COMMUNITY studies, segregation, neighborhood effect

Harris 99

"Property Values Drop When Blacks Move In, Because...": Racial and Socioeconomic Determinants of Neighborhood Desirability [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Survey]: "I address TWO QUESTIONS. Are housing prices lower in neighborhoods with high concentrations of black residents? If so, is this relationship evidence of pure discrimination or can it be explained by considering nonracial neighborhood traits?" 475 "I FIND clear evidence of lower property values in neighborhoods with relatively high proportions of black residents. However, whether it is blacks' race or their socioeconomic status that affects property values depends on whether housing units are rented or owner-occupied. ... The distinction between pure discrimination and racial proxies is important in part because the two explanations have distinct implications for integration policy. If whites avoid blacks because they are black, then stable integration is unlikely; no matter what policy is pursued, whites will still object to living near blacks. Alternatively, if whites avoid blacks because of characteristics associated with being black, then stable integration can be achieved through policies that promote racial integration while minimizing undesirable nonracial characteristics." 461

Liebow 67

Tally's Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (DC participant obs)]: JS: Liebow conducts 12 months of participant-observation in 1962 and 1963 in DC, studying adult males because studies of low-income neighborhood usually focus on young violent men since the focus is usually on delinquency or on women and children. Liebow's basic premise is that the street corner men's social identity—their membership in the category of poor black men, has significance when grounded in the situations like work or marriage, where they will be treated as someone with the social identity of the black male loser. The emphasis on roles, "definition of the situation," presentation of self, acting, concealment, and vulnerability of the self in social life and group life are central in this account. Liebow argued that "the desire to be noticed by the world he lives in is shared by each of the men on the street corner. Whether they articulate this desire or not, one can see them position themselves to catch the attention of their fellows. His findings about employment show that the man-job relationship is a tenuous one...a job may occupy a relatively low position on the street corner scale of real values. Behind the man's refusal to take a job or his decision to quit one is not a simple impulse or value choice but a complex combination of assessments of objective reality on the one hand, and values, attitudes & beliefs drawn from different levels of his experience on the other. Menial jobs in retail/service do not pay enough to support a man and his family and street corner men do not put any less value on jobs than mainstream society. It is precisely the street corner man's orientation to the future, but a future loaded with trouble, that leads to greater emphasis on present 'I want mine right now' but also contributes to employment instability, transient quality of daily life, etc. On the father-child relationship, Liebow shows that there is a spectrum of Father-Child relationship covered by acknowledgement of paternity, financial support, and frequency of contact. A paradox emerges in that fathers who live with their children express less warmth and affection than those separated from their fathers. He writes that "The man who lives with his wife and child is under legal and social constraints to provide for them...chances are, however, that he is failing to provide for them, and failure in this primary function contaminates his performance as father in other respects as well. The more demonstrative and accepting he is of his children, the greater is his public & private commitment to the duties & responsibilities of fatherhood; and the greater his commitment, the greater and sharper his failure as the provider and head of the family. To soften this failure, and to lessen the damage to his public and self-esteem, he pushes the children away from him.

Massey & Denton 93

American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass [Community - Urban Poverty, Residential Segregation, Empirical - Survey]: "We join earlier scholars in rejecting the view that poor urban blacks have an autonomous 'CULTURE OF POVERTY' that explains their failure to achieve socioeconomic success in American society. We argue instead that residential segregation has been instrumental in creating a structural niche within which a deleterious set of attitudes and behaviors—a culture of segregation—has arisen and flourished. Segregation created the structural conditions for the emergence of an oppositional culture that devalues work, schooling, and marriage and that stresses attitudes and behaviors that are antithetical and often hostile to success n the larger economy." 7 "Our FUNDAMENTAL ARGUMENT is that racial segregation—and its characteristic institutional form, the black ghetto—are the key structural factors responsible for the perpetuation of black poverty in the United States. Residential segregation is the principal organizational feature of American society that is responsible for the creation of the urban underclass." 9 "In CHAPTER 3 we show that high levels of black-white segregation had become universal in American cities by 1970, and despite the passage of the Fair Housing act in 1968, this situation had not changed much in the nation's largest black communities by 1980. ... CHAPTER 4 examines why black segregation continues to be so extreme. One possibility we rule out is that high levels of racial segregation reflect socioeconomic differences between blacks and whites ... because blacks are equally highly segregated at all levels of income." 10

Venkatesh 00

American Project: The Rise and Fall of a Modern Ghetto [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Chicago public housing)]: "In the pages that follow, I root the perspective on American public housing in the ongoing work of tenants in the Robert Taylor Homes to create a community. As much as I seek to explicate the novelty of the issues that the residents face, I am especially mindful of the processes through which problems are addressed, and how this collective activity to produce an ordered environment has changed over time. While those at the heart of the struggle will certainly be tenants and local organizations based in Robert Taylor, I also explore the activities of a diverse array of individuals, groups, and institutions that routinely come into contact with the populace. The guiding premise is that a more thorough understanding of the fabric of 'project living' is necessary in order to evaluate the viability of the high-rise public housing development, and that this is best woven from the threads of hardship as well as victory, distinctiveness and commonality, inclusion as well as exclusion." 10

