high levels of racial/ethnic diversity, and high levels of multiracial reporting, although not to as strong a degree. The birth of a black/nonblack divide could be a disastrous outcome for many African Americans. ... Ifmuch ofAmerica's racial history to date has revolved around who was white and who was not, it is impor- tant to strive to ensure that the next phase in this story does not revolve around the issue of who is black and who is not. Although rising rates of intermarriage and patterns of multiracial identification indicate that boundaries are breaking down, the fact that boundary dissolution is neither uniform nor unconditional indicates little basis for complacency about the degree to which opportunities are improving for all racial/ethnic groups in America." 235

Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey 98

Assessing the Oppositional Culture Explanation for Racial/Ethnic Differences in School Performance [Relations - Education, Empirical - Survey]: ABSTRACT: "The oppositional culture explanation for racial disparities in school performance posits that individuals from historically oppressed groups (involuntary minorities) signify their antagonism toward the dominant group by resisting school goals. In contrast, individuals from the dominant group and groups that migrated freely to the host country (immigrant minorities) maintain optimistic views of their chances for educational and occupational success. Because of its historical and cross-cultural appeal, this explanation has been well-received by academics, although key implications of the theory have not been carefully tested. Proponents have failed to systematically compare perceptions of occupational opportunity and resistance to school across involuntary, dominant, and immigrant groups. Using a large sample of African American, Asian American, and non-Hispanic white high school sophomores from the first follow-up of the National Education Longitudinal Study, we provide the first rigorous test of the oppositional culture explanation. Upon close scrutiny, its key predictions fail." "Using data from a national survey, WE FOUND that the model is inconsistent with the data in several ways. The fundamental flaw of Ogbu's oppositional culture explanation is that African American students do not perceive fewer returns to education and more limited occupational opportunities than do whites. ... On a host of specific questions about their everyday lives in the classroom, African American students report more pro-school attitudes than do white students. And rather than suffering sanctioning from peers, African Americans who are viewed as good students are more likely to be popular than are their white counterparts." 547

Pedraza 00

Beyond Black and White: Latinos and Social Science Research on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in America [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, Review]: EF: Latinos were long excluded from social sciences literature on immigration and race, but Latinos and immigration must be studied. Pedraza argues that work on Latinos combines the study of immigration/assimilation with that of ethnicity/identity to better explore both and push the field forward and beyond the black-white model. She argues that Latino scholarship has contributed to concepts including assimilation, internal colonialism, incorporation, systems of migration, transnationalism, and bridging the micro-macro gap, as well as topic areas like poverty and residential segregation. Latinos and particularly Latino immigratns add to sociological knowledge, but the heterogeneity of racial, ethnic, cultural, economic, political, etc processes and experiences must be accounted for.

Fox & Guglielmo 12

Defining America's Racial Boundaries: Blacks, Mexicans, and European Immigrants, 1890-1945 [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, Empirical - Survey (census, IPUMS) & Historical (institutional categorizations)]: "We make three sets of arguments about the boundaries containing (and defining) blacks, SEEs [southern and eastern Europeans], and Mexicans. First, a bright boundary—that is, one that was widely recognized and institutionalized and monumentally significant for both life chances and social distance—separated blacks from whites (and, at times, blacks from nonblacks). ... Second, no boundary separated SEEs from whites; SEEs were not widely recognized as nonwhite, nor was such a boundary institutionalized. In fact, where white was a meaningful category, SEEs were virtually always included within it. To be sure, a fairly bright boundary separated SEEs from northern and western Europeans (NWEs) for a time. This boundary was based on religion, national origin, citizenship status, and even intra-European racial categories. It was not, however, based on whiteness or nonwhiteness. ... Instead of a white racial boundary shifting to include SEEs, then, we argue instead that the SEE-NWE boundary blurred significantly over time. ... The crucial point we emphasize, however, is that the SEE story suggests the remarkable stability of the white-nonwhite boundary, not, as is sometimes assumed, its fluidity. Third, the virtually uncontested nature of SEE whiteness becomes clearest when compared to the infinitely more complex and fraught history of Mexicans' racial categorization. A boundary separating Mexicans from whites was usually widely recognized and significant for life chances and social distance, but it was also inconsistently institutionalized. ... The Mexican-white boundary, then, shares properties of both bright and blurry boundaries. ... The white racial boundary at times expanded to include Mexicans, then contracted to exclude them. For Mexicans, their often simultaneous categorization as white and nonwhite— perhaps best described as a form of bright-boundary straddling—was a rather stable feature of their experience. What is more, we argue that a blurred racial boundary was used, paradoxically, to facilitate boundary brightening at times." 334

Krysan et al 09

Does Race Matter in Neighborhood Preferences? Results from a Video Experiment [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment, Survey]: ABSTRACT: "This article tests the racial proxy hypothesis using an innovative experiment that isolates the net effects of race and social class, followed by an analysis of the social psychological factors associated with residential preferences. The authors find that net of social class, the race of a neighborhood's residents significantly influenced how it was rated. Whites said the all-white neighborhoods were most desirable. The independent effect of racial composition was smaller among blacks, who identified the racially mixed neighborhood as most desirable. Further, whites who held negative stereotypes about African-Americans and the neighborhoods where they live were significantly influenced by neighborhood racial composition. None of the proposed social psychological factors conditioned African-Americans' sensitivity to neighborhood racial composition." 527 "RESEARCH QUESTIONS: (1) Are neighborhood preferences color-blind or race conscious? (2) If preferences are race conscious, do they reflect a desire to be in a neighborhood with one's 'own kind' or to avoid being in a neighborhood with another racial group?" 529 CONCLUSION: "This study used a video vignette experiment to address questions about whether and how race matters in neighborhood preferences. Our fundamental conclusion is that race, per se, shapes how whites and, to a lesser extent, blacks view residential space. Residential preferences are not simply a reaction to class-based features of a neighborhood; they are shaped by the race of the people who live there. To be sure, a neighborhood's social class matters. Both whites and African-Americans evaluated upper-middle-class and middle-class neighborhoods as much more desirable places than lower- and upper-working-class neighborhoods. But controlling for social class characteristics did not eliminate the influence of racial composition, thus refuting the racial proxy hypothesis. ... We leveraged methodological innovations related to how we asked about and measured racial attitudes and neighborhood preferences to shed substantive light on important questions related to racial residential seg- regation in general and residential preferences in particular. Our findings demonstrate that race shapes perceptions of neighborhood desirability for both whites and blacks—even when neighborhoods are identical on all other dimensions." 538

Horowitz 85

Ethnic Groups in Conflict [Conceptual - Ethnicity, Theory]: "The THESIS that color-group relations are especially conducive to group cohesion and intergroup hostility is ... insupportable in comparative terms [and] historically inadequate." 43 "It is not the attribute that makes the GROUP, but the group and group differences that make the attribute important." 50 "ETHNICITY is based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate. Some notion of ascription, however diluted, and affinity deriving from it are inseparable from the concept of ethnicity. ... ethnicity easily embraces groups differentiated by color, language and religion; it covers 'tribes,' 'races,' 'nationalities,' and castes." 52

Telles & Ortiz 08

Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and Race [Immigration - Assimilation, Empirical - Survey (Mexican Americans)]: EF: Telles & Ortiz, following up from a 1965 survey, investigate the intergenerational integration of the Mexican-origin population in American society to understand the varied paths of incorporation immigrants and their descendants follow and how those paths change their cultural, economic, and political characteristics. Overall, they find indications of partial assimilation, but Mexican Americans continue to lag behind Anglo peers. They argue that a large part of the MA population has been excluded from mainstream opportunities and that these disadvantages tend to get reproduced across generations. They argue that poor educational opportunities in particular have led to the stagnation of progress across generations, indicating that simple straight assimilation theories do not fit the Mexican American experience. Evidence supports the theory that racial stereotyping and discrimination have largely contributed to enduring Mexican-American disadvantage.

Ngai 04

Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America [Immigration - Legality, Empirical - Historical (Legal)]: EF: Ngai charts the historical origins of the "illegal alien" in American law and society and the emergence of illegal immigration as the central problem in US immigration policy, focusing on 1924-1965. She argues that race is entrenched in the creation of the "illegal alien" and that the construction of the illegal alien in the law renders certain racial groups as unassimilable foreign others. Race and alienage are intrinsically linked in boundary making in the US. Immigration quota systems formalized a white/nonwhite divide and created a new class of persons - illegal aliens - as new legal and political subject whose inclusion within the nation was simultaneously a social reality and a legal impossibility. Racial exclusion is embedded both within immigration laws and within subtle discretionary processes of enforcement. Dispels the liberal notion of immigrant incorporation and establishes the designation of Asians and Mexicans as perpetual racial others.

Bourgois 96

In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio [Community - Urban Poverty, Crime, Empirical - Ethnography]: "The anguish of growing up poor in the richest city in the world is compounded by the cultural assault that El Barrio youths often face when they venture out of their neighborhood. This has spawned what I call 'INNER-CITY STREET CULTURE': a complex and conflictual web of beliefs, symbols, modes of interaction, values, and ideologies that have emerged in opposition to exclusion from mainstream society. Street culture offers an alternative forum for autonomous personal dignity." 8 "I HAVE DOCUMENTED a range of strategies that the urban poor devise to escape or circumvent the structures of segregation and marginalization that entrap them, including those strategies that result in self-inflicted suffering. I have written this in the hope that 'anthropological writing can be a site of resistance,' and with the conviction that social scientists should, and can, 'face power.'" 18

Jiménez 08

Mexican-Immigrant Replenishment and the Continuing Significance of Ethnicity and Race [Immigration - Racial Boundaries & Assimilation, Empirical - Interviews (later gen Mexican Americans)]: INTRO: "This study shows that immigrant replenishment is a significant factor determining ethnic identity formation among later-generation Mexican Americans. It demonstrates that ongoing immigration shapes the extent to which ethnicity is a symbolic, optional, and inconsequential aspect of identity. Interviews with later-generation Mexican Americans and participant observation in Garden City, Kansas, and Santa Maria, California, provide evidence that although Mexican Americans exhibit significant signs of structural assimilation, the influx of Mexican immigrants sharpens the boundaries that circumscribe Mexican Americans and creates boundaries that slice through the Mexican-origin population. The data reveal two types of boundaries that are reinforced by the large presence of immigrants. The first are intergroup boundaries, which animate distinctions between Mexican Americans and non-Mexicans. Mexican Americans confront intergroup boundaries in two ways. First, they experience the indirect effects of nativist sentiment aimed at immigrants. Foreign-born Mexicans are the primary targets of anti-immigrant antipathy, but expressions of this antipathy have the indirect effect of sharpening the boundaries between Mexican Americans and non-Mexicans. Second, Mexican immigrant replenishment refreshes the salience of race in the lives of Mexican Americans. In a context of heavy Mexican immigration, skin color serves as a cue of ancestry, nativity, and, in some cases, legal status. The most apparent way in which the large immigrant population shapes race is that Mexican Americans are sometimes mistaken for foreigners. But even Mexican Americans with lighter skin are marked by non-Mexicans as 'foreign' when the latter use surname as an indicator of ancestry and nativity. Mexican American respondents also confront intragroup boundaries, or social fissures that run through the Mexican-origin population. Intragroup boundaries become evident when respondents face high expectations about group authenticity from Mexican immigrants and young mem- bers of the second generation. Mexican immigrants define 'authentic' Mexican ethnicity, and Mexican Americans are treated as ethnic outsiders when they are unable to live up to the criteria for group membership that coethnics impose. Mexican Americans respond to such boundaries by attempting to avoid them altogether and by challenging those who impose them." 1530 CONCL: "I find that the ability of individuals to experience ethnicity as a symbolic, optional, and inconsequential aspect of identity is in part a function of immigrant replenishment. Although Mex- ican Americans exhibit significant signs of structural assimilation, con- tinuous waves of immigration maintain the rigidity of group boundaries in the lives of later-generation Mexican Americans. The interviews and observations I conducted reveal three significant mechanisms by which immigrant replenishment bolsters these boundaries. First, non-Mexicans' expressions of nativism sharpen intergroup boundaries. ... Second, immigrant replenishment bolsters the salience of race in the lives of respondents. ... Finally, Mexican immigrant replenishment sharpens intragroup boundaries by informing the criteria for 'authentic' expressions of ethnic identity." 1558

Joppke 05

Selecting by Origin: Ethnic Migration in the Liberal State [Immigration - Policy, Theory]: EF: Joppke maps out different forms of ethnic migration in different geo-historical contexts to point to the trend from ethnically-selective to non-ethnic, universalistic immigration policies, within the context of Western States where racial, ethnic, and national origin differences come into conflict with the liberal ideal of equality. He argues that liberal democracies are committed to universalism and meritocracy, but they continue to assert policies that create preference for some immigrants over others. He posits that ethnically-selective immigration is challenging for any liberal state to maintain due to liberal ideals, but diversity in immigration will inevitably make nation-states more diverse and therefore weakens their national bases. Liberal states are thus hampered in selecting immigrants who would reproduce or strengthen the nation. He argues that although immigrant selection was often based on race, country, and ethnicity, today's immigration policies have dramatically narrowed their selection criteria to skills, family ties, and asylum.

Hannerz 69

Soulside: Inquiries into Ghetto Culture and Community [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography]: QUESTION: "What then, besides shared external characteristics which outsiders regard as important, makes the ghetto a community? To start with, its own consciousness of kind which, among blacks as well as among whites, allows for little confusion about who belongs and who has 'outsider' written all over his face. ... So if the outside society has, in its own way, integrated the ghetto with itself politically and economically, then family life, leisure life, and just plain neighborship remain largely separated. These are the spheres in which a community social structure peopled only by ghetto dwellers is built up." 12 CONCLUSION: "In the preceding chapters we have identified a number of features of ghetto life and outlook which we have taken to be characteristic of this community in contrast to mainstream American society. Among the components of this ghetto-specific complex are for instance female household dominance; a ghetto-specific male role of somewhat varying expression including, among other emphases, toughness, sexual activity, and a fair amount of liquor consumption; a relatively conflict-ridden relationship between the sexes; rather intensive participation in informal social life outside the domestic domain; flexible household composition; fear of trouble in the environment; a certain amount of suspiciousness toward other persons' motives; relative closeness to religion; particular food habits; a great interest in the music of the group; and a relatively hostile view of much of white America and its representatives." 177

Farley et al 94

Stereotypes and Segregation: Neighborhoods in the Detroit Area [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment]: JS: Farley et al. explore how neighborhood preferences in Detroit changed between 1976 and 1992 and what led to this change in preferences. They test Massey and Denton's hypothesis about white stereotypes by showing respondents cards with various racial configurations and asked how comfortable they would feel living there, confirming Massey and Denton's theory about the role of racial stereotypes in perpetuating residential segregation (that white prejudices fuels patterns of neighborhood residential segregation). Additionally, the article concludes that stereotypes link white preferences to discriminatory real estate practices—the actions of real estate brokers and bankers reflect the perception about what clients want. Whereas existing explanations of residential segregation separate discriminatory practices in real estate as one mechanism and preferences of blacks and whites as a second, this article links white preferences to discriminatory real estate practices. Black preferences for integrated neighborhoods declined between 1976 and 1992 except among black elite.

Waldinger 96

Still the Promised City? African-Americans and New Immigrants in Postindustrial New York [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, Empirical - Interviews & Observations & Census & Historical (in New York)]: LW: Why do African-Americans fare so poorly in securing unskilled jobs, especially in comparison to new immigrants? Looking specifically at New York and the lack of progress among blacks, the author dismisses arguments that the decline of manufacturing meant of loss of low skilled jobs for new migrants or that globalization has led to a movement of these jobs overseas. Instead, he argues that white flight created openings in low skilled jobs (even as they declined overall), but these jobs were taken by immigrants. Why? First, blacks never had a stronghold in these industries to begin with. Second, blacks have job aspirations similar to whites, not new unskilled immigrants, but opportunities in places like the public sector are limited. Third, ongoing discrimination.

Pager 03

The Mark of a Criminal Record [Inequality - Incarceration & Labor Market, Empirical - Experiment]: INTRO: "This article focuses on the consequences of incarceration for the employment outcomes of black and white men. While previous survey research has demonstrated a strong association between incarceration and employment, there remains little understanding of the mechanisms by which these outcomes are produced. In the present study, I adopt an experimental audit approach to formally test the degree to which a criminal record affects subsequent employment opportunities. By using matched pairs of individuals to apply for real entry-level jobs, it becomes possible to directly measure the extent to which a criminal record—in the absence of other disqualifying characteristics—serves as a barrier to employment among equally qualified applicants. Further, by varying the race of the tester pairs, we can assess the ways in which the effects of race and criminal record interact to produce new forms of labor market inequalities." 937 CONCLUSION: "There is serious disagreement among academics, policy makers, and practitioners over the extent to which contact with the criminal justice system—in itself—leads to harmful consequences for employment. The present study takes a strong stand in this debate by offering direct evidence of the causal relationship between a criminal record and employment outcomes. ... While certainly there are additional ways in which incarceration may affect employment outcomes, this finding provides conclusive evidence that mere contact with the criminal justice system, in the absence of any transformative or selective effects, severely limits subsequent employment opportunities. ... Second, the persistent effect of race on employment opportunities is painfully clear in these results. Blacks are less than half as likely to receive consideration by employers, relative to their white counterparts, and black nonoffenders fall behind even whites with prior felony convictions. ... Finally, in terms of policy implications, this research has troubling conclusions. In our frenzy of locking people up, our 'crime control' policies may in fact exacerbate the very conditions that lead to crime in the first place." 960

Sugrue 96

The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Historical (case study of Detroit)]: PREFACE: "Despite more than half a century of civil rights activism and changing racial attitudes, American cities (particularly the old industrial centers of the Northeast and Midwest) remain deeply divided by race. ... The causes and remedies of persistent metropolitan inequalities continue to vex policymakers and to generate intense debate among scholars, activists, and the general public. These inequalities—and a host of deeply held misunderstandings about their causes—led me to write The Origins of the Urban Crisis. The book explains the transformation of American cities—through a case study of Detroit—as the result of a combination of three forces that occurred simultaneously. ... First was the flight of jobs, particularly the relatively well-paying, secure, and mostly unionized industrial jobs that dominated the postwar urban economy. Second was the persistence of workplace discrimination, despite remarkable legal and political gains accomplished by the struggle for black civil rights. The third was intractable racial segregation in housing, segregation that led to the uneven distribution of power and resources in metropolitan areas, leaving some places behind while others thrived." xvii INTRO: "My analysis of Detroit builds on the insights of those who offer structural explanations of urban inequality. But, both in its focus on a multiplicity of structural forces, and in its location of the origins of the urban crisis in the 1940s and 1950s, my analysis diverges from much of the current literature on the 'underclass.' There are, of course, other approaches to the history of inequality, race, and poverty, such as the study of family structure and family strategies. The emphasis in this book on economic and spatial structures is not meant as an alternative to these approaches, but instead as a context in which they can be best understood. Economic and racial inequality constrain individual and family choices. They set the limits of human agency. Within the bounds of the possible, individuals and families resist, adapt, or succumb. Detroit's postwar urban crisis emerged as the consequence of two of the most important, interrelated, and unresolved problems in American history: that capitalism generates economic inequality and that African Americans have disproportionately borne the impact of that inequality." 5

Morning 09

Toward a Sociology of Racial Conceptualization for the 21st Century [Conceptual - Race, Empirical - Interviews]: ABSTRACT: "This article outlines key empirical, methodological and theoretical considerations for a research agenda on racial conceptualization. ... I describe the variety of race concepts among respondents, illustrate the importance of using multiple measures of conceptualization, and demonstrate the malleability of conceptualization, linking it to demographic context and thereby raising the question of its future evolution in the changing United States of the 21st century." 1167 CONCLUSION: "we cannot assume that individuals hold a single definition of race. Instead, they may carry around a 'tool kit' of race concepts from which to draw depending on their reading of the situation to be deciphered. ... in the United States, 'black biological exceptionalism' is a major guideline to which racial concepts enter into play. More than any other group, blacks ... cue respondents to biological accounts for race differentials. ... Rather than simply treating stereotypes as symptoms of individual prejudice and societal racism, we can think of them as limited conceptual frames, models for explaining how race works in particular contexts." 1186