Sampson et al 02

Assessing Neighborhood Effects: Social Processes and New Directions in Research [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Review]: "This paper assesses and synthesizes the cumulative results of a new 'neighborhood-effects' literature that examines social processes related to problem behaviors and health-related outcomes. Our review identified over 40 relevant studies published in peer-reviewed journals from the mid-1990s to 2001, the take-off point for an increasing level of interest in neighborhood effects. Moving beyond traditional characteristics such as concentrated poverty, we evaluate the salience of social-interactional and institutional mechanisms hypothesized to account for neighborhood-level variations in a variety of phenomena (e.g., delinquency, violence, depression, high-risk behavior), especially among adolescents. We highlight neighborhood ties, social control, mutual trust, institutional resources, disorder, and routine activity patterns. We also discuss a set of thorny methodological problems that plague the study of neighborhood effects, with special attention to selection bias. We conclude with promising strategies and directions for future research, including experimental designs, taking spatial and temporal dynamics seriously, systematic observational approaches, and benchmark data on neighborhood social processes." 443

Hunter 14

Black Citymakers: How the Philadelphia Negro Changed Urban America [Community - Black Communities, Empirical - Historical]: GOAL: "to reconstruct the historical period through the lens of four historical moments [collapse of black banks in 1925, tenement collapse in 36, protest against urban renewal in 50-70s, election of first black mayor] to amplify the impact of the political agency of black Philadelphians over time [and] to identify and analyze each of the four faces [framing, voting, mobilization, and migration] of the political agency of black Philadelphians over time as they related to questions of urban change under the themes of economic self-sufficiency, public housing policy, urban renewal, gentrification, and the post-civil rights context." 16 INTRO: "In this book, I argue that the sociopolitical history of the Black Seventh Ward demonstrates that urban black residents were not mere victims of the structural changes impacting American cities like Philadelphia throughout the twentieth century; nor were they mere passive bystanders watching the city change from the windows of their row homes. Rather, as I will show throughout the book, black Philadelphians were agents of urbam change, or citymakers, albeit sometimes purposeful and inadvertent, but facilitating and frustrating patterns of urban change nonetheless. The importance of this point cannot be overstated as without an understanding of how a largely migrant black population, such as the Philadelphia Negro, moved from a 'problem' populace when DuBois began his study in 1896 to perhaps the most powerful voting bloc in Philadelphia is critical to contextualizing the causes and consequences of structural cahnges in urban America including public housing policy, deindustrialization, urban renewal, and the rise of the black mayor." 8

Drake & Cayton 45

Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City [Community - Black Communities, Empirical - Ethnography, Historical]: PURPOSE: "To understand Black Metropolis, its origin, genesis, and probably destiny" 13 MAIN IDEA(S): "Black Metropolis is the second largest Negro city in the world, only New York's Harlem exceeding it in size. It is a city within a city ... in the heart of Midwest Metropolis [Chicago]. ... Midwest Metropolis seems uneasy about this Negro city growing up in its midst. ... The basis for this apprehension will be revealed in these pages. Black Metropolis—how it came to be; why it persists; how its people live; what Midwest Metropolis thinks of it; what its people think of themselves and of Midwest Metropolis; whether it, too, will eventually disappear—these constitute the theme of this book." 12

Pattillo-McCoy 99

Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class [Community - Black Middle Class, Empirical - Ethnography]: EF: In an ethnography of a black middle-class neighborhood in Chicago, Pattillo-McCoy demonstrates how the BMC has not, in fact, fled far from the poor inner city, but has largely come to occupy neighborhoods between poor blacks and more affluent whites. These neighborhoods are more economically diverse, though racially homogenous after white flight, and most black live in this type of moderate to middle income neighborhood. She shows the fragility of black middle-class status, which is exposed to greater social problems than comparable white neighborhoods and more vulnerable to economic changes. She argues that parents, business owners, churches, etc seek to maintain control over crime and disorder through the use of the strong family and friendship ties that typify the community. Therefore, these black middle class residents are more exposed to crime and violence than their white peers, but the black community also works to create protective mechanisms, though they must also accept some level of disorder as a result. Black youths are particularly vulnerable as they can be compelled by the flashy street lifestyle, as can all youth, but the stakes are higher for black middle class kids.

Pattillo 07

Black on the Block: The Politics of Race and Class in the City [Community - Neighborhood Change & Black Communities, Empirical - Ethnography]: "THESE STRUGGLES within the neighborhood are often waged between African Americans of different means and different perspectives, but this is by no means just a black-on-black affair. Alliances with and allegiances to whites outside the neighborhood add another layer of complexity to the ever more futile attempt to determine what course of action is in the best interest of the black community. In this way, middle-class blacks act as brokers—as 'middlemen' and 'middlewomen'—spanning the space between established centers of white economic and political power and the needs of a down but not out black neighborhood. Internal fissures notwithstanding, the concept of 'the black community' is not retired in Black on the Block, for while attempts to capture a single black politics, black perspective, or black agenda are dead (if they were ever really alive within the black community), I argue that the black community is forged in this engagement." 3 "THIS BOOK is about gentrification and public housing and mixed-income communities, but as contexts within which African American residents negotiate each other, the outside players, and the various layers of public (governmental and civic) decisions that frame what is preferable and what is possible." 21

Lacy 07

Blue-Chip Black: Race, Class, and Status in the New Black Middle Class [Community - Black Middle Class, Empirical - Ethnography]: "THIS BOOK explores how different groups of middle-class blacks go about doing this work of fitting in by examining the symbolic bound- aries they erect between themselves and white strangers, the white middle class, and blacks from other classes to establish and sustain a black middle-class identity. The book addresses the following QUESTIONS: What distinct identities are constructed and maintained by the black middle class? How do different groups of middle-class blacks vary in their use of these identities? In terms of their access to cultural and economic resources, are middle and upper-class blacks more like their white counterparts than they are like lower-class blacks?" 3 "Most of Blue-Chip Black FOCUSES on differences by residential location in how middle-class blacks think about and make use of their social identities. Whereas middle-class blacks from all three suburban communities characterize their encounters with white strangers in public settings and their strategies for managing these interactions similarly, in other contexts their conceptions of what it means to be black and middle class vary widely, from perceptions of economic sta- bility, to the optimal way to prepare black children to traverse the color line, to attitudes about the collective interests of their respective communities." 5 "Three THEORETICAL CONCEPTS are central to understanding how middle-class blacks think about their identities: boundary-work, the tool kit model, and construction sites. Each of these concepts helps us to work through the confusion and conflict around the notions of 'making it' and 'being black.'" 8

Anderson 00

Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Philadelphia)]: EF: Focuses on the social and cultural dynamics of interpersonal violence that undermine the quality of life in Philadelphia. Anderson argues that interpersonal violence is a problem plaguing the poor, inner-city black community and that the inclination to violence is a result of lack of good jobs, public services (e.g. police), racism, and the increase in drug trafficking and use. He frames his study with the typology of "decent" and "street" residents to describe the social and cultural character change that has occurred as a result of shifting economic and structural dynamics in the inner-city. He argues that a "code of the street," has emerged because of the alienation of inner-city blacks from the mainstream economy and a lack of faith in the police and judicial system.

Krysan et al 09

Does Race Matter in Neighborhood Preferences? Results from a Video Experiment [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment, Survey]: ABSTRACT: "This article tests the racial proxy hypothesis using an innovative experiment that isolates the net effects of race and social class, followed by an analysis of the social psychological factors associated with residential preferences. The authors find that net of social class, the race of a neighborhood's residents significantly influenced how it was rated. Whites said the all-white neighborhoods were most desirable. The independent effect of racial composition was smaller among blacks, who identified the racially mixed neighborhood as most desirable. Further, whites who held negative stereotypes about African-Americans and the neighborhoods where they live were significantly influenced by neighborhood racial composition. None of the proposed social psychological factors conditioned African-Americans' sensitivity to neighborhood racial composition." 527 "RESEARCH QUESTIONS: (1) Are neighborhood preferences color-blind or race conscious? (2) If preferences are race conscious, do they reflect a desire to be in a neighborhood with one's 'own kind' or to avoid being in a neighborhood with another racial group?" 529 CONCLUSION: "This study used a video vignette experiment to address questions about whether and how race matters in neighborhood preferences. Our fundamental conclusion is that race, per se, shapes how whites and, to a lesser extent, blacks view residential space. Residential preferences are not simply a reaction to class-based features of a neighborhood; they are shaped by the race of the people who live there. To be sure, a neighborhood's social class matters. Both whites and African-Americans evaluated upper-middle-class and middle-class neighborhoods as much more desirable places than lower- and upper-working-class neighborhoods. But controlling for social class characteristics did not eliminate the influence of racial composition, thus refuting the racial proxy hypothesis. ... We leveraged methodological innovations related to how we asked about and measured racial attitudes and neighborhood preferences to shed substantive light on important questions related to racial residential seg- regation in general and residential preferences in particular. Our findings demonstrate that race shapes perceptions of neighborhood desirability for both whites and blacks—even when neighborhoods are identical on all other dimensions." 538

Emerson et al 01

Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment]: QUESTIONS: "Are white Americans avoiding racially mixed neighborhoods because they do not want to live with nonwhites? And if so, is this the case independent offactors with which race is associated, such as crime levels or housing values?" 922 CONCLUSION: "Does race have an independent influence in racial residential segregation? Our analysis enables us to address this question independent of proxy variables, although in doing this we assessed only hypothetical preferences. We found clear patterns. Asian or Hispanic neighborhood composition exerts no independent influence on whites' assessed likelihood of buying a home. Black neigh- borhood composition, however, matters sig- nificantly, even after controlling for proxy variables. This finding contradicts some re- cent work on segregation. ... Our findings suggest a low probability of whites moving to neighbor- hoods with anything but a token black population, even after controlling for the reasons they typically give for avoiding residing with African Americans. ... Thus, as whites with a lower preference for blacks move out of nonhomogeneous neighborhoods, these neighborhoods soon attract more blacks than is preferred by most whites-triggering white flight and white avoidance. ... Our research suggests that whites' tendency to avoid areas with nontoken percentages Asian or Hispanic is not due to race per se. For African Americans, whites avoid living in neighborhoods with nontoken black populations because of the associations they make between the presence of blacks and high crime, low housing values, and low quality education. But if these factors were not the case in actuality or in whites' per- ceptions, whites would continue to be negatively influenced by black neighborhood composition. ... Importantly, this pattern is especially pronounced among families with children under 18. This suggests that insofar as white parents are able to realize their preferences, black children and white children will continue to be segregated from one another." 931