Snipp 03

Racial Measurement in the American Census: Past Practices and Implications for the Future [Community - Other, Review]: ABSTRACT: "In 1977, the federal Office of Management and Budget (OMB) established an official classification standard for the measurement of race in the American population. In so doing, the OMB authorities created what amounted to a racial cosmology that spread throughout American society, affecting public perceptions about the racial hierarchy of American society. In 1997, the OMB issued a revised version of this classification in which small changes may profoundly affect the way policymakers and the American public think about race. At the very least, these revisions present significant challenges to social scientists who study race and ethnicity. This review begins with a brief historical overview of racial data collected by the federal government. It subsequently examines the circumstances leading up to the 1997 revisions of OMB Directive No. 15 and discusses how these revisions may affect social scientific research on the subject of race and ethnicity." (563) PURPOSE: "This essay reviews the classification system currently in place for describing the racial composition of the United States and attempts to show why the federal government measures race as it does. Furthermore, the social and political implications of these practices, particularily that behind these seemingly straightforward and self-evident categories is a more complex reality that reveals much about American society are also discussed." (564) CONCLUSION: OMB Directive No. 15 ... was responsible for systematizing the racial information collected by the federal government and established a benchmark for ancillary systems around the nation. For the last quarter of the twentieth century, Directive No. 15 established a cosmology that defined the racial composition of the United States. Although Directive No. 15 was profoundly important for public administration, it also was deeply flawed in many respects. Without question, it / was an overly simplistic formulation that failed to capture the complex nuances associated with the racial hierarchy of American society. It also rested on older if not outdated ideas about the immutability of racial boundaries and the singularity of racial identity. Its most glaring failure was that it failed to keep pace with the evolving racial complexity of American society, and after 25 years, it attracted legions of critics. In response to these critics, federal officials have introduced several changes that will become effective in 2003. These include small changes in the classification scheme, and most importantly, an option that will allow individuals to identify with more than one race if they so choose. Most likely, these changes will have the same sort of influence as Directive No. 15 did after it was instituted. ... One implication concerns the future of hypodescent as a guiding principle for public administration. ... an inclusive form of hypodescent has been adopted to resolve the question of who is entitled to the protections afforded by various pieces of civil rights legislation. Thus, civil rights protections are extended to various persons including those of African-American or American-Indian ancestry. The federal embrace of hypodescent was made necessary by the new measures with which individuals can designate themselves as more than one race. However, this legislation does not contain any explicit provisions for persons of mixed racial ancestry. Indeed, multiracial persons have an ambiguous and possibly nonexistent standing with respect to the laws designed to prevent racial discrimination. One reason for this ambiguity is that the laws designed to countenance racial discrimination rest heavily on an implicit presumption that ethnic minorities have phenotypical traits that make them the objects of illegal discrimination. It is doubtful that the authors of the civil rights bills passed in the 1960s ever contemplated a situation where the laws they crafted would be used to protect a Black American who looked like a White American. ... This raises a second, equally vexing problem: namely, how to determine the substance of race in American society. For decades, the number of races present in American society, as reflected in official documents and statistics, could be counted on one hand — a small number of discretely bounded groups. However, in coming years the American public is about to be confronted by a degree of diversity unprecedented in this nation's history. Not only is American society becoming more diverse, but the groups responsible for this diversity are also themselves / becoming more heterogeneous." 583-585

Lichter et al 15

Toward a New Macro-Segregation? Decomposing Segregation within and between Metropolitan Cities and Suburbs [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Surveys]: INTRO: "In this article, we reconsider the spatial scale of segregation, which typically empha- sizes the uneven distribution of racial and ethnic minorities across metropolitan neighborhoods (Massey and Denton 1993). We argue that metropolitan-wide segregation increasingly reflects socio-spatial processes at the community or place level. Segregation is not simply or only a product of neighborhood dynamics or local housing markets. Neighborhoods are embedded in specific places—cities and suburbs—that effectively include or exclude populations of color. Indeed, our study builds directly on recent studies informed by a new 'political economy of place,' a theoretical perspective that recognizes that places of all sizes are political actors that compete with each other for economic development and growth, high-value commer- cial activity, and affluent taxpayers. We argue here for a new macro-segregation, where the locus of racial differentiation within metropolitan areas resides increasingly at higher scales of geography (e.g., place-to-place differences and differences between central cities, suburban areas, and fringe areas) rather than in neighborhood-to-neighborhood differences (i.e., the micro component of segregation). Segregation may be taking on a new form at different spatial scales." 844 "OUR RESULTS support several specific conclusions. First, they confirm the findings of other studies showing declines in metro racial segregation since 1990. Our results also provide empirical evidence of black exceptionalism in U.S. patterns of racial residential segregation, even as the post-1990 period ushered in rapid declines in segregation between blacks and whites. Our analyses reveal familiar patterns of high residential segregation between blacks and whites and comparatively low Asian-white segregation, with Hispanic-white segregation occupying an intermediate position. Some metropolitan areas—like Chicago, Detroit, and Milwaukee—continued to have exceptionally high levels of black-white segregation. ... What is new is that the macro component (macro-H) increased over the same period. These results, especially for blacks, seem to reflect continuing patterns of white depopulation from many large cities, growing place-to-place economic differentiation, and the emergence of a new 'political economy of place' that emphasizes cities and communities rather than neighborhoods as political actors that exclude undesirable populations, including historically disadvantaged minorities (Massey et al. 2009). These results are largely consistent with a place stratification perspective of racial residential segregation. Indeed, the macro component of segregation is most pronounced in the case of black-white segregation, accounting for roughly one-half of metro segregation in the most segregated U.S. metropolitan areas. Macro-segregation is a much less prominent component of Asian-white segregation, which suggests there is much less political resistance to Asians' relocation in specific places (i.e., middle-class or affluent ethnoburbs). ... Our analyses support descriptive evidence of high and growing macro-segregation among blacks in the United States. The empirical evidence further suggests that metro income equality among blacks and whites (unlike patterns among Asians and whites) is of little consequence in eradicating or reducing macro-segregation of blacks from whites. These results highlight the need to examine resettlement patterns that contribute to a new kind of metro segregation that often remains hidden by the current empirical approach that focuses on neighborhood segregation only. Drawing on place stratification models, a place-based, spatially inclusive perspective explicitly acknowledges persistence and change in minority and white resettlement pat- terns within U.S. urban conglomerations." 868

Harris 99

"Property Values Drop When Blacks Move In, Because...": Racial and Socioeconomic Determinants of Neighborhood Desirability [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Survey]: "I address TWO QUESTIONS. Are housing prices lower in neighborhoods with high concentrations of black residents? If so, is this relationship evidence of pure discrimination or can it be explained by considering nonracial neighborhood traits?" 475 "I FIND clear evidence of lower property values in neighborhoods with relatively high proportions of black residents. However, whether it is blacks' race or their socioeconomic status that affects property values depends on whether housing units are rented or owner-occupied. ... The distinction between pure discrimination and racial proxies is important in part because the two explanations have distinct implications for integration policy. If whites avoid blacks because they are black, then stable integration is unlikely; no matter what policy is pursued, whites will still object to living near blacks. Alternatively, if whites avoid blacks because of characteristics associated with being black, then stable integration can be achieved through policies that promote racial integration while minimizing undesirable nonracial characteristics." 461

Wilson 78

The Declining Significance of Race [Relations, Theory]: PREFACE: "It is appropriate to point out in this connection that in a racist society — that is, a society in which the major institutions are regulated by racist ideology — the economic class position of individual / minorities is heavily determined by race. In such a society the life chances of the members of individual minorities are essentially more a function of race than of class. However, as the influence of race on minority class-stratification decreases, then, of course, class takes on greater importance in determining the life chances of minority individuals. The clear and growing class divisions among blacks today constitute a case in point. It is difficult to speak of a uniform black experience when the black population can be meaningfully stratified into groups whose members range from those who are affluent to those who are impoverished. This of course has not always been the case, because the crystallization of a black class structure is fairly recent." (ix-x) "My CENTRAL ARGUMENT is that different systems of production and/or different policies of the state have imposed different constraints on the way in which racial groups interact — constraints that have structured the relations between racial groups and produced dissimilar contexts not only for the manifestation of racial antagonisms but also for racial-group access to rewards and privileges." 22 "The patterns of racial oppression in the past created huge BLACK UNDERCLASS, as the accumulation of disadvantages were passed on from generation to generation, and the technological and economic revoluted of advanced industry combined to insure it became a permanent underclass status. As a result of the decentralization of American business, the movement to the service industry, and the clear manifestation of these changes in the expanding corporate and government sectors, a SEGMENTED LABOR MARKET has developed resulting in vastly different mobility opportunities for different groups in the black population." "THIS STUDY HAS REVEALED that although racial oppression, when viewed from the broad perspective of historical change in American society, was a salient and important feature during the preindustrial and the industrial periods of race relations in the United States, the problems of subordination for certain segments of the black population and the experiences of social advancement for others are more directly associated with economic class in the modern industrial period. In arriving at this conclusion, I have been careful to recognize the manner in which economic and political changes have gradually shaped a black class structure, making it increasingly difficult to speak of a single or uniform black experience. Although a small elite population of free, propertied blacks did in fact exist during the antebellum period, the interaction between race and economic class only assumed real importance for blacks in the late part of the industrial era of race relations: the significance of this relationship has grown as the nation has entered the modern industrial period." 144

Anderson 00

Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Philadelphia)]: EF: Focuses on the social and cultural dynamics of interpersonal violence that undermine the quality of life in Philadelphia. Anderson argues that interpersonal violence is a problem plaguing the poor, inner-city black community and that the inclination to violence is a result of lack of good jobs, public services (e.g. police), racism, and the increase in drug trafficking and use. He frames his study with the typology of "decent" and "street" residents to describe the social and cultural character change that has occurred as a result of shifting economic and structural dynamics in the inner-city. He argues that a "code of the street," has emerged because of the alienation of inner-city blacks from the mainstream economy and a lack of faith in the police and judicial system.

Sampson 13

Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Mixed Methods]: EF: Using an extensive longitudinal research project, Sampson focuses on how people's lives are shaped by neighborhood contexts and argues that individual reactions to neighborhood difference become a social mechanism that shapes behavior and perceptions, ultimately forming the city's social structure. He examines the processes at work in neighborhoods, highlighting collective efficacy (shared expectations about the willingness of local residents to support shared norms) and moving patterns, to show the durable spatial inequality of the city and how residents are "moving in separate worlds" by race. He points to some inadequacies of MTO research to argue that it cannot show neighborhood effects, and argues that we must understand selection into neighborhoods not as a bias but as a neighborhood effect itself, because neighborhood attributes are more predictive of mobility than individual attributes.

Kasinitz et al 08

Inheriting the City: The Children of Immigrants Come of Age [Immigration - Assimilation, Empirical - Interviews (2nd & 1.5gen immigrants in NY)]: EF: Kasinitz et al examine second generation immigrants as young adults in NYC to examine their progress and mobility opportunities, and in so doing critique both the straight-line and segmented assimilation theories. They find optimistic evidence to show that the second generation is faring well on many measures, though they find considerable variation both between and within immigrant groups. Disputing previous theories, they argue that incorporation does not occur linearly or completely, but rather they find that these young people are incorporated into the mainstream at different levels and in different ways. They also find that, unlike Portes and Zhou's argument, the second generation must and does exit the ethnic niche and join the mainstream economy to enable upward mobility. They offer the concept of second generation advantage to explain how the in-betweeness of these young people may offer advantages as they pick and choose from multiple cultural repertoires.

Gonzales 11

Learning to be Illegal: Undocumented Youth and Shifting Legal Contexts in the Transition to Adulthood [Immigration - Legality, Empirical - Interviews (150 1.5-gen young adult Mexican-Americans)]: ABSTRACT: "This article examines the transition to adulthood among 1.5-generation undocumented Latino young adults. For them, the transition to adulthood involves exiting the legally protected status of K to 12 students and entering into adult roles that require legal status as the basis for participation. This collision among contexts makes for a turbulent transition and has profound implications for identity formation, friendship patterns, aspirations and expectations, and social and economic mobility. Undocumented children move from protected to unprotected, from inclusion to exclusion, from de facto legal to illegal. In the process, they must learn to be illegal, a transformation that involves the almost complete retooling of daily routines, survival skills, aspirations, and social patterns. These findings have important implications for studies of the 1.5- and second-generations and the specific and complex ways in which legal status intervenes in their coming of age." 602 "THREE TRANSITION PERIODS——discovery (ages 16 to 18 years), learning to be illegal (ages 18 to 24 years), and coping (ages 25 to 29 years). ... I [include] an earlier period to capture the awakening to newfound legal limitations, which elicits a range of emotional reactions and begins a process of altered life-course pathways and adult transitions. Next, as undocumented youth enter early adulthood, they engage in a parallel process of learning to be illegal. During this period, many find difficulty connecting with previous sources of support to navigate the new restrictions on their lives and to mitigate their newly stigmatized identities. At this stage, undocumented youth are forced to alter earlier plans and reshape their aspirations for the future. Finally, the coping period involves adjusting to lowered aspirations and coming to grips with the possibility that their precarious legal circumstances may never change." 608

Quillian 99

Migration Patterns and the Growth of High-Poverty Neighborhoods, 1970-1990 [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Survey]: PURPOSE: to examine "why the number of high-poverty neighborhoods in American cities has increased since 1970" 1 INTRO: "An increase in the number of extremely poor neighborhoods can be thought of as resulting from a combination of two proximate causes: change in the number of poor persons and change in the tendency for persons of like poverty status to live close to each other. I decompose flows of persons among neighborhood and poverty status categories over time to examine how each of these proximate causes has influenced the number of high-poverty neighborhoods. This procedure sheds light on several ex- planations of the increase in neighborhood poverty. Along the way, I consider evidence relevant to debates about the role of racial segregation in explaining concentrated urban poverty. I argue that studies of the role of racial segregation in forming high-poverty neigh- borhoods have not always clearly separated evidence about change over time from evidence about cross-sectional variation and have not fully con- sidered the dynamics of neighborhood change. Research has found that racial segregation in American cities remains very high, even for high- income black families (Massey and Denton 1993). This has been interpreted as inconsistent with Wilson's claims that middle-class blacks are migrating into white neighborhoods. A central finding of this article is that, when considered as part of a dynamic metro- politan setting, these apparently contradictory findings can be reconciled. Middle-class blacks have been moving into white neighborhoods at rates high enough to increase their numbers there, but declining white popula- tions in neighborhoods with substantial black populations have prevented a large increase in the share of blacks in white nonpoor neighborhoods." 2

Blumer 58

Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position [Conceptual - Race, Theory]: "My THESIS is that race prejudice exists basically in a sense of group position rather than in a set of feelings which members of one racial group have toward the members of another racial group. This different way of viewing race prejudice shifts study and analysis from a preoccupation with feelings as lodged in individuals to a concern with the relationship of racial groups. It also shifts scholarly treatment away from individual lines of experience and focuses interest on the collective process by which a racial group comes to define and redefine another racial group. Such shifts, I believe, will yield a more realistic and penetrating understanding of race prejudice." (3) "There are FOUR basic types of feeling that seem to be always present in race prejudice in the dominant group. They are (1) a feeling of superiority, (2) a feeling that the subordinate race is intrinsically different and alien, (3) a feeling of proprietary claim to certain areas of privilege and advantage, and (4) a fear and suspicion that the subordinate race harbors designs on the prerogatives of the dominant race." (4)

Alba & Nee 03

Remaking the American Mainstream: Assimilation and Contemporary Imagination [Immigration - Assimilation, Theory]: "WE ARGUE that, while both of the alternative models of incorporation—pluralist and segmented—possess their own spheres of validity, neither rules out the possibility that assimilation in the form of entry into the mainstream has a major role to play in the future. Despite the accuracy of some of the criticisms of the canonical formulation of assimilation, we believe that there is still a vital core to the concept, which has not lost its utility for illuminating many of the experiences of contemporary immigrants and the new second generation." 9 "A viable conceptualization [of ASSIMILATION] must recognize that (1) ethnicity is essentially a social boundary, a distinction that individuals make in their everyday lives and that shapes their actions and mental orientations toward others; (2) this distinction is typically embedded in a variety of social and cultural differences between groups that give an ethnic boundary concrete significance (so that members of one group think, 'They are not like us because... '); and (3) assimilation, as a form of ethnic change, may occur through changes taking place in groups on both sides of the boundary. Consequently, we define assimilation as the decline of an ethnic distinction and its corollary cultural and social differences. ...Thus, the mainstream culture, which is highly variegated in any event—by social class and region, among other factors—changes as elements of the cultures of the newer groups are incorporated into it. The composite culture that we identify with the mainstream is made up of multiple interpenetrating layers and allows individuals and sub- populations to forge identities out of its materials to distinguish them- selves from others in the mainstream—as do, for instance, Baptists in Alabama and Jews in New York—in ways that are still recognizably American." 11

Sampson et al 05

Social Anatomy of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Violence [Inequality - Crime, Empirical - Survey]: "The gap between Whites and Blacks in levels of violence has animated a prolonged and controversial debate in public health and the social sciences. Our study reveals that over 60% of this gap is explained by immigration status, marriage, length of residence, verbal/reading ability, impulsivity, and neighborhood context. If we focus on odds ratios rather than raw coefficients, 70% of the gap is explained. Of all factors, neighborhood context was the most important source of the gap reduction and constitutional differences the least important. ... Whatever the ultimate validity of the constitutional difference argument, the main conclusion is that its efficacy as an explainer of race and violence is weak. Our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that Blacks are segregated by neighborhood and thus differentially exposed to key risk and protective factors, an essential ingredient to understanding the Black-White disparity in violence. ... Family social conditions matter as well. Our data show that parents being married, but not family configuration per se, is a salient factor predicting both the lower probability of violence and a significant reduction in the Black-White gap in violence. ... We conclude that the large racial/ethnic disparities in violence found in American cities are not immutable. Indeed, they are largely social in nature and therefore amenable to change." 231

Gans 79

Symbolic Ethnicity: The Future of Ethnic Groups and Cultures in America [Immigration - Assimilation, Theory]: ARGUMENT: "One of the more notable recent changes in America has been the renewed interest in ethnicity, which some observers of the American scene have described as an ethnic revival. This paper argues that there has been no revival, and that acculturation and assimilation continue to take place. Among third and fourth generation 'ethnics' (the grand and great-grand children of Europeans who came to America during the 'new immigration'), a new kind of ethnic involvement may be occurring, which emphasizes concern with identity, with the feeling of being Jewish or Italian, etc. Since ethnic identity needs are neither intense nor frequent in this generation, however, ethnics do not need either ethnic cultures or organizations; instead, they resort to the use of ethnic symbols. As a result, ethnicity may be turning into symbolic ethnicity, an ethnicity of last resort, which could, nevertheless, persist for generations. Identity cannot exist apart from a group, and symbols are themselves a part of culture, but ethnic identity and symbolic ethnicity require very different ethnic cultures and organizations than existed among earlier generations. Moreover, the symbols third generation ethnics use to express their identity are more visible than the ethnic cultures and organizations of the first and second generation ethnics. What appears to be an ethnic revival may therefore only be a more visible form of long-standing phenomena, or of a new stage of acculturation and assimilation. Symbolic ethnicity may also have wider ramifications, however, for David Riesman has suggested that 'being American has some of the same episodic qualities as being ethnic.'" 1 STRAIGHT-LINE: "The dominant sociological approach to ethnicity has long taken the form of ... straight-line theory, in which acculturation and assimilation are viewed as secular trends that culminate in the eventual absorption of the ethnic group into the larger culture and general population. Straight-line theory in turn is based on melting pot theory, for it implies the disappearance of the ethnic groups into a single host society. Even so, it does not accept the values of the melting pot theorists, since its conceptualizers could have, but did not, use terms like cultural and social liberation from immigrant ways of life. In recent years, straight-line theory has been questioned on many grounds." 2

McDaniel et al 11

The Black Gender Gap in Educational Attainment: Historical Trends and Racial Comparisons [Relations - Education, Empirical - Surveys]: "Using census data from 1940 to the present, we show that black women have long held an advantage over black men in college completion, which differs sharply from the changing gap in college completion among white men and women. The difference in the black and white gender gap in college completion arguably is due to black men's lack of access to educational resources and high-status occupations and black women's higher incentives for education. Historically, black men had differential access to educational resources, notably the G.I. Bill, and educated black men were largely barred from many of the high-status male- dominated occupations that were available to white men. Black women had greater incentives to work compared with white women, due to lower incomes of black families, high black male unemployment, and the fact that working was more socially acceptable for black women than white women. Although white women's advantage in college completion is a more recent trend, their advantage over white men is growing more rapidly than black women's advantage over black men. Much of men's disadvantage in college completion is located at the transition to postsecondary education, although white males are also disadvantaged in the trend in college completion, given postsecondary enrollment. Finally, it appears that the rising rates of incarceration have contributed only modestly to the gender gap in college completion for blacks. In light of the sharp increase in incarceration rates for black males, it is remarkable that the female favorable gender gap in college completion among blacks has been relatively small in comparison with the tremendous relative gains made by white females. This fact, however, arises mostly from the tremendous educational advance of white women against relatively stagnant gains for white males. Clearly, black males are the most disadvantaged of the four population groups studied here. Despite the converging trends between blacks and whites, black men still lag behind black women more than white men lag behind white women in terms of odds ratios for completing college. Moreover, the overall black-white gap remains very large and shows no signs of closing in the foreseeable future." 909