Logan & Zhang 10

Global Neighborhoods: New Pathways to Diversity and Separation [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Survey]: "In our analysis the outstanding feature of the 'global city' (defined by Sassen [1991] on the basis of its financial innovation and control functions) is its ability to draw people from all parts of the world, creating a new population diversity that affects the familiar pattern of race relations in black and white. We identify the corresponding phenomenon of 'global neighborhoods'— neighborhoods where the simple place categories of predominantly white, predominantly black, or racially mixed are no longer adequate. The most important new category is that in which all four major racial/ethnic groups (whites, blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) are included. We observe a rapid growth of such neighborhoods, whose creation and per- sistence are fundamentally at variance with the invasion-succession model. These are not temporarily integrated places, diverse only as long as it takes for whites to abandon them. Nor do they arise out of processes of aging, disinvestment, and deprivation. We argue that stable diversity is possible and that it can occur in average or even better-than-average neighborhoods, if and only if black entry is preceded by a substantial presence of both Hispanic and Asian residents. Global neighborhoods do not erase racial boundaries, but they introduce new dynamics that need to be taken into account by urban theory. ... What is new in our study is an explicit alternative model based on evidence from 1980 to 2000 of how Asians and Hispanics affect the paths of neighborhood change. We will show that two directions of change coexist in global neighborhoods. One of these is a persistent process of white flight and white replacement by minorities (now includingHispanics and Asians in addition to blacks), the same demographic shift that un- derlies the familiar model of invasion and succession. The other is the new diversity that Sanjek (1998) terms 'the future of us all'—a future of mixed neighborhoods overcoming the black-white divide, where Sanjek believed members of all groups would learn to live together." 1070

Sampson 13

Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Mixed Methods]: EF: Using an extensive longitudinal research project, Sampson focuses on how people's lives are shaped by neighborhood contexts and argues that individual reactions to neighborhood difference become a social mechanism that shapes behavior and perceptions, ultimately forming the city's social structure. He examines the processes at work in neighborhoods, highlighting collective efficacy (shared expectations about the willingness of local residents to support shared norms) and moving patterns, to show the durable spatial inequality of the city and how residents are "moving in separate worlds" by race. He points to some inadequacies of MTO research to argue that it cannot show neighborhood effects, and argues that we must understand selection into neighborhoods not as a bias but as a neighborhood effect itself, because neighborhood attributes are more predictive of mobility than individual attributes.

Klinenberg 02

Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago [Community - Other, Empirical - Interviews]: JS: Heatwave is an examination of how communities & political agencies contributed to the vulnerability & security of Chicago residents, showing that heatwave was an environmentally stimulated but socially organized catastrophe. Borrowing from the Chicago school of study, with an emphasis on physical and social space, community & public life, ethnoracial differentiation, assessment of the city as a social system, Klinenberg focuses on city as a social system of integrated institutions that touch and interpenetrate in different ways. He starts by describing the symbolic construction of the heat wave as a public event and experience. Journalistic, scientific, and political institutions benefit from symbolic power to create & impose legitimate frames of natural disaster or heat-related death. Heat wave was a cultural event as much as a public health crisis. examining ways in which features of catastrophe were brought to light or concealed helps to make visible the systems of symbolic production that structured the public understandings of the disaster. Conditions that proved most consequential in the heat wave were the literal social isolation of poor senior citizens, especially in the city's most violent areas, degradation in urban hotel residences, changes in social service delivery, and decline of neighborhoods abandoned by businesses, governments, and residents. His finds show that Variations in black (highest proportional deaths) and Latinx (lowest proportional deaths) death rates can be explained by social ecology of Chicago's neighborhoods and capacity of communities to buffer dangers imposed by the heat.

Ross & Turner 05

Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000 [Community - Housing Discrimination, Empirical - Experiment]: ABSTRACT: "African Americans and Hispanics traditionally have faced many barriers that limit their access to and choice of housing. ... The study finds that disparate treatment discrimination in rental and owner-occupied housing markets persists, but has declined substantially in magnitude over the last decade. Key exceptions to this general decline are discrimination against Hispanics in access to rental housing, racial steering of African Americans, and less assistance to Hispanics in obtaining financing provided." 152 EVIDENCE: "Both studies follow a common methodology where advertisements for rental and owner-occupied housing are randomly selected from the newspaper. Then, tester pairs composed of one white (majority) tester and one minority tester are matched on observable attributes and are assigned similar family and economic characteristics. Each of the two testers visits the same real estate agency to inquire about an advertised housing unit, and each returns independently to complete an individual survey instrument that reports on the treatment he or she experienced. This study compares a range of treatment measures for African American and Hispanic home seekers between 1989 and 2000." 143 CONCLUSION: "The findings indicate that housing discrimination declined substantially between 1989 and 2000. Both groups in both markets experienced substantial declines of between 8 and 12 percentage points in the net adverse treatment experienced on the composite index for agent encouragement. These changes represented declines of between 60 and 84 percent from the 1989 level, and very few significant racial or ethnic differences remain in this area. In terms of access to housing, African American renters and homebuyers and Hispanic homebuyers saw substantial declines in net adverse treatment of between 68 and 81 percent for availability and between 53 and 84 percent for inspection. These broad changes in treatment appear consistent with an overall change in the culture of the real estate industry that might be attributed to a changing national culture, evolving industry structure, and the influence of the Fair Housing Act and its associated educational and enforcement activities." 176

Bourgois 96

In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio [Community - Urban Poverty, Crime, Empirical - Ethnography]: "The anguish of growing up poor in the richest city in the world is compounded by the cultural assault that El Barrio youths often face when they venture out of their neighborhood. This has spawned what I call 'INNER-CITY STREET CULTURE': a complex and conflictual web of beliefs, symbols, modes of interaction, values, and ideologies that have emerged in opposition to exclusion from mainstream society. Street culture offers an alternative forum for autonomous personal dignity." 8 "I HAVE DOCUMENTED a range of strategies that the urban poor devise to escape or circumvent the structures of segregation and marginalization that entrap them, including those strategies that result in self-inflicted suffering. I have written this in the hope that 'anthropological writing can be a site of resistance,' and with the conviction that social scientists should, and can, 'face power.'" 18

Harding 10

Living the Drama: Community, Conflict, and Culture Among Inner-City Boys [Community - Urban Poverty & Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Interviews]: "The GOAL is to understand how their daily experiences and cultural perspectives differ across neighborhood context and to thereby uncover some of the processes by which neighborhoods affect adolescent boys [and] to answer a much broader question: what is it about poor neighborhoods that matters for the individual adolescents who grow up in them?" ix "This book argues that TWO FEATURES of poor neighborhoods are critical mechanisms underlying neighborhood effects on adolescent boys: neighborhood violence and cultural heterogeneity. These characteristics both distinguish poor neighborhoods from other neighborhoods and have pronounced effects on the decision making and behavior of adolescent boys." 3 "The TITLE of this book, Living the Drama, derives from the way residents of Boston's poor neighborhoods often talk about violence, particularly those episodes of violence and confrontation that result from long-standing neighborhood rivalries. When groups of boys from rival neighborhoods begin feuding, residents say these boys "have drama." At stake, at least for the boys who are involved, is respect, status, and protection of their home turf. For other neighborhood residents, these feuds "bring drama," includ- ing the potential for violent victimization. This kind of confl ict, coupled with other forms of violence and crime that are endemic to many high- poverty areas, has subtle but detrimental consequences for everyone in the affl icted neighborhoods. Moreover, it is especially damaging for young people because of the way it infl uences schooling and fertility. ... Here 'drama' also has a second meaning, as it evokes my arguments about neighborhood cultural context. [This work] proposes an alternative framework for understanding the cultural context of poor neighborhoods: cultural heterogeneity. I posit that competing and conflicting cultural models—some that are mainstream or middle-class, and others that are locally developed alternatives—characterize the social life of poor neighborhoods. In the chapters that follow, I document some of the dimensions along which poor neighborhoods are culturally heterogeneous. I look especially at the confl ict and contestation that surround sexual behavior, romantic relationships, work, and schooling. Adolescents growing up in poor neighborhoods must contend with a cultural environment in which there is an abundance of drama." 19

Quillian 99

Migration Patterns and the Growth of High-Poverty Neighborhoods, 1970-1990 [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Survey]: PURPOSE: to examine "why the number of high-poverty neighborhoods in American cities has increased since 1970" 1 INTRO: "An increase in the number of extremely poor neighborhoods can be thought of as resulting from a combination of two proximate causes: change in the number of poor persons and change in the tendency for persons of like poverty status to live close to each other. I decompose flows of persons among neighborhood and poverty status categories over time to examine how each of these proximate causes has influenced the number of high-poverty neighborhoods. This procedure sheds light on several ex- planations of the increase in neighborhood poverty. Along the way, I consider evidence relevant to debates about the role of racial segregation in explaining concentrated urban poverty. I argue that studies of the role of racial segregation in forming high-poverty neigh- borhoods have not always clearly separated evidence about change over time from evidence about cross-sectional variation and have not fully con- sidered the dynamics of neighborhood change. Research has found that racial segregation in American cities remains very high, even for high- income black families (Massey and Denton 1993). This has been interpreted as inconsistent with Wilson's claims that middle-class blacks are migrating into white neighborhoods. A central finding of this article is that, when considered as part of a dynamic metro- politan setting, these apparently contradictory findings can be reconciled. Middle-class blacks have been moving into white neighborhoods at rates high enough to increase their numbers there, but declining white popula- tions in neighborhoods with substantial black populations have prevented a large increase in the share of blacks in white nonpoor neighborhoods." 2