Okamoto 03

Toward a Theory of Panethnicity: Explaining Asian American Collective Action [Community - Asian, Empirical - Historical]: CONCLUSION: "Ethnic boundaries are not static but instead have a shifting and layered character that responds to structural factors outside of the group. I have focused here on the expansion of group boundaries based on national origin, which results in the emergence of pan-ethnic identities and collective action. What structural conditions promote the expansion of group boundaries to construct a new, broader solidarity that transcends differences in language, culture, national origin, collective history, and past mutual animosities? What factors give rise to panethnic collective action among Asian Americans? To address these questions, I began with two well-established and competing theories of boundary formation-competition theory and cultural division of labor theory. Competition theory argues that labor market competition between ethnic groups leads to a heightening of ethnic boundaries. The cultural division of labor theory posits that it is not contact and competition, but labor market segregation that encourages higher levels of ethnic solidarity. Given the clear predictions for ethnic solidarity and collective action, I extended these theoretical perspectives in two ways. First, I applied the theories to the phenomenon of panethnicity. Specifically, two alternative labor market processes were hypothesized: (1) Competition between Asians and other ethnic/racial groups should lead various Asian national-origin groups to engage in panethnic collective action, or (2) the occupational segregation of Asians as a group should foster pan-national interests and networks that lead Asian national-origin groups to participate in pan-national collective action. Second, a theoretical extension was needed because the theories did not address processes of / competition and segregation at the larger, panethnic level and at the smaller, national-origin level. In other words, both theories could not account for the increasing complexities associated with intergroup relations in a context where boundaries can expand and contract. Thus, I constructed new predictions about intragroup dynamics, or the dynamics that occur within panethnic group boundaries. Extending competition and cultural division of labor theories, the hypotheses specified that labor market competition between Asian national-origin groups should detract from panethnic collective action, or that the occupational segregation of different national-origin groups from one another should foster ethnic interests and networks, detracting from participation in pan-national collective action. To test these hypotheses, I used event history methods and a new, longitudinal data set from 1970 to 1998 of publicly visible collective action events involving Asian Americans. The results are consistent with the cultural division of labor theory: An increase in the level of Asian occupational segregation increases the rate of pan-Asian collective action. This suggests that occupational segregation generates panethnic group identity via the mechanisms of intergroup interaction, common economic interests, and membership in a community of fate. The results also reveal that when Asian ethnic groups are occupationally segregated from one another into low-status occupations, national-origin or ethnic identities are likely to be heightened because of their propinquity in the workplace, similar economic interests, and being part of community of fate; this has a dampening effect on pan-Asian collective action. In other words, segregation processes occurring within the panethnic group shape pan-Asian collective action. Intragroup competition processes also contribute to decreasing rates of collective action based on a pan-national boundary. The results indicate that labor market competition between Asian ethnic groups diminishes panethnic efforts. However, economic and demographic changes predicted to give rise to intergroup competition — competition between Asians and non-Asians — had no effects on the rate of pan-Asian collective action. ... Another reason why this analysis may not have supported the competition mechanism is because competition theory takes salient ethnic identities for granted; economic processes and demographic changes that occur in any context may not result in collective action. Given the right conditions, specifically when ethnic and racial identities have been made salient, competition mechanisms might be useful. The cultural division of labor theory specifies the conditions that produce ethnic solidarity, and by extension, panethnic solidarity. It may be that when competition is introduced in such a context, collective action will occur. The two theories presented here may in fact be explaining related but distinct processes: The cultural division of labor theory is more relevant to emergent group boundaries because it can explain how and why group boundaries form; competition theory takes these group boundaries as given and emphasizes the conditions that solidify preexisting boundaries. Even though the competition and cultural division of labor theories have competing hypotheses and suggest different causal mechanisms for understanding panethnic collective action, these theories can be viewed not only as interdependent but as part of the same historical process. Labor market segregation and competition should be viewed as outcomes of a larger competitive process that shapes group formation and collective action. Intergroup competition may occur in the wake of a cultural division of labor. When a group dominates an occupational niche, other groups might challenge that monopoly. But competition, broadly construed, also shapes occupational segregation. A cultural division of labor can be generated by a queuing process in which immigrants and ethnic minorities are often at the bottom of the queue and subsequently become concentrated in certain occupations left unfilled by those ahead of them in the queue. This queuing process may be seen as part of a competitive process in which certain groups are pushed into particular occupations to create a buffer for dominant groups, and subordinate groups enter particular occupations to create a buffer for themselves. The dominant group works to maintain its position at the top of the hierarchy, while the other racial and ethnic groups below attempt to stake out secure positions of their own. Thus, when one takes a broader historical view, segregation and competition, as specified by the competition and cultural division of labor theories, are shaped by the same competitive processes. Finally, the analyses exploring the relationship between ethnic and panethnic organizing focused on understanding whether these two distinct ways of organizing compete with or reinforce each other. In general, the results indicate that ethnic and panethnic organizing is mutualistic, not competitive. Ethnic organizations facilitate panethnic activities, but this effect diminishes as the number of pan-Asian organizations increases and begins to manage that activity. Ethnic organizations thus provide a foundation for pan-Asian efforts, and as more pan-Asian organizations form, there is less need for ethnic organizations to facilitate panethnic collective action. Ethnic collective action events initially play a competitive role in relation to panethnic events, but as more pan-Asian events occur, there is less competition between ethnic and pan-ethnic events. ... Ethnic and panethnic organizing are mutual processes in which ethnic organizations are a necessary building block for successful pan-Asian collective action." (833-835) "OVERALL, this research identifies the key structural factors that promote and hinder emergent panethnicity. I find that the same dynamics occur at the larger, panethnic level and at the smaller, national-origin level: A change in overall Asian segregation increases the rate of pan-Asian collective action, while segregation among Asian ethnic groups depresses the level of pan-Asian collective action. At both levels, the same mechanism is at work-segregation processes foster common interests, networks, and identities. In addition, intragroup competition dampens pan-national collective action efforts, while ethnic or national-origin organizing contributes to higher rates of pan- ethnic activity." (835)

Small & Newman 01

Urban Poverty After The Truly Disadvantaged: The Rediscovery of the Family, the Neighborhood, and Culture [Community - Urban Poverty, Review]: "In what follows we critically assess a selection of the works on urban poverty that followed the publication of WJ Wilson's The Truly Disadvantaged (1987), with a particular focus on the family, the neighborhood, and culture. We frame our discussion by assessing the broad explanations of the increased concentration of poverty in urban neighborhoods characteristic of the 1970s and 1980s. Then, in the section on the family, we address the rising out-of-wedlock and disproportionately high teenage birthrates of poor urban women. Next, we critique the literature on neighborhood effects. Finally, in the discussion of culture, we examine critically the new efforts at complementing structural explanations with cultural accounts. We conclude by calling for more comparative, cross-regional, and historical studies, broader conceptions of urban poverty, and a greater focus on Latinos and other ethnic groups." 23

Drake & Cayton 45

Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City [Community - Black Communities, Empirical - Ethnography, Historical]: PURPOSE: "To understand Black Metropolis, its origin, genesis, and probably destiny" 13 MAIN IDEA(S): "Black Metropolis is the second largest Negro city in the world, only New York's Harlem exceeding it in size. It is a city within a city ... in the heart of Midwest Metropolis [Chicago]. ... Midwest Metropolis seems uneasy about this Negro city growing up in its midst. ... The basis for this apprehension will be revealed in these pages. Black Metropolis—how it came to be; why it persists; how its people live; what Midwest Metropolis thinks of it; what its people think of themselves and of Midwest Metropolis; whether it, too, will eventually disappear—these constitute the theme of this book." 12

Brubaker 09

Ethnicity, Race, and Nationalism [Conceptual - All, Review]: ABSTRACT: "This article traces the contours of a comparative, global, cross-disciplinary, and paradigmatic field that construes ethnicity, race, and nationhood as a single integrated family of forms of cultural understanding, social organization, and political contestation. It then reviews a set of diverse yet related efforts to study the way ethnicity, race, and nation work in social, cultural, and political life without treating ethnic groups, races, or nations as substantial etnities, or even taking such groups as units of analysis at all." 21

Duncan 68

Inheritance of Poverty or Inheritance of Race [Inequality - Poverty, Empirical - Survey]: "I SHALL ARGUE in particular, that Negroes (that is, disproportionate numbers of them) are poor mainly because they are 'Negroes' and are defined and treated as such by our society and that their poverty stems largely not from the legacy of poverty but from the legacy of race." 87 "The Negro handicap, therefore, as suggested elsewhere, is a DOUBLE HANDICAP: First, the Negro begins the life cycle (typically) with characteristics that would be a disadvantage to anyone, white or Negro—specifically, in the present model, low levels of parental socioeconomic status. Second, achievements at subsequent stages of the life cycle, already lowered by the initial handicap, are further reduced when favorable circumstances (to the extent that they exist) cannot be capitalized on as readily." 96 "WE HAVE SEEN that the effect of family background per se, while substantial, is not large enough to explain the greater part of the Negro-white gap in income, occupational status, or educational attainment." 102

Western 02

The Impact of Incarceration on Wage Mobility and Inequality [Inequality - Incarceration & Income, Empirical - Survey]: ABSTRACT: "A life course perspective on crime indicates that incarceration can disrupt key life transitions. Life course analysis of occupations finds that earnings mobility depends on stable employment in career jobs. These two lines of research thus suggest that incarceration reduces ex-inmates' access to the steady jobs that usually produce earnings growth among young men. Consistent with this argument, evidence for slow wage growth among ex-inmates is provided by analysis of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. Because incarceration is so prevalent—one-quarter of black non-college males in the survey were interviewed between 1979 and 1998 while in prison or jail—the effect of imprisonment on individual wages also increases aggregate race and ethnic wage inequality." 526 INTRODUCTION: "I examine the effect of incarceration on wages in the context of growing inequality in the U.S. labor market. My analysis departs from earlier research by treating incarceration as a key life event that triggers a cumulative spiral of disadvantage. In this approach, incarceration reduces not just the level of wages but also the rate of wage growth over the life course. The life path of ex-inmates diverges from the usual employment trajectory in which earnings mobility for young men is generated by steady jobs with regular career ladders. ... If incarceration slows wage growth at the individual level, the prison boom may have increased wage inequality in the aggregate. Was the growth in wage inequality in the 1980s and 1990s due to the poor labor market performance of low-skill and minority ex-convicts? ... Pervasive incarceration among low-skill minority men may increase wage inequality within and across racial and ethnic groups. I investigate this question by calculating the effects of incarceration on wage inequality using estimates of the impact of incarceration on individual earnings." 527

Stainback & Tomaskovic-Devey 12

Documenting Desegregation: Racial and Gender Segregation in Private Sector Employment Since the Civil Rights Act [Inequality - Labor Market, Empirical - Historical]: "It is this extension of rights to equal opportunity in employment, freedom from discrimination in employment, and the erosion of race and gender employment segregation as a legitimate and expected practice that is at the HEART OF THIS BOOK. The passage of the Civil Rights Act is without question one of the most monumental achievements in the history of the United States, perhaps even the world. The act made clear for the first time at a national level that the use of racial and gender status distinctions in employment was illegiti- mate and illegal. The passage of a law, however, does not automatically produce societal change. How did employers respond to this legal challenge? How much progress has the United States made as a nation since the Civil Rights Act of 1964? Which groups benefited, and who lagged behind? These are the questions we grapple with throughout the book." xxi "WHAT WE DISCOVER in this book is that desegregation trajectories away from the near-total white male privilege observed prior to the 1964 Civil Rights Act have been responsive primarily to pressures for change from the environment and from internal constituencies. When these pressures are absent, so is progress. We document the important environmental pressures that came from the civil rights movement and federal legislation in the 1960s and from the women's movement, judicial rulings, and fed- eral regulation in the 1980s. After 1980, the pace of change slowed consid- erably as racial employment inequality faded from the political discourse and gender-based politics slowly withered." xxiv

Kao & Thompson 03

Racial and Ethnic Stratification in Educational Achievement and Attainment [Inequality - Education, Review]: ABSTRACT: "We provide an overview of recent empirical research on racial, ethnic, and immigrant differences in educational achievement and attainment, and we examine some current theories that attempt to explain these differences. We explore group differences in grades, test scores, course taking, and tracking, especially throughout secondary schooling, and then discuss variation in high school completion, transitions to college, and college completion. We also summarize key theoretical explanations used to explain persistent differences net of variation in socioeconomic status, which focus on family and cultural beliefs that stem from minority group and class experiences. Overall, there are many signs of optimism. Racial and ethnic gaps in educational achievement and attainment have narrowed over the past three decades by every measure available to social scientists. Educational aspirations are universally high for all racial and ethnic groups as most adolescents expect to go to college. However, substantial gaps remain, especially between less advantaged groups such as African Americans, I-Jispanics, and Native Americans and more advantaged groups such as whites and Asian Americans. The racial and ethnic hierarchy in educational achievement is apparent across varying measures of the academic experience." 417 "Although the debates are complex, most contemporary THEORIES about why ethnic groups differ in their educational achievement fall into two general categories. The first is about how cultural orientations of certain ethnic groups promote/discourage academic achievement, and the second is about how the structural position of ethnic groups affects the children's (parent, peer, and school) environments." 419 CONCLUSION: "Overall, there are many signs of optimism. Racial and ethnic gaps in educational achievement and attainment have narrowed over the past 3 decades by every measure available to social scientists. Educational aspirations are universally high for all racial andethnic groups as most adolescents expect to go to college. However, substantial gaps remain, especially between less-advantaged groups such as African Americans, EIispanics, and Native Americans and more advantaged groups such as whites and Asian Americans. The racial and ethnic hierarchy in educational achievement is apparent across varying measures of the academic experience." 435

Bonacich 72

A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market [Relations, Theory]: ABSTRACT: "An important source of antagonism between ethnic groups is hypothesized to be a split labor market, i.e. one in which there is a large differential in price of labor for the same occupation. The price of labor is not a response to the race or ethnicity of those entering the labor market. A price differential results from differences in resources and motives which are often correlates of ethnicity. A split labor market produces a three-way conflict between business and the two labor groups, with business seeking to displace higher paid by cheaper labor. Ethnic antagonism can take two forms: exclusion movements and 'caste' systems. Both are seen as victories for higher paid labor since they prevent undercutting." (547) "The CENTRAL HYPOTHESIS is that ethnic antagonism first germinates in a labor market split along ethnic lines. To be split, a labor market must contain at least two groups of workers whose price of labor differs for the same work, or would differ if they did the same work. The concept 'price of labor' refers to labor's total cost to the employer, including not only wages, but the cost of recruitment, transportation, room and board, education, health care (if the employer must bear these), and the costs of labor unrest. The degree of worker 'freedom' does not interfere with this calculus; the cost of a slave can be estimated in the same monetary units as that of a wage earner, from his purchase price, living expenses, policing requirements, and so on."

Pager & Pedulla 15

Race, Self-Selection, and the Job Search Process [Inequality - Labor Market, Empirical - Survey]: "While existing research has documented persistent barriers facing African-American job seekers, far less research has questioned how job seekers respond to this reality. Do minorities self-select into particular segments of the labor market to avoid discrimination? ... we find little evidence that blacks target or avoid particular job types. Rather, blacks cast a wider net in their search than similarly situated whites, including a greater range of occupational categories and characteristics in their pool of job appli- cations. Additionally, we show that perceptions of discrimination are associated with increased search breadth, suggesting that broad search among African-Americans represents an adaptation to labor market discrimination. Together these findings provide novel evidence on the role of race and self-selection in the job search process" 1005

Sampson et al 02

Assessing Neighborhood Effects: Social Processes and New Directions in Research [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Review]: "This paper assesses and synthesizes the cumulative results of a new 'neighborhood-effects' literature that examines social processes related to problem behaviors and health-related outcomes. Our review identified over 40 relevant studies published in peer-reviewed journals from the mid-1990s to 2001, the take-off point for an increasing level of interest in neighborhood effects. Moving beyond traditional characteristics such as concentrated poverty, we evaluate the salience of social-interactional and institutional mechanisms hypothesized to account for neighborhood-level variations in a variety of phenomena (e.g., delinquency, violence, depression, high-risk behavior), especially among adolescents. We highlight neighborhood ties, social control, mutual trust, institutional resources, disorder, and routine activity patterns. We also discuss a set of thorny methodological problems that plague the study of neighborhood effects, with special attention to selection bias. We conclude with promising strategies and directions for future research, including experimental designs, taking spatial and temporal dynamics seriously, systematic observational approaches, and benchmark data on neighborhood social processes." 443

Light et al 94

Beyond the Ethnic Enclave Economy [Immigration - Other, Empirical - ]: "Widely treated as interchangeable, the ethnic economy and the ethnic enclave economy are actually different concepts with different problematics. First, deriving from dual labor market literature, the concept of ethnic enclave economy overlooks the numerical prepon- derance of the self-employed. This oversight led to a strenuous debate about relative wages. However, because the self-employed are more numerous than their co-ethnic employees, what matters most is the relative earnings of the self-employed, not of their employees. Second, the literature of the ethnic enclave economy neglects the ethnic economy's contribution to group employment. In view of their frequent unemployment and even unemployability in the general labor market, that low-paid ethnic economy workers and entrepreneurs have any kind of an income is due to the ethnic economy. Even if they earn less than they would when employed at high wages in the general labor market, which is not invariably the case, ethnic economy workers and entrepreneurs earn more than they would if unemployed, their more realistic option. Third, the concept of ethnic enclave economy requires a territorially-clustered business core. This restriction touched off debate about whether enclave membership should be de- fined by place of residence or place of work. The clustering debate overlooks the numerous ethnic firms that locate outside a core. Moreover, the restriction of clustering in a core is often unnecessary because many ethnic economies lack such a core. The huge and obtrusive Iranian ethnic economy of Los Angeles exemplifies this unclustered condition. The Iranian example demonstrates that the ethnic economy is the more universal of the two concepts, and that the ethnic enclave economy is a special case within it. It is not possible for an ethnic enclave economy to exist without an ethnic economy. But ethnic enclave economies are not so rare that they can safely be ignored. On the contrary, as Portes has insisted, they occur and have occurred frequently and in important cases.9 Argua- bly, the progress of research on the relationship between ethnicity and the economy in the future will depend on elaborating special cases that illuminate issues that the universal con- cept of the ethnic economy leaves in darkness." 77

Mora 14

Cross-Field Effects and Ethnic Classification: The Institutionalization of Hispanic Panethnicity, 1965 to 1990 [Community - Latin, Empirical - Historical, Interviews]: "Drawing on archival and interview data, I reconstruct the Hispanic case in this article, providing a meso-level, organizational analysis that addresses unanswered issues in the classification literature. I show that categories such as "Hispanic" emerge from a two-stage process. First, state officials respond to political pressure by negotiating a new classification with ethnic leaders. Second, census officials and ethnic leaders work together to popularize and legitimate the new category. These two steps are undergirded by a series of 'cross-field effects' that occur when census negotiations and changes within the Bureau generate resources that impel ethnic leaders to advance the new category in other fields. In turn, ethnic leaders' efforts help legitimate the Bureau's classification efforts. The result is a set of dynamic, co-constitutive effects wherein the move toward developing a classification in the state arena sparks and accelerates the institutionalization of that category in the civic and market arenas, and vice versa. ... The cross-field effects that emerge in classification processes are not spontaneously generated. Rather, they are anchored by specific organizational mechanisms. I argue that cross-field effects develop as census officials and ethnic leaders form boundary-spanning networks, transpose definitional frames and data across organizational fields, and learn to use ambiguity and analogy as narrative tools to describe and legitimate the new category. These practices enable state officials and ethnic leaders to overcome their initial conflicts and embark on cooperative projects." 184

Emerson et al 01

Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment]: QUESTIONS: "Are white Americans avoiding racially mixed neighborhoods because they do not want to live with nonwhites? And if so, is this the case independent offactors with which race is associated, such as crime levels or housing values?" 922 CONCLUSION: "Does race have an independent influence in racial residential segregation? Our analysis enables us to address this question independent of proxy variables, although in doing this we assessed only hypothetical preferences. We found clear patterns. Asian or Hispanic neighborhood composition exerts no independent influence on whites' assessed likelihood of buying a home. Black neigh- borhood composition, however, matters sig- nificantly, even after controlling for proxy variables. This finding contradicts some re- cent work on segregation. ... Our findings suggest a low probability of whites moving to neighbor- hoods with anything but a token black population, even after controlling for the reasons they typically give for avoiding residing with African Americans. ... Thus, as whites with a lower preference for blacks move out of nonhomogeneous neighborhoods, these neighborhoods soon attract more blacks than is preferred by most whites-triggering white flight and white avoidance. ... Our research suggests that whites' tendency to avoid areas with nontoken percentages Asian or Hispanic is not due to race per se. For African Americans, whites avoid living in neighborhoods with nontoken black populations because of the associations they make between the presence of blacks and high crime, low housing values, and low quality education. But if these factors were not the case in actuality or in whites' per- ceptions, whites would continue to be negatively influenced by black neighborhood composition. ... Importantly, this pattern is especially pronounced among families with children under 18. This suggests that insofar as white parents are able to realize their preferences, black children and white children will continue to be segregated from one another." 931