Sampson 08

Moving to Inequality: Neighborhood Effects and Experiments Meet Social Structure [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Surveys]: "1. Benefits of experimental design.—MTO is a major contribution to the long tradition of experimental social science. By introducing a randomized design that induces the poor to make residential moves to lower-poverty neighborhoods, MTO eliminates "selection bias" on unobservables as a confounding explanation of neighborhood effects on individuals. Given ethical, pragmatic, and institutional concerns that render social experiments rare, the design is ingenious. 2. Limits on MTO question and generalizability.—By design, MTO was an individual-level intervention that offered housing vouchers to extremely poor, largely minority families. Therefore, nothing can be inferred from MTO about the success or failure of neighborhood-level interventions, and any generalizations about voucher effects are restricted to an important but small segment of the population. 3. Mixed results.—At the individual level among the poor, MTO has demonstrated mixed results that vary by outcome, site, and subgroup— especially gender. Some effects are large (e.g., those on mental health and girls' behavior), while others, like adult economic self-sufficiency, appear null. In this sense MTO has been important in debunking simple-minded hypotheses: no simple conclusion can or should be drawn about neighborhood effects in the abstract. 4. Strength of treatment.—The treatment of the MTO voucher induced statistically significant reductions in census-tract poverty (about 8 percentage points overall) in comparison with the control group, but within what are usually considered high-poverty areas and (at least in Chicago) only for the later randomization cohorts. While over half of the families who used a voucher to move through MTO ("compliers") had tract poverty rates of approximately 20% in 2002, the average poverty rate was greater than 30% for both the experimental and control groups overall across sites. MTO thus induced neighborhood differences mainly of degree, not kind. There are also significant cohort interactions that need further study. 5. Beyond poverty.—There were even smaller differences induced by MTO in concentrated disadvantage, defined as the segregation of African-Americans in neighborhoods of resource deprivation across multiple domains (fig. 2). Moreover, whether we look only at destination neighborhoods or take into account interim moves, the racial context of both controls and experimentals was still hypersegregation—nearly identical for both groups. 6. Neighborhood counterfactuals by race.—Because of this intersection of poverty, race, and family structure—in Chicago as in many U.S. cities— there is no counterfactual for whites (as implicitly assumed in many studies), and therefore neighborhood effects of concentrated disadvantage are undefined for them. Independently, both the MTO and PHDCN studies portray, in different ways, this structural reality. 7. Neighborhood trajectories and social processes.—There were no significant differences in the rate of change for poverty or for a host of neighborhood-level social processes (e.g., cohesion, closure) in Chicago— whether static or dynamic—by randomization group. As a result, the trajectories that destination neighborhoods were on turned out to be virtually identical for experimentals and controls, and social organizational features of community were largely unaffected by treatment. The significance (or lack thereof) of differences does not change when complier status is adjusted. 8. Spatial proximity and flows of disadvantage.—Experimental and control families ended up in the same or similar larger community areas. The patterned structure of community-level ties induced by moving, seen in the "bird's-eye" view of Chicago (fig. 5), reveals a near-identical network across experimentals and controls. Moreover, community-area differences in social processes were not different by treatment group, nor was spatially lagged poverty or concentrated disadvantage. 9. Causal significance of moving.—By design, the MTO experiment induces neighborhood change by moving, itself a life-course event of theoretical significance. Hence, moving and context are intertwined. 10. Developmental neighborhood effects.—Because MTO subjects were selected on living in neighborhood poverty, which is durable, early developmental effects of concentrated poverty cannot be effectively studied for adults and only in a limited way for children. For the most part, MTO tests whether exits from poverty can overcome previously accumulated deficits. Thus, any lack of MTO effects does not imply a lack of durable or developmental neighborhood effects. 11. Urban dynamics.—Moves of a random sample (PHDCN) reproduce concentrated inequality and suggest the urban dynamics that would result if MTO-like programs were taken to scale. White and Latino flight also means that the treatment is not constant and that the intervention itself may induce further neighborhood changes and, by implication, the concentration of disadvantage. 12. Social interactions.—Using randomization as an instrumental variable requires that we invoke assumptions about voucher use, some of which, like noninterdependence of social interactions in the experiment, are open to question for acts of moving. If we assume no interference among units in MTO (see n. 17), we can estimate poverty-linked (or "bundled") neighborhood duration effects, per Ludwig et al.'s approach. But if migration research has taught us anything, it is that moving is embedded in chain-like social networks. Selection processes should therefore still be pursued as CM started to do, perhaps most effectively using time-varying counterfactual methods that exploit information on selection into neighborhood treatment. Because moving is a competing causal pathway in the duration-weighted models, counterfactuals are likewise needed to estimate and compare the effects of moving. 13. Follow-up.—Perhaps surprisingly, given the specific nature of the MTO treatment in a constrained urban structure, there is still evidence of neighborhood effects (point 3) that needs further unpacking. Even modest relative reductions in neighborhood poverty predict improvements in mental health and girls' behavior, which over time can cumulate to shape life outcomes. By following the youngest MTO children further in time, one can also gain more leverage on developmental interactions, albeit conditioned on poverty. Overall, I would conclude that the planned followup of MTO is a scientifically crucial investment. 14. Causes and mechanisms.—When randomization at the individual level is invoked and we find evidence for the influence of a voucher offer on individual outcomes, it remains unclear what mechanisms link the manipulated treatment with outcomes. Experiments do not answer the "why" question. The causes of neighborhood effects and social mechanisms have been a black box, and neighborhood-level interventions have been neglected. 15. Social structure and selection.—In the social structure that constitutes contemporary cities, selection bias is misleadingly thought of mainly in terms of unobserved heterogeneity and statistical "nuisance." Selection is a social process that itself is implicated in creating the very structures that then constrain individual behavior. MTO can be exploited to further study the causes of neighborhood effects and the aggregate consequences of movement for social inequality. If this is a reasonable summary and consensus is achieved, the burden can now be lifted from MTO as the judge and jury of neighborhood effects writ large. Indeed, the validity of MTO depends on the question one wants answered. As a century or more of urban sociology reveals, neighborhood effects may be conceived in multiple theoretical ways at multiple levels of analysis and at varying time scales of influence. No one design captures the resulting plethora of questions." 224