Massey & Denton 93

American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass [Community - Urban Poverty, Residential Segregation, Empirical - Survey]: "We join earlier scholars in rejecting the view that poor urban blacks have an autonomous 'CULTURE OF POVERTY' that explains their failure to achieve socioeconomic success in American society. We argue instead that residential segregation has been instrumental in creating a structural niche within which a deleterious set of attitudes and behaviors—a culture of segregation—has arisen and flourished. Segregation created the structural conditions for the emergence of an oppositional culture that devalues work, schooling, and marriage and that stresses attitudes and behaviors that are antithetical and often hostile to success n the larger economy." 7 "Our FUNDAMENTAL ARGUMENT is that racial segregation—and its characteristic institutional form, the black ghetto—are the key structural factors responsible for the perpetuation of black poverty in the United States. Residential segregation is the principal organizational feature of American society that is responsible for the creation of the urban underclass." 9 "In CHAPTER 3 we show that high levels of black-white segregation had become universal in American cities by 1970, and despite the passage of the Fair Housing act in 1968, this situation had not changed much in the nation's largest black communities by 1980. ... CHAPTER 4 examines why black segregation continues to be so extreme. One possibility we rule out is that high levels of racial segregation reflect socioeconomic differences between blacks and whites ... because blacks are equally highly segregated at all levels of income." 10

Venkatesh 00

American Project: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Chicago public housing)]: "In the pages that follow, I root the perspective on American public housing in the ongoing work of tenants in the Robert Taylor Homes to create a community. As much as I seek to explicate the novelty of the issues that the residents face, I am especially mindful of the processes through which problems are addressed, and how this collective activity to produce an ordered environment has changed over time. While those at the heart of the struggle will certainly be tenants and local organizations based in Robert Taylor, I also explore the activities of a diverse array of individuals, groups, and institutions that routinely come into contact with the populace. The guiding premise is that a more thorough understanding of the fabric of 'project living' is necessary in order to evaluate the viability of the high-rise public housing development, and that this is best woven from the threads of hardship as well as victory, distinctiveness and commonality, inclusion as well as exclusion." 10

Gordon 64

Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins [Immigration - Assimilation, Empirical - Interviews (officials of intergroup relations and intragroup communal life orgs)]: PURPOSE: "In these interviews my principal objective was to find out how much thought and consideration had been given by these agencies to problems of social structure, theories and models of 'assimilation,' 'integration,' and 'group life,' of whatever nature, and long-range goals of social structure in the United States." 10 FOCUS: "This book is concerned, ultimately, with problems of prejudice and discrimination arising out of differences in race, religion, and national background among the various groups which make up the American people." 3 CULTURAL PLURALISM: "While the viewpoint of 'cultural pluralism,' in some form or other, is dominant among intergroup relations agencies at the present time, it should not be thought that these agencies have given careful consideration to the meaning of this conception and its implications, particularly for the various facets of social structure and institutional life in the United States. As I have pointed out above, for the most part quite the contrary is the case. There is a distinct tendency to confine consideration of cultural pluralism to the issue of cultural differences in behavior and to slight or ignore pertinent issues of social structure and their relationship to communal group life." 16

FitzGerald & Cook-Martín 14

Culling the Masses: The Democratic Origins of Racist Immigration Policy in the Americas [Immigration - Policy, Empirical - Historical (Western immigration laws)]: INTRO: "Why have governments throughout the Americas turned against selecting immigrants by race and national origins? Why did that process take longer to unfold in the most liberal-democratic countries? Against the prevailing wisdom, we argue that the anti- racist turn was not a product of liberal ideology or democracy. Liberalism and the institutions of democracy actually promoted racist immigration policies in nineteenth-century North America, as did populist politics in Latin America in the early 1930s. The demise of racist immigration law began in Latin America in the late 1930s, spread to North America in the 1960s, and had become the norm throughout most major liberal-democratic countries of immigration by the 1980s. By analyzing the interaction between domestic and international politics in countries of immigration throughout the Western Hemisphere, we unexpectedly find that geopolitical factors were the main drivers of the demise of racial selection, as externally oriented elites overcame the public's racist preferences." 2 MODEL: "We build on the work of comparativist scholars who are wrestling with how to explain major shifts in law and policy by offering a three-dimensional analytical model attending to the interactions between the national and the international levels over long periods of time. ... A three-dimensional analytical model analyzes the vertical dimension of policymaking, composed of political struggles within a country, as it interacts with the horizontal dimension, composed of struggles between and across countries, over an extended temporal dimension." 8

Kim 11

Establishing Identity: Documents, Performance, and Biometric Information in Immigration Proceedings [Immigration - Legality, Empirical - Interviews (80 Korean Chinese migrants) & Historical (govt, news, legal) & Ethnography (ob in community ctr, immigration offices, public hearings, social gatherings)]: "This article has explored the development of and disputes over family-based immigration in South Korea over the last two decades. It has shown how bureaucrats and migrants use various types of 'identity tags' (e.g., official documents, situated performance, and biometric information) to evaluate or establish the authenticity of claimed family relations, and to promote or reject particular understandings of personhood, belonging, and entitlement. I have also described two ways in which migrants undermine the efficiency and legitimacy of the state's dominant identification practices, which rely primarily on official documents. First, they challenge the 'artificiality' of such official documents. What I call the primordialist defense of instrumentalism is a case in point. Some migrants defend their involvement in 'identity fraud' by contrasting their intuitive sense of entitlement with the 'artificial' documentation practices of the state. In so doing, they often rely on biometric information to buttress their own claim to authenticity. Sham marriage schemes pose a different kind of challenge to the state's symbolic power. Instead of claiming authenticity as opposed to the state's artificiality, some migrants mimic the state's documentation practices and create their own artificial identities, their own 'papereality.' In response to the second type of challenge, immigration bureaucrats turn to another type of 'identity tag,' trying to evaluate the congruence between reality and papereality. Examining the person's performance of the alleged identity, however, is not free from its own ambiguities and uncertainties. Frontline officers thus frequently use wide discretion in adjudicating individual cases in ways that sometimes deviate from the protocols. They also make frequent changes to the verification procedure itself, while combining the three identity tags in different ways, in order to make the procedure workable and defendable in the face of various challenges posed by migrants. In this sense, 'identity fraud' is an exemplary 'weapon of the weak,' in James Scott's term (1985). By engaging in 'identity fraud,' migrants sabotage and ultimately reshape the state's agenda without directly confronting the state. This case underscores why we should be attentive to the many forms of migrant agency in the politics of immigration. Migrants shape immigration policies not only through highly visible forms of political action, but also through more subtle forms of micropolitical struggles in the bureaucratic arena, including their engagement in various 'illegal' schemes." 780

Weber 18

Ethnic Groups [Conceptual - Ethnicity, Theory]: RACE IDENTITY: "common inherited and inheritable traits that actually derive from common descent" 385 ETHNIC GROUPS: "those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and migration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group formation; conversely, it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists" 389 "The belief in common descent, in combination with a similarity of customs, is likely to promote the SPREAD of the activities of one part of an ethnic group among the rest, since the awareness of ethnic identity furthers imitation." 392 "the concept [of nation] seems to refer—if it refers at all to a uniform phenomenon—to a specific kind of pathos which is linked to the idea of a powerful political community of people who share a common language, or religion, or common customs, or political memories; such a state may already exist or it may be desired. The more power is emphasized, the closer appears to be the link between nation and state." 398

Hochschild 95

Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation [Relations, Empirical - Surveys, Memoirs, Essays, Ethnographies]: PURPOSE: "to use each subject [— the American dream, race in America, and class differences within races —] to illuminate the others. Whether African Americans achieve their versions ofo the dream, and the effort they undergo to do so, tells us much about America's deepest and most bitter social divide. Conversely, the degree to which African Americans embrace, reject, redefine, or ignore the American dream tells us much about the meaning and value of the ideology for all Americans. How poor and rich blacks, as well as poor and rich whites, vary in their views of the American dream tells us much about how immobile the racial divide in America really is. The ideology provides a context for understanding the relationship among the races and between race and class, and those relationships in turn largely determine the meaning of the ideology." 4 The AMERICAN DREAM "is both capable of inspiring great acts and responsible for creating deep despair, and the first chapter begins my analysis of those effects." 4 "'WHAT'S ALL THE FUSS ABOUT?' ... refers to the fact that as blacks have become more discouraged about whether the American dream applies to their race, whites have become considerably more convinced of the inclusion of blacks in the dream." 4 SUCCEEDING MORE AND ENJOYING IT LESS: "as the objective circumstances of the best-off third of blacks have improved dramatically over the past thirty years, their belief in the American dream has declined sharply." 5 "EXPLANATIONS for succeeding more and enjoying it less include the propensity to make excuses, frustrations attendant on racial and gendered barriers to success, a sense of collective responsibility and despair, and ideological alternatives to the American dream. I conclude that how one measures success in achieving the American dream is the key to unraveling the paradox." 5 UNDER THE SPELL OF THE GREAT NATIONAL SUGGESTION: "As the objective circumstances of the worst-off third of blacks have remained dismal or worsened, their belief in the American dream has not declined very much." 5

Klinenberg 02

Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago [Community - Other, Empirical - Interviews]: JS: Heatwave is an examination of how communities & political agencies contributed to the vulnerability & security of Chicago residents, showing that heatwave was an environmentally stimulated but socially organized catastrophe. Borrowing from the Chicago school of study, with an emphasis on physical and social space, community & public life, ethnoracial differentiation, assessment of the city as a social system, Klinenberg focuses on city as a social system of integrated institutions that touch and interpenetrate in different ways. He starts by describing the symbolic construction of the heat wave as a public event and experience. Journalistic, scientific, and political institutions benefit from symbolic power to create & impose legitimate frames of natural disaster or heat-related death. Heat wave was a cultural event as much as a public health crisis. examining ways in which features of catastrophe were brought to light or concealed helps to make visible the systems of symbolic production that structured the public understandings of the disaster. Conditions that proved most consequential in the heat wave were the literal social isolation of poor senior citizens, especially in the city's most violent areas, degradation in urban hotel residences, changes in social service delivery, and decline of neighborhoods abandoned by businesses, governments, and residents. His finds show that Variations in black (highest proportional deaths) and Latinx (lowest proportional deaths) death rates can be explained by social ecology of Chicago's neighborhoods and capacity of communities to buffer dangers imposed by the heat.

Moore 11

Invisible Families: Gay Identities, Relationships, and Motherhood among Black Women [Inequality - Other, Empirical - Interview]: Majority of research on lesbian families focuses on white, middle-class women and is generalized to all families of color. Moore's central argument is that race, as a social structure, and as it intersects with gender, class, and sexuality, shapes the way black women "come into" gay life, formulate their gender presentations, enter into intimate relationships, interact with extended family and community members, maintain respectability, and ultimately make decisions about how to form their families. Moore illustrates the importance of social context in how black women choose both their public and private presentation of self. Based on intersectionality theory, Moore articulates the different race (American born or Caribbean born) and economic contexts that influence how women understand and embrace their sexuality and how they choose to present their gender identity. Finds that respectability is particularly important to middle-class and West Indian and Caribbean women who fear disgracing their families and communities. Moore critiques previous studies for using narrow definitions of "lesbian mother" that exclude from studies lesbians who have become mothers through previous heterosexual relationships and partners who already have children. By using a broader definition, Moore is able to examine how mothers become lesbians and how lesbians become mothers. The theme of maintaining respectability within the Black community while simultaneously expressing sexual freedom and autonomy recurs throughout Invisible Families

Menjívar 06

Liminal Legality: Salvadoran and Guatemalan Immigrants' Lives in the United States [Immigration - Legality, Empirical - Ethnography (Salvadoran & Guatemalan immigrants in SF, LA, DC & Phnx)]: ABSTRACT: "This article examines the effects of an uncertain legal status on the lives of immigrants, situating their experiences within frameworks of citizenship/belonging and segmented assimilation, and using Victor Turner's concept of liminality and Susan Coutin's 'legal nonexistence.' It questions black-and-white conceptualizations of documented and undocumented immigration by exposing the gray area of 'liminal legality' and examines how this in-between status affects the individual's social networks and family, the place of the church in immigrants' lives, and the broader domain of artistic expression. ... The article lends support to arguments about the continued centrality of the nation-state in the lives of immigrants." 999 LIMINAL LEGALITY: "Thus, I would like to use the term 'liminal legality' to express the temporariness of this condition, which for many Central Americans has extended indefinitely and has come to define their legal position. This 'liminal legality' is characterized by its ambiguity, as it is neither an undocumented status nor a documented one, but may have the charac- teristics of both. Importantly, a situation of 'liminal legality' is neither unidirectional nor a linear process, or even a phase from undocumented to documented status, for those who find themselves in it can return to an undocumented status when their temporary statuses end. When Central Americans are granted temporary legality, they are conferred the right to work and reside in the United States without access to social services. In some cases they are later given the opportunity to renew their permits. However, when the renewed permits expire, these immigrants slip back into the realm of nonlegality." 1008

Harding 10

Living the Drama: Community, Conflict, and Culture Among Inner-City Boys [Community - Urban Poverty & Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Interviews]: "The GOAL is to understand how their daily experiences and cultural perspectives differ across neighborhood context and to thereby uncover some of the processes by which neighborhoods affect adolescent boys [and] to answer a much broader question: what is it about poor neighborhoods that matters for the individual adolescents who grow up in them?" ix "This book argues that TWO FEATURES of poor neighborhoods are critical mechanisms underlying neighborhood effects on adolescent boys: neighborhood violence and cultural heterogeneity. These characteristics both distinguish poor neighborhoods from other neighborhoods and have pronounced effects on the decision making and behavior of adolescent boys." 3 "The TITLE of this book, Living the Drama, derives from the way residents of Boston's poor neighborhoods often talk about violence, particularly those episodes of violence and confrontation that result from long-standing neighborhood rivalries. When groups of boys from rival neighborhoods begin feuding, residents say these boys "have drama." At stake, at least for the boys who are involved, is respect, status, and protection of their home turf. For other neighborhood residents, these feuds "bring drama," includ- ing the potential for violent victimization. This kind of confl ict, coupled with other forms of violence and crime that are endemic to many high- poverty areas, has subtle but detrimental consequences for everyone in the affl icted neighborhoods. Moreover, it is especially damaging for young people because of the way it infl uences schooling and fertility. ... Here 'drama' also has a second meaning, as it evokes my arguments about neighborhood cultural context. [This work] proposes an alternative framework for understanding the cultural context of poor neighborhoods: cultural heterogeneity. I posit that competing and conflicting cultural models—some that are mainstream or middle-class, and others that are locally developed alternatives—characterize the social life of poor neighborhoods. In the chapters that follow, I document some of the dimensions along which poor neighborhoods are culturally heterogeneous. I look especially at the confl ict and contestation that surround sexual behavior, romantic relationships, work, and schooling. Adolescents growing up in poor neighborhoods must contend with a cultural environment in which there is an abundance of drama." 19

Bruch & Mare 06

Neighborhood Choice and Neighborhood Change [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey]: "Our main GOALS here are to elucidate the conditions under which the race-ethnic preferences of individuals can produce high levels of segregation and to use survey data to determine whether these conditions are met." 670 ABSTRACT: "This article examines the relationships between the residential choices of individuals and aggregate segregation patterns. [We] show that high levels of segregation occur only when individuals' preferences follow a threshold function. If individuals make finer-grained distinctions among neighborhoods that vary in racial composition, preferences alone do not lead to segregation. Vignette data indicate that individuals respond in a continuous way to variations in the racial makeup of neighborhoods rather than to a threshold. Race preferences alone may be insufficient to account for the high levels of segregation observed in American cities." 667

Morenoff 03

Neighborhood Mechanisms and the Spatial Dynamics of Birth Weight [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey]: "This study addresses two questions about why neighborhood contexts matter for individuals via a multilevel, spatial analysis of birth weight for 101,662 live births within 342 Chicago neighborhoods. First, what are the mechanisms through which neighborhood structural composition is related to health? The results show that mech- anisms related to stress and adaptation (violent crime, reciprocal exchange and participation in local voluntary associations) are the most robust neighborhood-level predictors of birth weight. Second, are contextual influences on health limited to the immediate neigh- borhood or do they extend to a wider geographic context? The results show that contextual effects on birth weight extend to the social environment beyond the immediate neighborhood, even after adjusting for potentially confounding covariates. These findings suggest that the theoretical understanding and empirical estimation of 'neighborhood effects' on health are bolstered by collecting data on more causally proximate social processes and by taking into account spatial interdependencies among neighborhoods." 976

Marrow 11

New Destination Dreaming: Immigration, Race, and Legal Status in the Rural American South [Immigration - Racial Boundaries, Empirical - Ethnography (Hispanic newcomers & non-Hispanic natives in two counties in North Carolina)]: "THE MAJOR ARGUMENT of this book is that moving the focus of American immigrant incorporation research into the rural American South alters how we must think about three main things: assimilation, race relations, and political and institutional responsiveness to immigrants. In so doing, it reveals a more positive experience than we might have expected to find, given the rural South's reputation as the most economically depressed and racially intolerant region of the country." 13 CHAPTERS 4 AND 5: "In the mid-2000s, Hispanic newcomers in the rural South acutely felt this exclusion, and importantly they felt it more strongly from blacks than whites. In Chapters 4 and 5, I identify several key structural factors that were making black-Hispanic relations more contentious than white-Hispanic ones, in particular class structure, black population size, citizenship, and the institutional arenas in which groups were interacting. I also show how Hispanic newcomers' multiple interpretations of the meaning of discrimination (especially along the lines of citizenship) and their expectations about blacks interacted with conceptions of their work and worth. Consequently many began to distance themselves from African Americans in response to perceptions of civic and cultural ostracism as undeserving outsiders. Combined with Hispanic newcomers' predominantly 'nonblack' racial and ethnic identification, I therefore argue that in the mid-2000s the rural southern binary racial context was not fostering a 'rainbow coalition of color' sense of identity among Hispanic newcomers and African Americans, wherein common experiences of racial discrimination can serve as a basis to unite, as nonwhites, despite other internal distinctions. This may well have been happening among small groups of political elites and black-brown coalition builders, but it was not generally the case among the masses. Rather, many Hispanic newcomers came to perceive that the boundaries separating themselves from whites, although existent, are somewhat more permeable than those separating themselves from blacks, or whites from blacks. This suggests a classic pattern of racial assimilation, and it lends tentative support to predictions that a new black-nonblack color line may be developing in the rural South—the very region where the African American population is still the largest, where the uniquely American racial binary has reigned most supreme, and where the pressures to divide whites from nonwhites have always been strongest." 16

Rios 11

Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys [Inequality - Policing, Empirical - Ethnography]: "This is where my RESEARCH QUESTIONS for this project became clear: How do surveillance, punishment, and criminal justice practices affect the lives of marginalized boys? What patterns of punishment do young people such as Slick encounter in their neighborhoods in Oakland? What effects do these patterns of punishment have on the lives of the young men in this study? Specifically, how do punitive encounters with police, probation officers, teachers and administrators, and other authority figures shape the meanings that young people create about themselves and about their obstacles, opportunities, and future aspirations?" 7 "ULTIMATELY I ARGUE that a system of punitive social control held a grip on the minds and trajectories of the boys in this study. What this study demonstrates is that the poor, at least in this community, have not been abandoned by the state. Instead, the state has become deeply embedded in their everyday lives, through the auspices of punitive social control. Fieldwork allowed me to observe firsthand the processes by which the state asserts itself into civil society through various institutions, with the specific intent of regulating deviant behavior and maintaining social order. This punitive social control becomes visible when we examine its consequences. These include oppositional culture, perilous masculinity, and other actions that attempt to compensate for punitive treatment. But not all consequences of punitive social control are detrimental. The mass and ubiquitous criminalization of marginalized young people, what I refer to as hypercriminalization, brings about a paradox. One response to criminalization is resistance. Some of this resistance is self-defeating. However, other components of this resistance have the potential to radically alter the worldviews and trajectories of the very marginalized young people that encounter criminalization." 21