Briggs et al 10

Moving to Opportunity: The Story of an American Experiment to Fight Ghetto Poverty [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey, Interviews, Ethnography]: "[MOVING TO OPPORTUNITY was a] social experiment [that] enrolled nearly 5,000 very low-income, mostly black and Hispanic families, many of them on welfare, who were living in public housing in the inner-city ghettos of Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York. But about five years after they had entered the program, many of the families in the favored 'experimental' group were living once again in high-poverty neighborhoods. Young women in that group showed big drops in risky behavior and big improvements in mental health, on average, while young male movers did not. The males even showed some signs of increased delinquency if they had lived, at least for a time, in the low- poverty areas. Parents likewise showed major drops in anxiety and depression—two of the crippling symptoms of being chronically poor in high-risk ghettos—but no improvements in employment or income. While skeptics worried that relocating would rob the families of vital social support from loved ones, as well as a sense of community, many movers appeared to be maintaining the same limited social circles—mostly disadvantaged relatives and close friends, with frequent trips to high-poverty areas—despite living in more advantaged neighborhoods. We wanted to know why." 13 "FIRST MAJOR LESSON of our work: MTO and the fight against ghetto poverty cannot succeed without a major national commitment to make rental housing affordable in safe, livable neighborhoods." 16 "This is the SECOND MAJOR LESSON of our work, and it is one that challenges both liberal and conservative views of poverty: that the most vulnerable among the poor are embedded in 'communities' of kin that often expose them to extraordinary risk and burden, no matter where they live." 18 "THIRD MAJOR LESSON of our work: For poor people who have lived segregated lives in dangerous, high-poverty neighborhoods, conven- tional choice programs offer little room to maneuver, thanks to the choosers' information poverty, the limited comparisons they are equipped to make, and a logic of choice focused simply on avoiding violence and other risks—not necessarily on garnering 'opportunity.'" 19 "This sets up a FINAL, BOTTOM-LINE MESSAGE: Housing mobility is a powerful, and indeed essential, tool for fi ghting ghetto poverty—but one that is extraordinarily vulnerable to the strong-idea-weakly-implemented problem, as well as unfounded assumptions about how persistently poor people can escape the risks of ghettos, regardless of where they are able to live." 20 "IN ESSENCE, MTO tests the idea that changing someone's 'social address'—specifically, helping them to relocate from distressed public housing projects in high-risk, high-poverty urban ghettos to low-poverty neighborhoods— can change their life for the better." 27

Bruch & Mare 06

Neighborhood Choice and Neighborhood Change [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey]: "Our main GOALS here are to elucidate the conditions under which the race-ethnic preferences of individuals can produce high levels of segregation and to use survey data to determine whether these conditions are met." 670 ABSTRACT: "This article examines the relationships between the residential choices of individuals and aggregate segregation patterns. [We] show that high levels of segregation occur only when individuals' preferences follow a threshold function. If individuals make finer-grained distinctions among neighborhoods that vary in racial composition, preferences alone do not lead to segregation. Vignette data indicate that individuals respond in a continuous way to variations in the racial makeup of neighborhoods rather than to a threshold. Race preferences alone may be insufficient to account for the high levels of segregation observed in American cities." 667

Morenoff 03

Neighborhood Mechanisms and the Spatial Dynamics of Birth Weight [Community - Neighborhood Effects, Empirical - Survey]: "This study addresses two questions about why neighborhood contexts matter for individuals via a multilevel, spatial analysis of birth weight for 101,662 live births within 342 Chicago neighborhoods. First, what are the mechanisms through which neighborhood structural composition is related to health? The results show that mech- anisms related to stress and adaptation (violent crime, reciprocal exchange and participation in local voluntary associations) are the most robust neighborhood-level predictors of birth weight. Second, are contextual influences on health limited to the immediate neigh- borhood or do they extend to a wider geographic context? The results show that contextual effects on birth weight extend to the social environment beyond the immediate neighborhood, even after adjusting for potentially confounding covariates. These findings suggest that the theoretical understanding and empirical estimation of 'neighborhood effects' on health are bolstered by collecting data on more causally proximate social processes and by taking into account spatial interdependencies among neighborhoods." 976

Hartigan 99

Racial Situations: Class Predicaments of Whiteness in Detroit [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Ethnography (white neighborhoods in Detroit)]: JS: Hartigan examines how class background has influenced white Detroiters' understanding and experience of racial identity and difference in a multi-site ethnography of 3 white neighborhoods in Detroit. If whiteness is the norm, then class position is especially threatening. Whiteness is often assumed to be uniform and manifests as the symbolic other to blackness, maintaining a position of social privilege and political dominance. But in Detroit, whiteness is not hegemonic. Blackness is locally dominant, black power shapes politics, black dollars and black fashion define the landscape of consumption. According to Hartigan, when whites were grappling with race, it was not by treating blackness as other but by invoking class distinctions between themselves and their white neighbors. They assess when or whether race matters by considering which whites are involved in a situation, or in intra-racial distinctions. Hartigan argues that the significance of white racial-ness varies by class position and racial identity is constructed in relation to place. The three marked white identities, which are formed based on boundaries of status and privilege, are hillbilly, which is stigmatized, gentrifier, which indicates intra-racial differences in social positions, and racist, those without middle class decorum. Hartigan also argues that racialization produced & reproduced through ideological, institutional, interactive, and linguistic practices that support a particular construction of difference