Hall 80

Race, Articulation and Societies Structured in Dominance [Conceptual - Race, Review]: "The AIM of this paper is to mark out a set of emergent questions and problems in the study of racially-structured social formations, and to indicate where some new and important initiatives are developing." (305) "Something important about this field of inquiry can nevertheless be grasped by dividing many of the varied tendencies represented within it into TWO broad dominant tendencies [which] may be called the 'economic' / and the 'sociological.' Let us begin with the first—the economic. ... What allows of a characterization of these very different approaches as belonging to a single tendency is simply this: they take economic relations and structures to have an overwhelmingly determining effect on the social structures of such formations. Specifically, those social divisions which assume a distinctively racial or ethnic character can be attributed or explained principally with reference to economic structures and processes. The second approach I have called sociological. ... The principal stress in this second tendency is on race or ethnicity as specifically social or cultural features of the social formations under discussion. Again, what distinguishes the contributors to this school as belonging — for the purposes here alone — to a single tendency, is this: however they differ internally, the contributors to the sociological tendency agree on the autonomy, the non-reductiveness, of race and ethnicity as social features." (305-306) "it might be useful to CONCLUDE with a brief outline of some of the theoretical protocols which — in my view, of necessity — must govern any such proposed investigation. This would have to begin from a rigorous application of what I have called the premise of HISTORICAL SPECIFICITY. Racism is not dealt with as a general feature of human societies, but with historically-specific racisms. Beginning with an assumption of difference, of specificity rather than of a unitary, transhistorical universal 'structure'. ... SLAVERY in the Ancient World ... did not necessarily entail the use of specifically racial categories, whilst plantation slavery almost everywhere did. Thus, there can be no assumed, necessary coincidence between racism and slavery as such. ... The question is not whether men-in-general make perceptual distinctions between groups with different racial or ethnic characteristics, but rather, what are the specific conditions which make this form of distinction socially pertinent, historically active. ... Racism is not present, in the same form or degree, in all capitalist formations: it is not necessary to the concrete functioning of all capitalisms. It needs to be shown how and why racism has been specifically overdetermined by and articulated / with certain capitalisms at different stages of their development. ... Here, we would have to begin by investigating the different ways in which racist / ideologies have been constructed and made operative under different historical conditions: the racisms of mercantilist theory and of chattel slavery; of conquest and colonialism; of trade and 'high imperialism'; of 'popular imperialism' and of so-called 'post-imperialism'. In each case, in specific social formations, racism as an ideological configuration has been reconstituted by the dominant class relations, and thoroughly reworked." 336-343

Hartigan 99

Racial Situations: Class Predicaments of Whiteness in Detroit [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Ethnography (white neighborhoods in Detroit)]: JS: Hartigan examines how class background has influenced white Detroiters' understanding and experience of racial identity and difference in a multi-site ethnography of 3 white neighborhoods in Detroit. If whiteness is the norm, then class position is especially threatening. Whiteness is often assumed to be uniform and manifests as the symbolic other to blackness, maintaining a position of social privilege and political dominance. But in Detroit, whiteness is not hegemonic. Blackness is locally dominant, black power shapes politics, black dollars and black fashion define the landscape of consumption. According to Hartigan, when whites were grappling with race, it was not by treating blackness as other but by invoking class distinctions between themselves and their white neighbors. They assess when or whether race matters by considering which whites are involved in a situation, or in intra-racial distinctions. Hartigan argues that the significance of white racial-ness varies by class position and racial identity is constructed in relation to place. The three marked white identities, which are formed based on boundaries of status and privilege, are hillbilly, which is stigmatized, gentrifier, which indicates intra-racial differences in social positions, and racist, those without middle class decorum. Hartigan also argues that racialization produced & reproduced through ideological, institutional, interactive, and linguistic practices that support a particular construction of difference

Okamura 81

Situational Ethnicity [Community - Other, Review]: "THIS PAPER is a review and synthesis of the ideas of a number of social anthropologists who have all explicitly emphasized the relevance of social situations for the analysis of ethnicity and ethnic relations." (452) "For clearly, it is at this level of abstraction that the variable meanings of ETHNICITY, the differing criteria for ascription of ethnic identities, the fluidity of ethnic boundaries, and the varying relevance of ethnic and other social identities are most apparent for the actor and the researcher alike. A SITUATIONAL APPROACH to ethnicity manifests the essential variability in its significance for social relations in different social contexts and at different levels of social organization. Accordingly, such a perspective avoids the problem of reification of the concept of ethnic group that follows from its identification with an objectively defined, shared, uniform cultural inventory or with common normative patterns of behavior that are assumed to be consistently adhered to." (452) "The juxtaposition of the two concepts, social situation and ethnicity, to yield the term 'SITUATIONAL ETHNICITY' is attributable to Paden in a paper on ethnic categorization in urban Africa. He states that 'situational ethnicity is premised on the observation that particular contexts may determine which of a person's communal identities or loyalties are appropriate at a point in time.' Although minimal in content, this delineation of the term nevertheless highlights some of the more salient features in its approach to ethnicity. It takes note that variability in the affirmation of ethnic identity may be dependent upon the immediate social situation, and it relates this variability to the actor's perception of that situation." (452) "In SUMMARY, this review has included various social anthropologists who have placed an explicit emphasis on the relevance of social situations for the analysis of ethnicity and ethnic relations. This approach, which has been termed situational ethnicity, merges both cognitive and structural aspects of ethnicity as its principal focus is on the actor's ascriptions of ethnic identity to organize the meaning of his social relationships within given social situations. The cognitive dimension of situational ethnicity refers to the actor's perceptions and understandings of cultural symbols and signs and the relevance he attributes to these elements as a factor on his behavioral options in the situation he finds himself. On the other hand, the structural dimension has reference to the role constraints enjoined upon actors within social situations as a consequence of the overall structure of ethnic group relations. Thus, a situational approach to ethnicity illuminates the fact that variability is the essence of ethnicity in its significance for the structuring of social relations in diverse situational contexts." (463)

Sharkey 13

Stuck in Place: Urban Neighborhoods and the End of Progress toward Racial Equality [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Survey (PSID)]: "This book LOOKS BEYOND the individual and the family to understand inequality and mobility. I focus on the importance of places—communities and cities—as crucial sites for the transmission of racial inequality in the post civil rights era. I argue that to understand why the children of the civil rights era have made such minimal progress toward racial equality, we need to consider what has happened to the communities and cities in which they have lived over the past four decades. African Americans have been attached to places where discrimination has remained prevalent despite the advances in civil rights made in the 1960s; where political decisions and social policies have led to severe disinvestment and persistent, rigid segregation; where the employment base that supported a middle-class urban popula- tion has migrated away, contracted, or collapsed; and where the impact of punitive criminal justice policies has been concentrated. ... In addition, it is essential to consider how places are passed on from parents to children, how changes in urban communities have been experienced by families, and how these changes have affected the trajectories of families, over time and across generations [and] it is crucial to approach racial inequality from a multigenerational perspective." 5 "IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND RACIAL INEQUALITY in the current generation without looking back to the neighborhoods and cities occupied by the previous generation. There are three reasons why this is so. First, neighborhood disadvantage and advantage are remarkably stable—families that currently live in an impoverished neighborhood are overwhelmingly likely to have lived in a similarly poor neighborhood for multiple generations. Second, the effects of neighborhood disadvantage experienced during childhood continue to have strong impacts as individuals move into adulthood—as a consequence, racial inequality that is present today is, in large part, a product of the extreme disadvantage in the neighborhoods of African Americans a generation ago. Third, the effect of living within severely disadvantaged communities accumulates over generations. The consequences of living within deprived residential environments over multiple generations are much more severe than the consequences of living in a poor neighborhood at a single point in time, or even in a single generation. In short, the story of racial inequality in the current generation must be thought of as a continuation of a story that extends well back in time." 6

Portes & Zhou 93

The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and Its Variants [Immigration - Assimilation, Empirical - Ethnography & Survey (children of immigrants)]: "A closer look at these [empirical] experiences indicates, however, that the expected consequences of assimilation have not entirely reversed signs, but that the process has become segmented. In other words, the question is into what sector of American society a particular immigrant group assimilates. Instead of a relatively uniform mainstream whose mores and prejudices dictate a common path of inte- gration, we observe today several distinct forms of adaptation. One of them replicates the time-honored portrayal of growing acculturation and parallel integration into the white middle-class; a second leads straight in the opposite direction to permanent poverty and assimilation into the underclass; still a third associates rapid economic advancement with deliberate preservation of the immigrant community's values and tight solidarity. This pattern of segmented assimilation immediately raises the question of what makes some immigrant groups become sus- ceptible to the downward route and what resources allow others to avoid this course. In the ultimate analysis, the same general process helps ex- plain both outcomes. We advance next our hypotheses as to how this process takes place and how the contrasting outcomes of assimilation can be explained. This explanation is then illustrated with recent empirical ma- terial in the final section." 82

Morris 15

The Scholar Denied: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Birth of Modern Sociology [Relations, Commentary]: "I PRESENT an in-depth, detailed analysis of the reasons why Du Bois's school was the founding social scientific school of sociology, tracing the historical, political, and economic factors that gave rise to Du Bois's work; further, I probe how these factors also marginalized Du Bois's approach for a century while cementing the conventional story of the development of the Chicago school of sociology. This book offers, for the first time, a comparison between the Chicago school of sociology and Du Bois's Atlanta school, clearly showing that the latter theorized the novel view that race was a social construct and supported this position with pioneering methodologies and empirical research." xxi "DU BOIS'S SOCIOLOGICAL ARGUMENTS stressing that races were socially constructed and blacks were not biologically inferior flew in the face of white racial beliefs. ... For Du Bois, externally imposed social conditions constituted the foundations of race oppression and white supremacy. In contrast to white social scientists, Du Bois insisted that the newly emerging social sciences be built on careful, empirical research focused on human action in order to pass the test as genuine science. Because he believed that an authentic social science was possible and that inferior and superior races did not exist, Du Bois was the first social scientist to establish a sociological laboratory where systematic empirical research was conducted to determine the scientific causes of racial inequality. In this manner, Du Bois treated claims of inherent race superiority as hypotheses to be accepted or rejected on the basis of data collected through the best scientific methods available. Given his approach, Du Bois decried any racial findings stemming from racial prejudice and vested interests. Therefore, as the twentieth century opened, Du Bois continued to develop a sociology whose mission was to interject science into the emerging field by relying on data and the execution of scientific research based in empirical methodologies. ... From a purely scientific perspective, Du Bois's school of sociology examining race was superior to the 'scientific' research of the period—and of decades to come—that was based largely on conjecture, speculation, racist assumptions, and scant empirical data." 3 "CHAPTERS 1 AND 2 explore the role of race in the development of American sociology as well as Du Bois's general theoretical framework, contrasting it with that of his white predecessors and contemporaries. The evidence shows that Du Bois diverged sharply from the ideas of those white sociologists and that his ideas have endured because of their intellectual power. CHAPTER 3 describes Du Bois's social scientific school, revealing its organizational structure, collaborators,theoretic frame, and methodologies, and providing an overview of some of the main scholarship it produced. CHAPTERS 4 AND 5 concentrate directly on the relationship between the Chicago school, Robert Park, Booker T. Washington, and Du Bois, demonstrating why the Chicago school and Washington had vested interests in marginalizing Du Bois; I argue that this marginalization was not accidental but deliberate. Here the interaction between economic and political ideologies and power is at the center of the analysis. CHAPTER 6 examines how Max Weber made his own scholarship richer by embracing Du Bois's scholarship, while Park, and the Chicago school, ignored Du Bois's scholarship, thus relegating a unique brand of scholarly work to the sidelines of American sociology. CHAPTERS 7 AND 8 focus on how the Atlanta school survived powerful countervailing political and economic forces and became a major intellectual influence, leaving behind an important scholarly legacy that is still relevant today. These concluding chapters examine the social forces that affect the trajectories of schools of thought. They demonstrate that the fate of such schools is influenced as much by societal forces as by purely intellectual matters. Nevertheless, I contend that under certain conditions powerful ideas can triumph, even in the face of tremendous political and economic odds." xxii

Wilson 87

The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy [Community - Urban Poverty, Theory]: PREFACE: "The Truly Disadvantaged challenges liberal orthodoxy in analyzing inner-city problems; discusses in candid terms the social pathologies of the inner city; establishes a case for moving beyond race-speicific policies to ameliorate inner-city social conditions to policies that address the broader problems of societal organization, including economic organization; and advances a social democratic public-policy agenda designed to improve the life chances of truly disadvantaged groups such as the ghetto underclass by emphasizing programs to which the more advantaged groups of all races can positively relate." viii CONCL: "The inner city is less pleasant and more dangerous than it was prior to 1960. As pointed out in chapter 1, despite a high rate of poverty in inner-city areas during the first half of this century, rates of joblessness, out-of-wedlock births, single families, welfare dependency, and serious crime were significantly lower than they are today and did not begin to rise rapidly until after the mid-1960s, with extraordinary increases during the 1970s. The questions of why social problesm in the inner city sharply increased when they did [in the 1970s] and in the way they did, and why existing policy programs assumed to be relevant to such problems are either inappropriate or insufficient, were addressed in the preceding chapters." 140 GHETTO UNDERCLASS: "Unlike in previous years, today's ghetto residents represent almost exclusively the most disadvantaged segments of the urban black community—including those families that have experienced long-term spells of poverty and/or welfare dependecny, individuals who lack training and skills and have either experienced periods of persistent unemployment or have dropped out of the labor force altogether, and individuals who are frequently involved in street criminal activity. The term ghetto underclass refers to this heterogeneous group of families and individuals who inhabit the cores of the nation's central cities. The term suggests that a fundamental social transformation has taken place in ghetto neighborhoods, and the groups represented by this term are collectively different from and much more socially isolated than those that lived in these communities in earlier years." 143 LIMITS OF RACE-SPECIFIC POLICY: "The ... principle of equality of individual rights [is] namely, that candidates for positions stratified in terms of prestige, power, or other social criteria ought to be judged solely on individual merit and therefore should not be discriminated against on the basis of racial origin. ... Programs based solely on this principle are inadequate, however, to deal with the complex problems of race in America because they are not designed to address the substantive inequality that exists at the time discrimination is eliminated. In other words, long periods of racial oppression can result in a system of inequality that may persist for indefinite periods of time even after racial barreirs are removed. This is because the most disadvantaged members of racial minority groups, who suffer the cumulative effects of both race and class subjugation (including those effects passed on from generation to generation), are disproportionately represented among the segment of the general population that has been denied the resources to compete effectively in a free and open market. On the other hand, the competitive resources developed by the advantage minority members—resources that flow directly from the family stability, schooling, income, and peer groups that their parents have been able to provide—result in their benefiting disproportionately from policies that promote the rights of minority individuals by removing artificial barriers to valued positions." 146

Barreto et al 11

The Tea Party in the Age of Obama: Mainstream Conservatism or Out-Group Anxiety? [Relations, Empirical - Interviews, Historical, Survey]: ABSTRACT: "We argue that the Tea Party represents a right-wing movement distinct from mainstream conservatism, that has reacted with great anxiety to the social and demographic changes in America over the past few decades. Through a comprehensive review of original data, including a series of qualitative interviews with Tea Party supporters, and extensive content analysis of official Tea Party websites, we show that Tea Party sympathizers hold strong out-group resentment, in particular towards Blacks, immigrants, and gays and lesbians. We then assess quantitative survey data to determine if the findings can be generalized to the population of Tea Party sympathizers at large." 2 OUTLINE: ""We argue that the Tea Party bears an uncanny likeness to the extreme right-wing groups that are its forbearers. Drawing on content analysis and public opinion data, we show that the Tea Party movement is, in fact, full of pseudo-conservatism, in part, marked by suspicion and resentment of out-groups. This paper unfolds as follows. First, we briefly review right-wing extremism in American history. We then turn to the content analysis of Tea Party websites to illustrate the point that Tea Party discourse is in fact far beyond that which one may credibly call conservative. We then turn to public opinion data, both qualitative and quantitative, evidence that allows us to further test our claims that support for the Tea Party is associated with pseudo-conservatism. We close with a discussion of the implications." 6 "After parsing out the effects of ideology, partisanship, and authoritarianism, WE FIND a lasting effect for Tea Party support, in which support for the Tea Party is statistically associated with negative attitudes towards Blacks, immigrants, and gays and lesbians. Our hypothesis that the support for the Tea Party is commensurate with pseudo-conservatism received support from the models we estimated. Specifically, we reasoned that if support for the Tea Party continued to predict attitudes and behavior, after accounting for conservatism, it's a good bet that the Tea Party and pseudo- conservatism are related. This is exactly what we found." 25

Small 04

Villa Victoria: The Transformation of Social Capital in a Boston Barrio [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Puerto Rican housing complex)]: "But few researchers had examined systematically how concentrated poverty affected social capital, had examined exactly what reasons simply living in a poor neighborhood contributed to apathy and social isolation and other unwanted outcomes. The question of how was known as the 'black box' of neighborhood effects. Villa Victoria seemed to present an exceptional opportunity to open the black box. If we could understand how residents maintained social capital here despite living in concentrated poverty, perhaps we could learn how to prevent the deterioration of social relatins in other poor neighborhoods. This became the objective of the study: to rely on Villa Victoria to open the black box. As I pursued this task, however, two things became clear. First, I discovered that Villa Victoria was unique only in some senses, quite ordinarily poor in others. ... One might say the concentration of poverty had produced its expected effects but in certain respects more than others, at some times more than others,and on some individuals more than the rest. To open the black box, therefore, I had to investigate what accounted for this variation, over time and across individuals, in how residents responded to the concentration of poverty. As I pursued this question, I came to another conclusion. The real quagmire was not why the Villa seemed so dynamic and heterogeneous but why the theories would lead me to expect otherwise. ... Rather than side issues these became the central concerns of the study." xii

Frankenberg 93

White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness [Relations, Empirical - Interviews]: "My ARGUMENT in this book is that race shapes white women's lives. In the same way that both men's and women's lives are shaped by their gender, and that both heterosexual and lesbian women's experiences in the world are marked by their sexuality, white people and people of color live racially structured lives. In other words, any system of differentiation shapes those on whom it bestows privilege as well as those it oppresses. White people are 'raced,' just as men are 'gendered.' And in a social context where white people have too often viewed themselves as non racial or racially neutral, it is crucial to look at the 'racialness' of white experience. Through life history interviews, the book examines white womens places in the racial structure of the United States at the end of the twentieth century and views white women's lives as sites both for the reproduction of racism and for challenges to it." (1) "If race shapes white women's lives, the cumulative name that I have given to that shape is 'WHITENESS.' Whiteness, I will argue in the pages that follow, has a set of linked dimensions. First, whiteness is a location of structural advantage, of race privilege. Second, it is a 'standpoint,' a place from which white people look at ourselves, at others, and at society. Third, 'whiteness' refers to a set of cultural practices that are usually unmarked and unnamed. This book seeks to begin exploring mapping and examining the terrain of whiteness." (1) EPILOGUE: "It should by now be abundantly clear that race shapes white women's lives. The majority of the women I interviewed for this study did not consider themselves particularly interested in the racial order, or especially implicated and racism. All of them, however said a great deal that was relevant to both. Successive chapters of this book have traveled the terrain of whiteness as material, cultural, and subjective location, exploring childhood, interracial relationships, discursive repertoires on race, and constructions of culture and identity. This process has, I hope, rendered more explicit and complex the meaning — or better, meanings — of whiteness in the contemporary US. I have attempted to mark out the historical and contemporary conditions, material and discursive, that define and limit it. Through reading white woman's life histories, I have examined the ways in which region, class, generation, and ethnicity further subdivide the terrain of lived experiences of whiteness. I have also indicated in preliminary ways how gender and sexuality may intersect with whiteness. In addition to marking out the limits and the 'givenness' of whiteness, I have argued that the women I interviewed actively negotiated it. I have explored in detail the forms and content of that negotiation process." (236)

Tyson et al 05

'It's Not a 'Black Thing'": Understanding the Burden of Acting White and Other Dilemmas of High Achievement [Relations - Education, Empirical - Interviews]: "In this article, we review the burden of acting white hypothesis, describe the current debate, and use interview data from eight secondary schools in North Carolina to assess the hypothesis. We find that a burden of acting white exists for some black students, but that it is not prevalent among the group. None of the black middle school informants reported discussions or expressed any concern about acting white related to academic behavior or performance, and only a small minority of the older informants did so. Moreover, high-achieving black students across the sample schools were not deterred from taking advanced courses or striving to do well because they feared accusations of acting white or other teasing. Equally interesting, in some schools, high-achieving white students experienced a similar but more pervasive 'burden' of high achievement. That is, both black and white high-achieving students sometimes encounter forms of hostility from lower-achieving peers. ... We argue that the burden of acting white cannot be attributed specifically to black culture. Rather, it appears to develop in some schools under certain conditions that seem to contribute to animosity between high- and low-achieving students within or between racial and socioeconomic groups. This may help to explain the mixed research findings regarding the existence of an oppositional peer culture or a burden of acting white among black students." 583 "OUR INTERVIEWS REVEALED ambivalence toward achievement among black students at just one of eight secondary schools. Contrary to the burden of acting white hypothesis, the black students in this study who avoided advanced courses did so for fear of not doing well academically." 599 "THIS STUDY CONTRIBUTES to the current debate on the burden of acting white hypothesis in sev- eral important ways. First, few qualitative studies addressing this hypothesis have focused on more than one or two schools. We gathered qualitative data from students and staff at eight secondary schools. The multisite design permitted greater attention to the potential influence of contextual aspects of schools. Second, the in-depth nature of the interviews allowed us to probe more deeply and specifically into issues related to a burden of acting white, including particular academic behaviors and decisions, factors that large-scale surveys generally do not capture. In particular, our focus on the deci- sions students make with regard to the aca- demic level of the courses they take (e.g., electing honors versus regular classes) is unique. Finally, we attempted to distinguish a burden of acting white from other more generic dilemmas of high achievement." 583

Nelson 08

Bio Science: Genetic Genealogy Testing and the Pursuit of African Ancestry [Community - Black, Empirical - Interviews, Ethnography]: ABSTRACT: "The decoding of the human genome precipitated a change of paradigms in genetics research, from an emphasis on genetic similarity to a focus on molecular-level differences among individuals and groups. This shift from lumping to splitting spurred ongoing disagreements among scholars about the significance of 'race' and ethnicity in the genetics era. I characterize these divergent perspectives as 'pragmatism' and 'naturalism'. Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, I argue that neither position fully accounts for how understandings of 'race' and ethnicity are being transformed with genetic genealogy testing. While there is some acquiescence to genetic thinking about ancestry, and by implication, 'race', among African American and black British consumers of genetic genealogy testing, test-takers also adjudicate between sources of genealogical information and from these construct meaningful biographical narratives. Consumers engage in highly situated 'objective' and 'affiliative' self-fashioning, interpreting genetic test results in the context of their 'genealogical aspirations'. I conclude that issues of site, scale, and subjectification must be attended to if scholars are to understand whether and to what extent social identities are being transformed by recent developments in genetic science." 759 OUTLINE: "In what follows, I discuss these African American and black British consumers of genetic genealogy testing whose accounts provide a window to this emerging practice of using genetic and socio-historical resources to constitute their identities and thereby also to constitute 'race' and ethnicity in the age of genomics. I trace the historical and cultural precedents of black root-seeking, and then discuss three categories of genetic genealogy testing and the information each provides. Turning to the experiences of test-takers, I consider whether and how genetic genealogy test results are incorporated into individual and collective biographies. Extending the concept of 'objective self-fashioning' to 'affiliative self fashioning', I argue that genetic genealogists exercise some control over the interpretation of their test results, despite the presumption of their conclusiveness. Among other factors, test-takers' negotiation of test outcomes may be generated by a disjuncture between genetic and other types of evidence about ancestry that can elicit an affect I term 'genealogical disorientation'. Genetic genealogy testing may thus amplify possibilities for subject-formation and ancestral affiliation, rather than simply reducing them to genetic determinants. I conclude that, contrary to both naturalist and pragmatist arguments, genetic genealogy testing provides a locus at which 'race' and ethnicity are constituted at the nexus of genetic science, kinship aspirations, and strategic self-making." 763

Hunter 14

Black Citymakers: How the Philadelphia Negro Changed Urban America [Community - Black Communities, Empirical - Historical]: GOAL: "to reconstruct the historical period through the lens of four historical moments [collapse of black banks in 1925, tenement collapse in 36, protest against urban renewal in 50-70s, election of first black mayor] to amplify the impact of the political agency of black Philadelphians over time [and] to identify and analyze each of the four faces [framing, voting, mobilization, and migration] of the political agency of black Philadelphians over time as they related to questions of urban change under the themes of economic self-sufficiency, public housing policy, urban renewal, gentrification, and the post-civil rights context." 16 INTRO: "In this book, I argue that the sociopolitical history of the Black Seventh Ward demonstrates that urban black residents were not mere victims of the structural changes impacting American cities like Philadelphia throughout the twentieth century; nor were they mere passive bystanders watching the city change from the windows of their row homes. Rather, as I will show throughout the book, black Philadelphians were agents of urbam change, or citymakers, albeit sometimes purposeful and inadvertent, but facilitating and frustrating patterns of urban change nonetheless. The importance of this point cannot be overstated as without an understanding of how a largely migrant black population, such as the Philadelphia Negro, moved from a 'problem' populace when DuBois began his study in 1896 to perhaps the most powerful voting bloc in Philadelphia is critical to contextualizing the causes and consequences of structural cahnges in urban America including public housing policy, deindustrialization, urban renewal, and the rise of the black mayor." 8

Collins 90

Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment [Conceptual - Intersectionality, Theory]: "STARTING from the assumption that African-American women have created independent, oppositional yet subjugated knowledges concerning our own subordination, contemporary U.S. Black women intellectuals are engaged in the struggle to reconceptualize all dimensions of the dialectic of oppression and activism as it applies to African-American women. Central to this enterprise is reclaiming Black feminist intellectual traditions" (13) SIX DISTINGUISHING FEATURES OF BFT: "[1] U.S. Black women encounter a distinctive set of social practices that accompany our particular history within a unique matrix of domination characterized by intersecting oppressions. ... [2] A second distinguishing feature of U.S. Black feminist thought emerges from a tension linking experiences and ideas. On the one hand, all African-American women face similar challenges that result from living in a society that historically and routinely derogates women of African descent. Despite the fact that U.S. Black women face common challenges, this neither means that individual African-American women have all had the same experiences nor that we agree on the significance of our varying experiences.Thus, on the other hand, despite the common challenges confronting U.S. Black women as a group, diverse responses to these core themes characterize U.S. Black women's group knowledge or standpoint. ... [3] A third distinguishing feature of Black feminist thought concerns the connections between U.S. Black women's experiences as a heterogeneous collectivity and any ensuing group knowledge or standpoint. One key reason that stand- points of oppressed groups are suppressed is that self-defined standpoints can stimulate resistance. ... [4] A fourth distinguishing feature of Black feminist thought concerns the essen- tial contributions of African-American women intellectuals. The existence of a Black women's standpoint does not mean that African-American women, academic or otherwise, appreciate its content, see its significance, or recognize its potential as a catalyst for social change. ... [5] A fifth distinguishing feature of U.S. Black feminist thought concerns the significance of change. In order for Black feminist thought to operate effectively within Black feminism as a social justice project, both must remain dynamic. Neither Black feminist thought as a critical social theory nor Black feminist practice can be static; as social conditions change, so must the knowledge and practices designed to resist them. ... [6] A final distinguishing feature of Black feminist thought concerns its relationship to other projects for social justice. A broad range of African-American women intellectuals have advanced the view that Black women's struggles are part of a wider struggle for human dignity, empowerment, and social justice." (23, 25, 29, 33, 39, 41)

Pattillo-McCoy 99

Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class [Community - Black Middle Class, Empirical - Ethnography]: EF: In an ethnography of a black middle-class neighborhood in Chicago, Pattillo-McCoy demonstrates how the BMC has not, in fact, fled far from the poor inner city, but has largely come to occupy neighborhoods between poor blacks and more affluent whites. These neighborhoods are more economically diverse, though racially homogenous after white flight, and most black live in this type of moderate to middle income neighborhood. She shows the fragility of black middle-class status, which is exposed to greater social problems than comparable white neighborhoods and more vulnerable to economic changes. She argues that parents, business owners, churches, etc seek to maintain control over crime and disorder through the use of the strong family and friendship ties that typify the community. Therefore, these black middle class residents are more exposed to crime and violence than their white peers, but the black community also works to create protective mechanisms, though they must also accept some level of disorder as a result. Black youths are particularly vulnerable as they can be compelled by the flashy street lifestyle, as can all youth, but the stakes are higher for black middle class kids.

Fordham & Ogbu 86

Black Students' School Success: Coping with the "Burden of 'Acting White'" [Relations - Education, Empirical - Ethnography]: "OUR MAIN POINT in this paper is that one major reason black students do poorly in school is that they experience inordinate ambivalence and affective dissonance in regard to academic effort and success. This problem arose partly because white Americans traditionally refused to acknowledge that black Americans are capable of intellectual achievement, and partly because black Americans subsequently began to doubt their own intellectual ability, began to define academic success as white people's prerogative, and began to discourage their peers, perhaps unconsciously, from emulating white people in academic striving, i.e., from 'acting white.' Because of the ambivalence, affective dissonance, and social pressures, many black students who are academically able do not put forth the necessary effort and perseverance in their schoolwork and, consequently, do poorly in school. Even black students who do not fail generally perform well below their potential for the same reasons." 177 "IN THE CASE STUDY of Capital High School in Washington, D.C., WE SHOWED that coping with the burden of acting white affects the academic performance of both underachieving and high-achieving students. Black students who are encapsulated in the fictive kinship system or oppositional process experience greater difficulty in crossing cultural boundaries; i.e., in accepting standard academic attitudes and practices of the school and in investing sufficient time and effort in pursuing their educational goals. Some of the high-achieving students do not identify with the fictive kinship system; others more or less deliberately adopt sex-specific strategies to camouflage their academic pursuits and achievements. The strategies of the academically successful students include engaging in activities which mute perceptions of their being preoccupied with academic excellence leading eventually to individual success outside the group, i.e., eventual upward mobility. Among them are athletic activities (which are regarded as 'black activities') and other 'team' oriented activities, for male students. Other high-achieving students camouflage their academic effort by clowning. Still others do well in school by acquiring the protection of 'bullies' and 'hoodlums' in return for assisting the latter in their schoolwork and homework. In general, academically successful black students at Capital High (and probably elsewhere) are careful not to brag about their achieve- ments or otherwise bring too much attention to themselves. We conclude, however, from this study of high-achieving students at Capital High, that they would do much better if they did not have to divert time and effort into strategies designed to camouflage their academic pursuit." 202

Pattillo 07

Black on the Block: The Politics of Race and Class in the City [Community - Neighborhood Change & Black Communities, Empirical - Ethnography]: "THESE STRUGGLES within the neighborhood are often waged between African Americans of different means and different perspectives, but this is by no means just a black-on-black affair. Alliances with and allegiances to whites outside the neighborhood add another layer of complexity to the ever more futile attempt to determine what course of action is in the best interest of the black community. In this way, middle-class blacks act as brokers—as 'middlemen' and 'middlewomen'—spanning the space between established centers of white economic and political power and the needs of a down but not out black neighborhood. Internal fissures notwithstanding, the concept of 'the black community' is not retired in Black on the Block, for while attempts to capture a single black politics, black perspective, or black agenda are dead (if they were ever really alive within the black community), I argue that the black community is forged in this engagement." 3 "THIS BOOK is about gentrification and public housing and mixed-income communities, but as contexts within which African American residents negotiate each other, the outside players, and the various layers of public (governmental and civic) decisions that frame what is preferable and what is possible." 21

Lacy 07

Blue-Chip Black: Race, Class, and Status in the New Black Middle Class [Community - Black Middle Class, Empirical - Ethnography]: "THIS BOOK explores how different groups of middle-class blacks go about doing this work of fitting in by examining the symbolic bound- aries they erect between themselves and white strangers, the white middle class, and blacks from other classes to establish and sustain a black middle-class identity. The book addresses the following QUESTIONS: What distinct identities are constructed and maintained by the black middle class? How do different groups of middle-class blacks vary in their use of these identities? In terms of their access to cultural and economic resources, are middle and upper-class blacks more like their white counterparts than they are like lower-class blacks?" 3 "Most of Blue-Chip Black FOCUSES on differences by residential location in how middle-class blacks think about and make use of their social identities. Whereas middle-class blacks from all three suburban communities characterize their encounters with white strangers in public settings and their strategies for managing these interactions similarly, in other contexts their conceptions of what it means to be black and middle class vary widely, from perceptions of economic sta- bility, to the optimal way to prepare black children to traverse the color line, to attitudes about the collective interests of their respective communities." 5 "Three THEORETICAL CONCEPTS are central to understanding how middle-class blacks think about their identities: boundary-work, the tool kit model, and construction sites. Each of these concepts helps us to work through the confusion and conflict around the notions of 'making it' and 'being black.'" 8

Jack 14

Culture Shock Revisited: The Social and Cultural Contingencies to Class Marginality [Relations - Education, Empirical - Interviews, Survey]: "The degree of cultural and social dissimilarity between one's life before and during college helps explain variation in [social] experiences [for lower-income graduates]. I contrast the experiences of two groups of lower-income, black undergraduates—the Doubly Disadvantaged and Privileged Poor. Although from comparable disadvantaged households and neighborhoods, they travel along divergent paths to college. Unlike the Doubly Disadvantaged, whose precollege experiences are localized, the Privileged Poor cross social boundaries for school. In college, the Doubly Disadvantaged report negative interactions with peers and professors and adopt isolationist strategies, while the Privileged Poor generally report positive interactions and adopt integrationist strategies. ... I show that even for undergraduates from similar class backgrounds, the effects of class marginality, taken as feeling like an outsider because of one's class background, are not uniform. Rather, class marginality has cultural and social contingencies. It is those lower-income undergraduates whose lives before college are culturally and socially dissimilar to their lives in college who experience the effects of class marginality most acutely." 454

Morning 14

Does Genomics Challenge Social Construction of Race? [Community - Other, Commentary]: "I begin this reply to Shiao et al. by countering that constructionist theory is already quite capable of accounting for new (and not-so-new) claims about race and biology. Indeed, genetics-based claims about the 'biological basis' of race offer a textbook case of social construction. Underscoring this point, the focus of this article will be on examining Shiao et al.'s main argument that current research in human genetics warrants a reformulation of constructivist race theory. As it turns out, review of the scientific literature they cite reveals how deeply social the production of this strand of biological knowledge is. There are myriad ways in which 'facts' about human genetic variation are shaped by analysts' assumptions and decisions: Choices about whose DNA to sample and which types of genetic data to analyze, as well as assumptions about how different populations are related to each other and decisions about what statistical techniques to employ, all bear on scientists' conclusions about the genetic 'clusters' that ostensibly characterize our species. Moreover, they leave many openings for our widely shared beliefs about racial difference to filter in. Consequently, the examination of research reports in human genetics leads me to contest Shiao et al.'s claim that recent research has clearly demonstrated 'that certain racial, and also ethnic, categories have a biological basis in statistically discernible clusters of alleles.' Instead statistically inferred human genetic clusters have a social basis that is entirely consistent with current constructivist thinking about race. Our depictions of the genetic structure of human populations are themselves so culturally conditioned that it would be a mistake to conclude that they represent objective biological measurements that are any less a human artifact than folk taxonomies." 190

Kuran 98

Ethnic Norms and their Transformation through Reputational Cascades [Community - Other, Theory]: ABSTRACT: "Ethnic norms are the ethnically symbolic behavioral codes that individuals must follow to retain social acceptance. They are sustained partly by sanctions that individuals impose on each other in trying to establish good credentials. This essay analyzes the 'ethnification' process through which ethnic norms become more demanding. The argument hinges on interdependencies among individual behaviors. These allow one person's adjustments to trigger additional adjustments through a reputational cascade—a self-reinforcing process by which people motivated to protect and enhance their reputations induce each other to step up their ethnic activities. According to the analysis, a society exhibiting low ethnic activity generates social forces tending to preserve that condition; but if these forces are overcome, the result may be massive ethnification. One implication is that similarly developed societies may exhibit very different levels of ethnic activity. Another is that ethnically based hatreds constitute by-products of ethnification rather than its main-spring." 623 "A COLLEGE STUDENT who had enjoyed her ethnic group's acceptance merely by participating in an annual ethnic celebration may, under a stricter norm, be expected also to wear particular clothes, make frequent appearances at designated social events, distance herself from members of other groups, and even censure her coethnics who have chosen not to abide by the new norm. Insofar as she makes these adaptations, she will do so by shifting resources into ethnic activities." 624 "Within any population or subpopulation, the prevailing thresholds of ethnic mobilization are bound to exhibit variation. Interpersonal differences in any component of utility will produce interpersonal differences in thresholds. By implication, social pressures that make one individual put on a homespun may fall short of inducing the same response from another. The latter individual may join the process at a later stage, with others waiting even longer. Insofar as each personal ethnification decision triggers reputationally induced ethnification on the part of at least one other person, the decisions collectively form a REPUTATIONAL CASCADE. This form of cascade is distinguished from its informational variant, which is driven by interdependencies among individual information sets. In theory, of course, ethnification need not involve a cascade, whether reputational or informational. If many members of a population were to respond to an outside shock simultaneously, the resulting collective ethnification would be instantaneous. But in practice the process occurs through multitudes of reactions and counterreactions spread out over time. Ethnification cannot occur through a reputational cascade unless members of society want to conform to the norms of their groups." 641

Brubaker 04

Ethnicity Without Groups [Conceptual - Ethnicity, Theory]: "GROUPISM": "the tendency to take discrete, bounded groups as basic constituents of social life, chief protagonists of social conflicts, and fundamental units of social analysis"; "the tendency to treat ethnic groups, nations, and races as substantial entitities to which interests and agency can be attributed." 8 "As analysts, we should certainly try to account for the ways in which — and conditions under which — this practice of reification, this powerful crystallization of group feeling, can work. But we should avoid unintentionally doubling or reinforcing the REIFICATION of ethnic groups in ethnopolitical practice with a reification of such groups in social analysis." 10 CONCLUSION: "I have suggested that we need not frame our analyses in terms of ethnic groups, and that it may be more productive to focus on practical categories, situated actions, cultural idioms, cognitive schemas, commonsense knowledge, organizational routines, and resources, discursive frames, institutionalized forms, political projects, contingent events, and variable groupness." 27 "COGNITIVE perspectives ... suggest that ethnicity is fundamentally not a thing in the world, but a perspective on the world [and] afford strong reasons for treating ethnicity, race, and nationalism as one domain rather than several." 65

Wacquant 97

For an Analytic of Racial Domination [Conceptual - Race, Commentary]: "When it first came into currency in the 1930s, 'RACISM' had a fairly precise meaning: a doctrine of racial superiority and the pseudo scientific theories invoked to support it ... . But since this initial formulation, the term has undergone unchecked conceptual inflation, followed, in recent years, by accelerating semantic decomposition, to the point where it has ceased playing a useful analytical and even political role." 229 "To CONCLUDE, I agree with ... Stoler that we need reflexive histories of 'racial discourse' ... . But we need much more than that. We need to forge an analytic of racial domination capable of capturing the simultaneous malleability and obdurateness of racial divisions along with the diversity of symbolic and material mechanisms whereby these are drawn, enforced, and challenged. To do this we must DISCARD the notion of 'racism' and its logocentric bias, clearly demarcate sociological categories from ethnoracial common sense, and renounce the urge to denounce fed by the logic of the trial." 231

Logan & Zhang 10

Global Neighborhoods: New Pathways to Diversity and Separation [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Survey]: "In our analysis the outstanding feature of the 'global city' (defined by Sassen [1991] on the basis of its financial innovation and control functions) is its ability to draw people from all parts of the world, creating a new population diversity that affects the familiar pattern of race relations in black and white. We identify the corresponding phenomenon of 'global neighborhoods'— neighborhoods where the simple place categories of predominantly white, predominantly black, or racially mixed are no longer adequate. The most important new category is that in which all four major racial/ethnic groups (whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) are included. We observe a rapid growth of such neighborhoods, whose creation and per- sistence are fundamentally at variance with the invasion-succession model. These are not temporarily integrated places, diverse only as long as it takes for whites to abandon them. Nor do they arise out of processes of aging, disinvestment, and deprivation. We argue that stable diversity is possible and that it can occur in average or even better-than-average neighborhoods, if and only if black entry is preceded by a substantial presence of both Hispanic and Asian residents. Global neighborhoods do not erase racial boundaries, but they introduce new dynamics that need to be taken into account by urban theory. ... What is new in our study is an explicit alternative model based on evidence from 1980 to 2000 of how Asians and Hispanics affect the paths of neighborhood change. We will show that two directions of change coexist in global neighborhoods. One of these is a persistent process of white flight and white replacement by minorities (now includingHispanics and Asians in addition to blacks), the same demographic shift that un- derlies the familiar model of invasion and succession. The other is the new diversity that Sanjek (1998) terms 'the future of us all'—a future of mixed neighborhoods overcoming the black-white divide, where Sanjek believed members of all groups would learn to live together." 1070

Ross & Turner 05

Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000 [Community - Housing Discrimination, Empirical - Experiment]: ABSTRACT: "African Americans and Hispanics traditionally have faced many barriers that limit their access to and choice of housing. ... The study finds that disparate treatment discrimination in rental and owner-occupied housing markets persists, but has declined substantially in magnitude over the last decade. Key exceptions to this general decline are discrimination against Hispanics in access to rental housing, racial steering of African Americans, and less assistance to Hispanics in obtaining financing provided." 152 EVIDENCE: "Both studies follow a common methodology where advertisements for rental and owner-occupied housing are randomly selected from the newspaper. Then, tester pairs composed of one white (majority) tester and one minority tester are matched on observable attributes and are assigned similar family and economic characteristics. Each of the two testers visits the same real estate agency to inquire about an advertised housing unit, and each returns independently to complete an individual survey instrument that reports on the treatment he or she experienced. This study compares a range of treatment measures for African American and Hispanic home seekers between 1989 and 2000." 143 CONCLUSION: "The findings indicate that housing discrimination declined substantially between 1989 and 2000. Both groups in both markets experienced substantial declines of between 8 and 12 percentage points in the net adverse treatment experienced on the composite index for agent encouragement. These changes represented declines of between 60 and 84 percent from the 1989 level, and very few significant racial or ethnic differences remain in this area. In terms of access to housing, African American renters and homebuyers and Hispanic homebuyers saw substantial declines in net adverse treatment of between 68 and 81 percent for availability and between 53 and 84 percent for inspection. These broad changes in treatment appear consistent with an overall change in the culture of the real estate industry that might be attributed to a changing national culture, evolving industry structure, and the influence of the Fair Housing Act and its associated educational and enforcement activities." 176

Smith & Moore 00

Intraracial Diversity and Relations among African Americans: Closeness among Black Students at a Predominantly White University [Relations - Education, Empirical - Surveys, Interviews]: "Employing as a case study black college students who attend a predominantly white university, we find that, although black students continue to create their own social groups to combat feelings of isolation and alienation from the larger campus community, there exists considerable variation in the level of closeness they feel toward other black students and the black community on campus. ... These findings suggest that homogeneity in values, attitudes, and experiences among black students should not be assumed. Based on in-depth interviews, our study suggests that what is driving students' feelings of closeness to or distance from other black students is the extent to which they perceive themselves to be different from the majority of other black students on campus. These perceived differences stem from three factors: racial/ethnic identification, SES, and preadult integrative experiences. First, biracial students are significantly less likely to feel close to other black students on campus. ... Second, low SES students are less likely to feel close to black students on campus when compared to high SES students. ... Third, consistent with previous research, we find that preadult interracial contact has a negative effect on closeness to other blacks." 34

Barth 69

Introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference [Conceptual - Ethnicity, Introduction]: "The term ETHNIC GROUP is generally understood in anthropological literature to designate a population which: (1) is largely biologically self-perpetuating / (2) shares fundamental cultural values, realized in overt unity in cultural forms (3) makes up a field of communication and interaction (4) has a membership which identifies itself, and is identified by others, as constituting a category distinguishable from other categories of the same order." (10-11) "The main theoretical departure consists of several interconnected PARTS. First, we give primary emphasis to the fact that ethnic groups are categories of ascription and identification by the actors themselves, and thus have the characteristic of organizing interaction between people. We attempt to relate other characteristics of ethnic groups to this primary feature. Second, the essays all apply a generative viewpoint to the analysis; rather than working through a typology of forms of ethnic groups and relations, we attempt to explore the different processes that seem to be involved in generating and maintaining ethnic groups. Third, to observe these processes we shift the focus of investigation from internal constitution and history of separate groups to ethnic boundaries and boundary maintenance. Each of these points needs some elaboration."

Wilson, G 07

Introduction to Race, Ethnicity, and Inequality in the U.S. Labor Market: Critical Issues in the New Millennium [Inequality - Labor Market, Introduction]: "A GENERAL CONCLUSION: race and ethnicity continue to matter as salient factors in the American labor market. Accordingly, findings from this voluminous literature have helped to assess the merits of prominent theoretical perspectives that most directly address the nature and extent of racial/ethnic stratification in the American workplace. Two examples of this will suffice: findings render fundamentally incorrect the predictions from what is now a relatively distant generation of sociologists, who, operating through the lens of a structural functional theory, maintained that the use of ascriptive cri teria such as race and ethnicity were deemed fundamentally incompatible with the logical imperatives dictated by advanced capitalist societies that put a pre mium on meritocratic criteria and principles of efficiency in determining access to socioeconomic rewards in the American labor market. Furthermore, findings from contemporary studies have demonstrated that facile and sweeping conclusions regarding the accuracy of the more recently enunciated thesis about the 'declining significance of race,' at least, as it applies to dynamics within the civil rights era, are unwarranted." 7 "Overall, in contemporary studies, a series of OVERARCHING ANALYTIC APPROACHES that posit how race/ethnicity operate to structure inequality in the American labor market can be identified. Two such prominent approaches are offered as illustrations. The first maintains that race/ethnicity operates under the umbrella of broader causal statements about the distribution of rewards in the labor market. Illustrative of this are attempts to analyze race/ethnicity in the workplace in the context of theories of class conflict as well as within the framework of tools adopted from neo classical economics?such as "monopolistic" practices that have been used to maintain that strategically placed groups that have incentives to maintain racial/ethnic inequality. A second line of research is noteworthy because it assesses the salience of race/ethnicity in the workplace on a basis that is independent of, and not reducible to, other causal, supposedly more funda mental determinants such as class relations and the logic of supply and demand dynamics in the labor market." 8

Hunt & Wilson, G 11

Introduction to Race, Racial Attitudes, and Stratification Beliefs: Evolving Directions for Research and Policy [Inequality - All, Introduction]: "Such work stems from two primary, and sometimes overlapping, scholarly domains: RACIAL ATTITUDES and STRATIFICATION BELIEFS. Racial attitudes research focuses on the antecedents and consequences of beliefs about race, racial prejudice, and racial policy support. Stratification beliefs research focuses on beliefs about the causes of social and economic inequalities (including patterns by race) and the implications of such for relevant public policies. Scholarship in these two areas has incorporated 'race' in two primary ways: as a predictor, focusing on how race/ethnic group membership shapes patterns of adherence to various ideological belies and worldviews; and as part of the content of ideologies, beliefs, and worldviews." 7 OUTLINE: "The first several articles in this volume explore the dynamics of race, inequality, and ideology in relation to specific institutional domains or issues of national concern: crime, religion, work, and immigration/national inclusion. ... The remaining articles in the current volume all deal, in one way or another, with racial policy attitudes or the changing nature of racism in twenty-first-century America. ... Three articles in this volume deal directly with current debates over the nature of modern racial prejudice, focusing on the measurement and the implications of a specific topic in the 'new racism' literature: racial resentment. ... Two additional articles address issues of long-standing concern to scholars interested in the social and psychological bases of whites' policy attitudes: the impact of social context on racial policy outlooks and the role of racial prejudice in shaping support for (ostensibly) nonracial policy matters. ... The two final articles in this volume both deal with issues of racial prejudice or stratification ideology in the context of the election of Barack Obama to the presidency of the United States." 7

Dobbin 09

Inventing Equal Opportunity [Inequality - Labor Market, Empirical - Survey]: "There is a rich trove of books on each of the first three ACTS in the equal opportunity drama: the civil rights movement, passage of equal op- portunity laws, and federal enforcement of those laws. Those books neglect the long fourth act, in which the personnel profession's com- pliance efforts translated the law into practice. ... In the first act of the equal opportunity story, the civil rights movement called for Congress to outlaw discrimination in employment, ed- ucation, housing, and public accommodations, demanding legislation that, with the one hundredth anniversary of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of 1862 looming, might make good on the promise that all men (and women) are equal in the eyes of the law. ... In the second act, politicians required federal contractors to practice equal opportunity in 1961, required employers to pay men and women the same wages for the same work in 1963, and required all employ- ers to offer equal employment opportunity in 1964. ... In the third act, federal administrators and courts shaped how these vague laws would be enforced. ... This book chronicles the fourth act in the drama, which began soon after John F. Kennedy signed Executive Order 10925 in 1961, requiring firms with federal contracts to take 'affirmative action' to end discrim- ination. Personnel professionals crafted equal opportunity programs with instruments drawn from their professional arsenal, and those pro- grams came to define fair employment and discrimination. It was per- sonnel experts who decreed that managers should advertise jobs and that they should use performance evaluations to judge applicants for promotions." 3 "Personnel experts promoted one ROUND OF COMPLIANCE MEASURES after another. In the 1960s, they wrote nondiscrimination policies based on union non- discrimination rules, and set up recruitment and training programs for women and minorities. In the 1970s, as the profession more than dou- bled in size and as the proportion of women rose from a third to nearly a half, they formalized hiring and promotion with performance evalua- tions, salary classification, and other measures to eliminate managers' opportunities to exercise bias.28 In the Reagan years, when affirmative action was on the ropes, they changed course, arguing that the new hiring and promotion practices helped to rationalize "human resources management" and relabeling "equal opportunity" programs as "di- versity management" programs. Then in the 1990s and 2000s, the in- creasingly feminized human resources profession focused on women's issues, pushing for the expansion of work and family programs and antiharassment programs. In each period the meaning of discrimina- tion changed, and the roles of social movements, organizations, the professions, and the government evolved in ways that challenged the conventional wisdom." 13

Loveman 99

Is Race Essential? Comment on Bonilla-Silva 97 [Conceptual - Race, Commentary]: "Although I agree completely with EBS about the importance of improving our understanding of the causes, mechanisms, and consequences of 'racial phenomena,' I ARGUE that his 'structural theory of racism' is decisively not the best analytical framework for accomplishing this goal. The utility of his theoretical framework is undermined by THREE critical pitfalls: (1) confounding categories with groups, (2) reifying 'race,' and (3) maintaining the unwarranted analytical distinction between 'race' and 'ethnicity.' These three flaws undermine the usefulness of his 'racialized social system' framework for improving our understanding of historical and contemporary meanings of 'race' and consequences of 'racism.' To avoid these pitfalls and to understand more fully how 'race' shapes social relations and becomes embedded in institutions, 'race' should be abandoned as a category of analysis. This would increase analytical leverage for the study of 'race' as a category of practice. To improve our understanding of 'racial' phenomena we do not need a 'structural theory of racism' but rather an analytical framework that focuses attention on processes of boundary construction, maintenance, and decline — a comparative sociology of group-making — built on the Weberian concept of social closure." (891) CONCLUSION: "A comparative historical approach to the study of 'race' as a category of practice, constitutive of social relations in given contexts, has far greater analytical and theoretical potential than a 'racialized social system' approach. Even if such a perspective could avoid the reification of 'race,' the empirical and theoretical justifications for isolating the study of 'race' are tenuous at best. Moreover, comparative analysis of social processes involved in the construction, maintenance, and decline of symbolic boundaries in diverse contexts promises to yield significant insights clarifying why particular systems of symbolic differentiation emerge and are sustained (or not), and are salient to varying degrees, at particular points in history. A comparative approach to the study of boundary construction and group-making built on the Weberian concept of social closure also could facilitate identification of forms of closure associated with particular symbolic-boundary dynamics (emergence, maintenance, decline). Such a framework could permit identification of the patterns of relations between particular social processes and particular structural conditions that trigger certain boundary dynamics; consequently, it could improve social scientific understanding, explanation, and theorization. These promising research avenues are foreclosed by approaches that reify 'race' in / their attempt to employ it analytically. To investigate and explain the causes, dynamics, and consequences of 'race' as a category of practice, social scientists would be better off eliminating 'race' as a category of analysis." (897-898)

Ogbu 90

Minority Education in Comparative Perspective [Inequality - Education, Theory]: "THREE types of COMMUNITY FORCES influence minority children's school adjustment and academic performance: instrumental, symbolic, and relational. Instrumental factors, those that encourage striving for school success among American immigrant minorities, include their positive, dual-status, upward-mobility frame of reference and their folk theories of getting ahead in America. ... Symbolic factors such as the social identity and cultural frame of reference of the immigrants, while different but not necessarily ambivalent or oppositional to the White American cultural frame of reference upon which school values are based, also promote school striving and success among those groups. ... The relational factor that promotes school success among immigrant minorities involves their degree of acquiescence and trust in the schools and school personnel. ... The instrumental factors do not work so favorably for involuntary minorities. To begin with, involuntary minorities possess a negative, dual-status, limited-mobility frame of reference that does not encourage striving for school success. ... Similarly, symbolic factors do not particularly encourage striving for school success among involuntary minorities. ... The relationship between involuntary minorities and the public schools (and, subsequently, those who control the schools) does not help to promote academic success among involuntary minorities." 51 CONCLUSION: "Immigrant minorities and involuntary minorities differ not only in the initial terms of their incorporation into society but also in their choice of reference groups for comparing their present status and future possibilities, their folk theories of getting ahead (especially with regard to education), their collective identities and cultural frames of reference for judging appropriate behavior, their modes of affirming group membership and solidarity, and their degree of trust in the dominant group and its institutions. Immigrant minorities are relatively more successful in school than involuntary minorities because the status of the former as voluntary minorities generates for them certain community features that enhance the attitudes and behaviors conducive to school success. This does not mean that all immigrant minority students succeed in school or that all involuntary minority students fail, nor does it mean that involuntary minority children have no obligation to understand and relate to the culture and language of the schools-education will always be a two-way street. However, there appear to be dominant patterns of academic adaptation among the two types of minorities. Each type of minority has at its disposal several culturally based strategies to enhance their chances of school success, yet they differ in the degree of support, especially peer support, that they provide to individual members of their groups who attempt to utilize those strategies." 54

Loveman 14

National Colors: Racial Classification and the State in Latin America [Community - International, Empirical - Historical]: PURPOSE: "National Colors shows how mundane administrative practices of classifying populations by race or ethnicity are tied historically to large-scale cultural and political projects of building modern states and defining national communities. Empirically, this is a book about the politics and practices of ethnoracial classification in censuses in Latin America from the colonial period until the first ddecades of the twenty-first century. More generally, it is a book that explains the centrality of racial thought to the construction of political and cultural communities in modern Latin America. The language of race figured only marginally in the popular-revolutionary nationalisms of France and the United States. National Colors offers an explanation for why the idea of race, and especially the idea of race mixture, anchored official constructions of modern nationhood in Latin America." xiv "I FIND that the political struggles that take place within national arenas do not suffice to explain why and how Latin American states used censuses to count and classify their populations. ... I find that in Latin America national censuses became symbolically potent vehicles for political and scientific elites to advance particular political projects to define the nation and to promote national progress. My analysis also reveals, however, that census politics within national political fields were profoundly shaped by their embeddedness within international political and scientific fields—where Latin American elites were not the dominant players. ... Bringing nineteen Latin American countries into the field of comparison makes it clear that legal institutionalization of ethnoracial cateogries is not a necessary condition for the political construction of racial or ethnic boundaries. ... My analysis shows that states may classify citizens into ethnic or racial categories for both inclusionary and exclusionary purposes, even simultaneously. My analysis also shows that the absence of official racial classification can itself be a powerful means of exclusion." 9

Bobo & Kluegel 93

Opposition to Race Targeting: Self Interest, Stratification Ideology, or Racial Attitudes? [Relations, Empirical - Survey]: ABSTRACT "Although traditional anti-black prejudice among whites has decreased since the 1940s, social policies designed to assist blacks continue to face opposition and controversy. Accounts have pointed to self-interest, American beliefs about inequality, or persistent negative racial attitudes as underlying causes of widespread opposition to race-targeted policies. We hypothesize that opposition hinges on the explicitness of the race-targeting and whether the policy's goal is opportunity enhancement or equality of outcomes. We also hypothesize that the influence of individuals' self-interest, beliefs about inequality, and racial attitudes on opinions differs by whether or not a policy is race-targeted and by a policy's goal. ... Results of these analyses lend general support to our hypotheses, and in particular, underscore the influence of group self-interest and perceived discrimination on white opposition to race-targeted policy." 443 "OUR RESULTS show that race-targeting diminishes whites' support for social policies across the policy spectrum. Race-targeting reduces support for opportunity-enhancing policies by about 22 percent on average relative to similar income-targeted policies. The impact of race-targeting is even larger when comparing policies that lean toward equalizing outcomes for blacks and whites. ...In sum, race-targeting matters, and it matters more when the policy leans toward assuring equal outcomes for blacks and whites. The reasons for these effects are largely traceable to group self-interest, to group perspectives on the nature of black-white inequality, and to a lesser degree to racial prejudice." 458

Rosenfeld & Kleykamp 12

Organized Labor and Racial Wage Inequality in the United States [Inequality - Labor Market & Income, Empirical - Survey]: OUTLINE: "We first investigate unionization in order to test theories of African-Americans' engagement with the labor movement in the United States. Next, we estimate the effects of union membership and of joining a union on wages. Unlike scholarship on the historical relationship between blacks and organized labor, recent research on black-white wage inequality conceptualizes unions as benefiting blacks and whites similarly. This assumption ignores both organized labor's historical role in blocking access to well-paying, stable employment for African-Americans and possible explanations for blacks' overrepresentation in unions in more recent periods. Our analysis tests whether the effect of unionization on wages varies by race. We utilize these race-specific wage premium estimates for our final investigation of the article: an account of what black-white wage inequality in the private sector would look like had 1970s unionization rates—the highest in our series—persisted. This counterfactual provides a picture of how the near disintegration of a core labor market institution affects economic inequality between black and white workers." 1461 "Three main empirical FINDINGS undergird the theoretical contributions of the article. First, we show that African-Americans' disproportionately high rates of organization are not simply reducible to their labor market positions. Instead, our analyses are consistent with a protectionist theory of the labor movement, where out-groups seek unionized employment as a refuge against discriminatory treatment in nonunion sectors. Second, we find little evidence to suggest that unionization actually offers any additional economic protection to blacks compared with whites: both groups benefit similarly from organization. Third, despite the lack of an added economic benefit, private-sector union decline has exacerbated black-white wage inequality, especially among female workers." 1462

Spohn 15

Race, Crime, and Punishment in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries [Inequality - Crime, Review]: ABSTRACT: "Flagrant and widespread racism that characterized the criminal justice system during the early part of the twentieth century has largely been eliminated, but racial disparities persist. Whether because of overt racism, implicit bias, or laws and practices that have racially disparate effects, black (and Hispanic) men and women make up a disproportionate number of people in American prisons and on death row. Researchers have conducted dozens of studies designed to untangle the complex relationships between race and punishment to determine the causes of racial disparities. Findings vary somewhat, but most conclude that the share of racial disproportionality in imprisonment that can be explained by differential involvement in crime has declined over time; attribute the continuing—possibly worsening—disparity to policies pursued during the war on drugs and officials' race-linked stereotypes of culpability, dangerousness, and likelihood of reoffending; and contend that race affects the capital sentencing process. Remedying this will require reducing the size of the prison population, reforming the sentencing process so that many more offenders convicted of nonserious crimes receive alternatives to incarceration, and abolishing or severely restricting use of the death penalty." 49

Schuman et al. 97

Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations [Relations, Empirical - Surveys]: "In this book we use the term 'ATTITUDE' in a broad sense to include not only direct evaluations but also beliefs that are evaluative in implication." 2 "there has been a strong and generally steady movement of WHITE ATTITUDES from denial to affirmation of equality [in principle] ... implementation questions do not all show a clear positive trend over time ... objections [to integration] are much more frequent when substantial numbers of blacks are involved ... When white Americans are asked to account for black disadvantage, the most popular explanation is that blacks lack motivation or will power to get ahead. ... Affirmative action in the form of preferential treatment has very little support among white Americans" 191 "The most important conclusion from this review of BLACK ATTITUDES concerns the large differences in the perspectives of blacks and whites about the causes of black disadvantage. Blacks emphasize continuing discrimination; whites stress low motivation on the part of blacks." 275 EPILOGUE: "The slow, steady decline of norms supporting prejudice is consistent with, for example, the strong educational differentials in response to racial principle items, the liberalizing impact of the cohort-replacement process, the positive changes in the attitudes of individuals, the nearly complete rejection of biological arguments for white racial superiority, and an increasing recognition of the importance of black-white relations to U.S. world leadership. ... Still later, questions concerning the causes of black disadvantage and questions about strong forms of affirmative action issues were added, in both cases producing evidence that a large part of the white population was reluctant to go beyond supporting more general principles of equal treatment, and indeed was coming to think that those principles were already in effect throughout much of the society. ... But beyond the enforcement of norms of equal treatment, there seems to be little public support for any but remedial forms of special training to help disadvantaged Arican Americans, or perhaps for broader programs that can be described in ways that do not emphasize race." 325

Bonilla-Silva 97

Rethinking Racism: Toward a Structural Interpretation [Conceptual - Race, Theory]: "IN THIS PAPER I point out the limitations of most contemporary frameworks used to analyze racial issues and suggest an alternative structural theory built on some of the ideas and concepts elaborated by the institutionalist, the internal colonial, and the racial formation perspectives. Although 'racism' has a definite ideological component, reducing racial phenomena to ideas limits the possibility of understanding how it shapes a race's life chances. Rather than viewing racism as an all-powerful ideology that explains all racial phenomena in a society, I use the term racism only to describe the racial ideology of a racialized social system. That is, racism is only part of a larger racial system." (467) "At this point it is possible to sketch the ELEMENTS OF THE ALTERNATIVE FRAMEWORK presented here. First, racialized social systems are societies that allocate differential economic, political, social, and even psychological rewards to groups along racial lines; lines that are socially constructed. After a society becomes racialized, a set of social relations and practices based on racial distinctions develops at all societal levels. I designate the aggregate of those relations and practices as the racial structure of a society. Second, races historically are constituted according to the process of racialization; they become the effect of relations of opposition between racialized groups at all levels of a social formation. Third, on the basis of this structure, there develops a racial ideology (what analysts have coded as racism). This ideology is not simply a 'superstructural' phenomenon (a mere reflection of the racialized system), but becomes the organizational map that guides actions of racial actors in society. It becomes as real as the racial relations it organizes. Fourth, most struggles in a racialized social system contain a racial component, but sometimes they acquire and/or exhibit a distinct racial character. Racial contestation is the logical outcome of a society with a racial hierarchy. A social formation that includes some form of racialization will always exhibit some form of racial contestation. Finally, the process of racial contestation reveals the different objective interests of the races in a racialized system." (474) "My CENTRAL ARGUMENT is that racism, as defined by mainstream social scientists to / consist only of ideas, does not provide adequate theoretical foundation for understanding racial phenomena." 474

Steele & Aronson 98

Stereotype Threat and the Academic Performance of Academically Successful African Americans [Inequality - Education, Empirical - Experiment]: "The existence of a negative stereotype about a group to which one belongs means that in situations where it is potentially applicable, one risks confirming that stereotype, both to oneself and to others. Such situations create what we have called stereotype threat. When the stereotype in question demeans something as important to one as intellectual ability is to good students, it can impair performance. Our experiments show that making African Americans more conscious of negative stereotypes about their intellectual ability as a group can depress their test performance relative to that of whites. Conditions designed to alleviate stereotype threat, in turn, can improve the performance of blacks. These findings come from Studies One and Two, which variously present the test as diagnostic or nondiagnostic of intellectual ability. That is, these studies vary the extent to which the stereotype about blacks' ability seems relevant to the test they are taking. Study Three provides direct evidence that describing a test in a particular way can arouse stereotype threat in black participants. Describing the test as a measure of ability activates the racial stereotype, provokes self-doubt relating to the stereotype, and leads blacks to distance themselves from other stereotypes about African Americans. Study Four shows that merely asking black students to record their race is enough to impair their test performance, even when the test is not described as a measure of ability. This is presumably because race priming makes the stereotype salient in the minds of these participants. Study Five replicates these results. Taken together, the five studies show that stereotype threat can impair the test performance of African Americans even if it is created by queite subtle changes of environment. Eliminating stereotype threat can dramaticallly imporve blacks' performance." 422

Anderson 90

Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Ethnography (Black increasingly-mixed neighborhood)]: JS: Anderson's classic ethnography Streetwise explores how neighborhood change impacts race relations in urban area. Moreover, he seeks to understand the social organization of such neighborhoods. In this predominantly urban black neighborhood that is becoming increasingly white and middle to upper-income class, the proximity to poor blacks, who are driven out by rise in housing prices to adjacent ghetto, creates the need for social codes to manage race relations. Anderson theorizes about the set of social codes, naming it street etiquette, a set of informal rules that allow groups to occupy streets with the promise of security. This happens in the absence of formal agents of social control and personal responsibility, which have been eroded as a result of neighborhood change. The observer takes a mental note of the other person and constructs expectations about them through repeated meetings and interactions, a working conception of a social type. Strengths of impressions through repeated encounters builds and there is sometimes a gap between visual and verbal that is pressed. For example, neighborhood talk combines with experience on the street to create picture of persons and local street life. Relatedly, street wisdom is the employment of observations and experiences grounded in street etiquette to gain insight, an interpretive process of understanding individuals.

Quadagno 94

The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty [Inequality - Poverty, Empirical - Historical]: "This book is about how policymakers tried to respond to those demands by reconstructing the racial welfare state of the New Deal. It is also about how these attempts foundered on a deep racial divide. Finally it is about the price the nation still pays for failing to fully incorporate African Americans ihto the national community. That price is a welfare state that lacks the basic protection other industrialized nations take for granted. The argument I develop here differs from other interpretations of the American welfare state. Several leading political theorists contend that the United States has been a welfare state laggard because of a tradition of liberal values, while others focus on the weakness of the working class or the peculiarities of American statemaking. I find all these interpretations partially correct; yet they pay insufficient attention to a key ingredient—race." 4

Feagin 91

The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places [Inequality - Other, Empirical - Interviews]: "Middle-class STRATEGIES for coping with discrimination range from careful assessment to withdrawal, resigned acceptance, verbal confrontation, or physical confrontation. ... Assessing the situation is a first step. ... This careful evalution, based on past experiences (real or vicarious), not only prevents jumping to conclusions, but also reflects the hope that white behavior is not based on race, because an act not based on race is easier to endure. After evaluation one strategy is to leave the site of discrimination rather than to create a disturbance. Another is to ignore the discrimination and continue with the interaction, a 'blocking' strategy ... In many situations resigned acceptance is the only realistic response. More confrontational responses to white actions include verbal reprimands and sarcasm, physical counterattacks, and filing lawsuits. ... In crafting these strategies middle-class blacks, in comparison with less privileged blacks, may draw on middle-class resources to fight discrimination." 103 "I HAVE examined the sites of discrimination, the types of discriminatory acts, and the responses of the victims and have found the color stigma still to be very important in the public lives of affluent black Americans. ... The interviews highlight two significant aspects of the additive discrimination faced by black Americans in public places and elsewhere: (1) the cumulative character of an individual's experiences with discrimination; and (2) the group's accumulated historical experiences as perceived by the individual. ... Anti-black discrimination is a matter of racial-power inequality institutionalized in a variety of economic and social institutions over a long period of time. The microlevel events of public accommodations and public streets are not just rare and isolated encounters by individuals; they are recurring events reflecting an invasion of the microworld by the macroworld of historical racial subordination." 114

Lewis 69

The Culture of Poverty [Inequality - Poverty, Theory]: "The culture of poverty ... tends to grow and flourish in societies with the following set of conditions: (1) a cash economy, wage labor, and production for profit; (2) a persistently high rate of unemployment and underemployment for unskilled labor; (3) low wages; (4) the failure to provide social, political, and economic organization, either on a voluntary basis or by government imposition, for the low-income population; (5) the existence of a bilateral kinship system rather than a unilateral one; and finally, (6) the existence in the dominant class of a set of values that stresses the accumulation of wealth and property, the possibility of upward mobility, and thrift and that explains low economic status as the result of personal inadequacy or inferiority. ... The way of life that develops among some of the poor under these conditions is the culture of poverty. It can best be studied in urban or rural slums and can be described in terms of some seventy interrelated social, economic, and psychological traits. However, the number of traits and the relationships between them may vary from society to society and from family to family. ... The culture of poverty is both an adaptation and a reaction of the poor to their marginal position in a class-stratified, highly individuated, capitalistic society. It represents an effort to cope with feelings of hopelessness and despair that develop from the realization of the improbability of achieving success in terms of the values and goals of the larger society. ... The culture of poverty can be studied from various points of view: the relationship between the subculture and the larger society [lack of effective participation and integration of the poor in major institutions]; the nature of the slum community [a minimum of organization beyond th elevel of the nuclear and extended family but there may be a sense of community despite low level of organization]; the nature of the family [short childhood, early sex, free unions, absentee fathers, female-centered families, authoritarianism, lack of privacy, competition for limited goods and affection, verbal emphasis on family]; and the attitudes, values, and character structure of the individual [strong feelings of marginality, helplessness, dependence, inferiority]." 187

Lamont 00

The Dignity of Working Men: Morality and the Boundaries of Race, Class, and Immigration [Community - Black, Empirical - Interviews]: JS: In The Dignity of Working Men, Lamont explores how workers construct similarities and differences between themselves and other groups. White workers draw boundaries against professionals and managers using moral standards; draw even stronger boundaries against blacks and the poor on the basis of universal morality organized around the "disciplined self"—work ethnic and sense of responsibility. White workers most value a disciplined self while black workers most value a "caring self". Each group perceives the other as lacking with respect to the specific universal moral rules each embodies and privileges most. The differences in boundary ideology are explained by the cultural resources that people have access to and the structural conditions in which they are placed. Lamont's cultural-materialist causal framework focuses on the structured context in which people live, which is shaped by the relative availability of cultural resources and by structural conditions. The available cultural resources make it more likely that specific patterns of boundaries will resonate with individual experience in one national context than in the other or in one racial group or class than in another. Groups in relatively similar structural positions can draw very different lines precisely because their environment and/or subculture exposed them to different sets of cultural tools. Workers, in comparison to professionals, value hard work most because it is their exclusive source of welfare and means for upward mobility. Black workers, specifically, emphasize collective dimensions of morality, concerned with solidarity, egalitarianism, generosity, defense of the black imagined community; in contrast, while white workers have more individualist understanding and are less exposed to cultural repertoires that can sustain solidaristic notions. Work ethic and responsibility are privileged in drawing boundaries against blacks and the poor by white workers, while personal integrity is privileged in the drawing of boundaries against the upper middle class. Racial boundaries are drawn out of moral boundaries. Whites moral standards center around work ethic, responsibility, and defense of traditional morality. Blacks condemnation of whites is about their lack of caring and domineering tendencies: whites are too competitive, less human, caring, and spiritual than blacks. This shows why white workers blame blacks for their lack of work ethic and violations of traditional morality—the centrality of these traditional values in their own lives, sense of threat to their group position, fear of losing status, and cultural repertoires provided by republican party. On the other hand, blacks view whites as domineering and uncaring b/c of their Afro-centrist repertoires. Moreover, asymmetry in the ability of the two groups to disseminate a demonized view of the other (whites as domineering and uncaring vs blacks as lazy and immoral) is key to understanding the crucial role that culture plays in the reproduction of racial inequality in American society.

Wimmer 08

The Making and Unmaking of Ethnic Boundaries: A Multilevel Process Theory [Community - Other, Theory]: "little has been done to explain the entire range of empirically documented variation through comparative theory building and research. ... The article makes a twofold contribution to this project. First, it offers a systematic description of the wide variety of ethnic constellations that empirical research has brought to light and shows that none of the existing comparative hypotheses suffices to make sense of these differences. Four principal dimensions of variation are identified: different degrees of political salience of ethnic boundaries, of social closure and exclusion along ethnic lines, of cultural differentiation between groups, and of stability over time. Second, I outline an analytically more sophisticated and empirically more promising theory designed to explain why the process of ethnic group formation produces such different outcomes. The model leads from the macrostructural level to the agency of individuals and aggregates their actions back to the macrostructural level. It thus represents a dynamic process theory focused on how social forms are generated and transformed over time. In a nutshell, the model explains the varying features of ethnic boundaries as the result of the negotiations between actors whose strategies are shaped by the characteristics of the social field. It proceeds through four steps, each corresponding to a separate section. In a preliminary step, I provide an inventory of possible strategies of ethnic boundary making that individual and collective actors might pur- sue. In a second step, I discuss three characteristics of social fields that explain which actors will pursue which strategies (the macrostructural level): (1) the institutional framework determines which types of bound- aries—ethnic, social class, gender, villages, or others—can be drawn in a meaningful and acceptable way in a particular social field; (2) the position in a hierarchy of power defines the interests according to which actors choose between different possible levels of ethnic differentiation; (3) who exactly will be included in the actor's own ethnic category depends on the structure of her political alliances. In the third step, I explain how the ensuing classificatory and political struggles between actors advocat- ing different ethnic categories may lead to a more or less encompassing consensus over the topography, character, and rightful consequences of boundaries (the agency level). Finally, it is shown that the nature of this consensus explains the characteristics of ethnic boundaries: their varying degrees of political salience, social closure, cultural differentiation, and historical stability (leading back to the structural level)."

Young 04

The Minds of Marginalized Black Men: Making Sense of Mobility, Opportunity, and Future Life Chances [Inequality - Poverty, Empirical - Interviews]: LW: Examines the values and beliefs of young black men around work, mobility and opportunity to understand the "crisis of the black male" from a different perspective. Finds that differing degrees of social isolation and exposure to the world outside of their neighborhood shape these men's perspectives around mobility, opportunity and future life chances. For the most part, the values and beliefs about the world are similar to all Americans, however, these men primarily lack informed and realistic strategies for action on attaining their aspirations. Tries to link cultural and urban sociology. Those who are most isolated held onto the American Dream and individual agency/work ethic most strongly

Alexander 10

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness [Inequality - Incarceration & Labor Market, Empirical - Historical]: "In the era of COLORBLINDNESS, it is no longer socially permissible to use race, explicitly, as a justification for discrimination, exclusion, and social contempt. So we don't. Rather than rely on race, we use our criminal justice system to label people of color 'criminals' and then engage in all the practices we supposedly left behind. Today it is perfectly legal to discriminate against criminals in nearly all the ways that it was once legal to discriminate against African Americans. Once you're labeled a felon, the old forms of discrimination—employment discrimination, housing discrimination, denial of the right to vote, denial of educational opportunity, denial of food stamps and other public benefits, and exclusion from jury service—are suddenly legal. As a criminal, you have scarcely more rights, and arguably less respect, than a black man living in Alabama at the height of Jim Crow. We have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it." "What is completely missed in the rare public debates today about the plight of African Americans is that a huge percentage of them are NOT FREE TO MOVE UP at all. It is not just that they lack opportunity, attend poor schools, or are plagued by poverty. They are barred by law from doing so. And the major institutions with which they come into contact are designed to prevent their mobility. To put the matter starkly: The current system of control permanently locks a huge percentage of the African American community out of the mainstream society and economy. The system operates through our criminal justice institutions, but it functions more like a caste system than a system of crime control. Viewed from this perspective, the so-called underclass is better understood as an undercaste—a lower caste of individuals who are permanently barred by law and custom from mainstream society. Although this new system of racialized social control purports to be colorblind, it creates and maintains racial hierarchy much as earlier systems of control did. Like Jim Crow (and slavery), mass incarceration operates as a tightly networked system of laws, policies, customs, and institutions that operate collectively to ensure the subordinate status of a group defined largely by race."

Paschel 10

The Right to Difference: Explaining Colombia's Shift from Color Blindness to the Law of Black Communities [Community - International, Empirical - Interviews, Historical]: ABSTRACT: "Drawing on archival analysis and in-depth interviews, this article examines Colombia's adoption of policies for black Colombians in 1993. It argues that Afro-Colombian activists were able to seize upon changes in global policy norms around multiculturalism and state disequilibrium both by deploying traditional social movement strat- egies and by framing their demands in terms of ethnic difference. This case extends our understanding of how social movements make strategic use of political openings and also illustrates the circum- stances under which an ethnic difference framing can be a more effective political strategy for achieving rights for black populations than a racial equality framing." 729 CONCL: "More specifically, in examining the case of Colombia, I found that domestic state disequilibrium converged with changes in global policy norms to provide both the material and the discursive openings that Afro-Colombian activists seized to make successful claims on the state. I argue that while the constitutional reform process in Colombia is crucial for understanding the adoption of the Law of Black Communities, one must understand the critical political juncture produced by the combination of these domestic politics and changes in the discursive op- portunity structure such that discussions of ethnic rights became sensible, realistic, and legitimate in the political sphere globally, including in a number of Latin American countries. ... Despite the fact that race and ethnicity cannot be easily disentangled, multicultural policies typically rely on the premise that ethnic groups, defined in terms of identity and culture, are the appropriate political subjects for specific types of rights. In the case of the Law of the Black Communities, the difference between the race frame (claims to integration/ sameness/equality) and the ethnicity frame (claims to difference/autonomy) meant the difference between gaining important rights or not. To this end, the black movement brought with it conventional forms of pro- test as well as knowledge of territory, music, and culture to ultimately gain the 'right to difference.' In the end, frames used by movements and the ways in which black populations are framed in recent legislation in Latin America are largely a result of difficult political negotiations. Thus, while frame analysis is useful, I contend that it should move beyond focusing exclusively on the role of framing in the recruitment and mobilization process and toward a more sophisticated understanding of framing as shaping both the effectiveness of social movements to recruit people and the nature of movement outcomes." 763

DuBois 03

The Souls of Black Folk [Relations, Theory]: "the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,—a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this DOUBLE-CONSCIOUSNESS, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness,—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,—this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. ... He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face." "IT IS NOT ENOUGH for the Negroes to declare that color-prejudice is the sole cause of their social condition, nor for the white South to reply that their social condition is the main cause of prejudice. They both act as reciprocal cause and effect, and a change in neither alone will bring the desired effect. Both must change, or neither can improve to any great extent. The Negro cannot stand the present reactionary tendencies and unreasoning drawing of the color-line indefinitely without discouragement and retrogression. And the condition of the Negro is ever the excuse for further discrimination. Only by a union of intelligence and sympathy across the color-line in this critical period of the Republic shall justice and right triumph"

Sampson & Wilson 95

Toward a Theory of Race, Crime, and Urban Inequality [Inequality - Crime, Theory]: THESIS: "In an attempt to break this stalemate we advance in this chapter a theoretical strategy that incorporates both structural and cultural arguments regarding race, crime, and inequality in American cities. In contrast to psychologically based relative deprivation theories and the subculture of violence, we view the race and crime linkage from contextual lenses that highlight the very different ecological contexts that blacks and whites reside in—regardless of individual characteristics. The basic thesis is that macro-social patterns of residential inequality give rise to the social isolation and ecological concentration of the truly disadvantaged, which in turn leads to structural barriers and cultural adaptations that undermine social organization and hence the control of crime. This thesis is grounded in what is actually an old idea in criminology that has been overlooked in the race and crime debate—the importance of communities." 38 DISCUSSION: "Rejecting both the 'individualistic' and 'materialist' fallacies, we have attempted to delineate a theoretical strategy that incorporates both structural and cultural arguments regarding race, crime, and urban inequality in American cities. Drawing on insights from social-disorganization theory and recent research on urban poverty, we believe this strategy provides new ways of thinking about race and crime. First and foremost, our perspective views the link between race and crime through contextual lenses that highlight the very different ecological contexts in which blacks and whites reside—regardless of individual characteristics. Second, we emphasize that crime rates among blacks nnonetheless vary by ecological characteristics, just as they do for whites. Taken together, these facts suggest a powerful role for community context in explaining race and crime. Our community-level explanation also departs from conventional wisdom. Rather than attributing to acts of crime a purely economic motive springing from relative deprivation—an individual-level psychological concept—we focus on the mediating dimensions of community social organization to understand variations in crime across areas. ... Furthermore, we incorporate culture into our theory in the form of social isolation and ecological landscapes that shape perceptions and cultural patterns of learning. This culture is not seen as inevitably tied to race, but more to the varying structural contexts produced by residential and macroeconomic change, concentrated poverty, family instability, and intervening patterns of social disorganization. ... In our view, macrosocial patterns of residential inequality give rise to the social isolation and concentration of the truly disadvantaged, engendering cultural adaptations that undermine social organization. Finally, our conceptualization suggests that the roots of urban violence among today's 16- to 21-year-old cohort may stem from childhood socialization that took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s." 52

McDermott & Samson 05

White Racial and Ethnic Identity in the United States [Relations, Review]: ABSTRACT: "Whiteness has become synonymous with privilege in much scholarly writing, although recent empirical work strives to consider white racial identity as a complex, situated identity rather than a monolithic one. The study of white racial identity can greatly benefit from moving away from simply naming whiteness as an overlooked, privileged identity and by paying closer attention to empirical studies of racial and ethnic identity by those studying social movements, ethnic identity, and social psychology." 245 "One common THEME links these disparate lines of research on white racial identity: The context in which whites are enmeshed influences their perceptions and experiences of being white." 255 "WHITENESS is not a static, unchangeable, easily definable identity. White racial identity is more of a process than a descriptive; it reflects the ever-shifting boundaries between different racial groups."

Haney Lopez 06

White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race [Community - White, Empirical - Legal Historical]: "I [ARGUE] that law constructs race at every level: changing the physical features borne by people in this country, shaping the social meanings that define races, and rendering concrete the privileges and disadvantages justified by racial ideology" xv "MY AMBITIONS in this book include setting out a general theory of the legal construction of race and elaborating, through an assessment of the content of Whiteness, the argument that Whites should consciously work against their racial identity." 24 "RACE can be understood as the historically contingent social systems of meaning that attach to elements of morphology and ancestry. This definition can be pushed on three interrelated levels, the physical, the social, and the material. First, race turns on physical features and lines of descent, not because features or lineage themselves are a function of racial variation, but because society has invested these with racial meanings. Second, because the meanings given to certain features and ancestries denote race, it is the social processes of ascribing racialized meanings to faces and forbearers that lie at the heart of racial fabrication. Third, these meaning-systems, while originally only ideas, gain force as they are reproduced in the material conditions of society. ... Examining the role of law in the construction of race becomes, then, an examination of the possible ways in which law creates differences in physical appearance, of the extent to which law ascribes racialized meanings to physical features and ancestry, and of the ways in which law translates ideas about race into the material societal conditions that confirm and entrench those ideas." 10 "On multiple levels, LAW is implicated in the construction of the contingent social systems of meaning that attach in our society to morphology and ancestry, the meaning systems we commonly refer to as race. The legal system influences what we look like, the meanings ascribed to our looks, and the material reality that confirms the meanings of our appearances. Law constructs race." 14