Hannerz 69

Soulside: Inquiries into Ghetto Culture and Community [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography]: QUESTION: "What then, besides shared external characteristics which outsiders regard as important, makes the ghetto a community? To start with, its own consciousness of kind which, among blacks as well as among whites, allows for little confusion about who belongs and who has 'outsider' written all over his face. ... So if the outside society has, in its own way, integrated the ghetto with itself politically and economically, then family life, leisure life, and just plain neighborship remain largely separated. These are the spheres in which a community social structure peopled only by ghetto dwellers is built up." 12 CONCLUSION: "In the preceding chapters we have identified a number of features of ghetto life and outlook which we have taken to be characteristic of this community in contrast to mainstream American society. Among the components of this ghetto-specific complex are for instance female household dominance; a ghetto-specific male role of somewhat varying expression including, among other emphases, toughness, sexual activity, and a fair amount of liquor consumption; a relatively conflict-ridden relationship between the sexes; rather intensive participation in informal social life outside the domestic domain; flexible household composition; fear of trouble in the environment; a certain amount of suspiciousness toward other persons' motives; relative closeness to religion; particular food habits; a great interest in the music of the group; and a relatively hostile view of much of white America and its representatives." 177

Farley et al 94

Stereotypes and Segregation: Neighborhoods in the Detroit Area [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Experiment]: JS: Farley et al. explore how neighborhood preferences in Detroit changed between 1976 and 1992 and what led to this change in preferences. They test Massey and Denton's hypothesis about white stereotypes by showing respondents cards with various racial configurations and asked how comfortable they would feel living there, confirming Massey and Denton's theory about the role of racial stereotypes in perpetuating residential segregation (that white prejudices fuels patterns of neighborhood residential segregation). Additionally, the article concludes that stereotypes link white preferences to discriminatory real estate practices—the actions of real estate brokers and bankers reflect the perception about what clients want. Whereas existing explanations of residential segregation separate discriminatory practices in real estate as one mechanism and preferences of blacks and whites as a second, this article links white preferences to discriminatory real estate practices. Black preferences for integrated neighborhoods declined between 1976 and 1992 except among black elite.

Anderson 90

Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community [Community - Neighborhood Change, Empirical - Ethnography (Black increasingly-mixed neighborhood)]: JS: Anderson's classic ethnography Streetwise explores how neighborhood change impacts race relations in urban area. Moreover, he seeks to understand the social organization of such neighborhoods. In this predominantly urban black neighborhood that is becoming increasingly white and middle to upper-income class, the proximity to poor blacks, who are driven out by rise in housing prices to adjacent ghetto, creates the need for social codes to manage race relations. Anderson theorizes about the set of social codes, naming it street etiquette, a set of informal rules that allow groups to occupy streets with the promise of security. This happens in the absence of formal agents of social control and personal responsibility, which have been eroded as a result of neighborhood change. The observer takes a mental note of the other person and constructs expectations about them through repeated meetings and interactions, a working conception of a social type. Strengths of impressions through repeated encounters builds and there is sometimes a gap between visual and verbal that is pressed. For example, neighborhood talk combines with experience on the street to create picture of persons and local street life. Relatedly, street wisdom is the employment of observations and experiences grounded in street etiquette to gain insight, an interpretive process of understanding individuals.

Sharkey 13

Stuck in Place: Urban Neighborhoods and the End of Progress toward Racial Equality [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Survey (PSID)]: "This book LOOKS BEYOND the individual and the family to understand inequality and mobility. I focus on the importance of places—communities and cities—as crucial sites for the transmission of racial inequality in the post civil rights era. I argue that to understand why the children of the civil rights era have made such minimal progress toward racial equality, we need to consider what has happened to the communities and cities in which they have lived over the past four decades. African Americans have been attached to places where discrimination has remained prevalent despite the advances in civil rights made in the 1960s; where political decisions and social policies have led to severe disinvestment and persistent, rigid segregation; where the employment base that supported a middle-class urban popula- tion has migrated away, contracted, or collapsed; and where the impact of punitive criminal justice policies has been concentrated. ... In addition, it is essential to consider how places are passed on from parents to children, how changes in urban communities have been experienced by families, and how these changes have affected the trajectories of families, over time and across generations [and] it is crucial to approach racial inequality from a multigenerational perspective." 5 "IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO UNDERSTAND RACIAL INEQUALITY in the current generation without looking back to the neighborhoods and cities occupied by the previous generation. There are three reasons why this is so. First, neighborhood disadvantage and advantage are remarkably stable—families that currently live in an impoverished neighborhood are overwhelmingly likely to have lived in a similarly poor neighborhood for multiple generations. Second, the effects of neighborhood disadvantage experienced during childhood continue to have strong impacts as individuals move into adulthood—as a consequence, racial inequality that is present today is, in large part, a product of the extreme disadvantage in the neighborhoods of African Americans a generation ago. Third, the effect of living within severely disadvantaged communities accumulates over generations. The consequences of living within deprived residential environments over multiple generations are much more severe than the consequences of living in a poor neighborhood at a single point in time, or even in a single generation. In short, the story of racial inequality in the current generation must be thought of as a continuation of a story that extends well back in time." 6

Sugrue 96

The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Historical (case study of Detroit)]: PREFACE: "Despite more than half a century of civil rights activism and changing racial attitudes, American cities (particularly the old industrial centers of the Northeast and Midwest) remain deeply divided by race. ... The causes and remedies of persistent metropolitan inequalities continue to vex policymakers and to generate intense debate among scholars, activists, and the general public. These inequalities—and a host of deeply held misunderstandings about their causes—led me to write The Origins of the Urban Crisis. The book explains the transformation of American cities—through a case study of Detroit—as the result of a combination of three forces that occurred simultaneously. ... First was the flight of jobs, particularly the relatively well-paying, secure, and mostly unionized industrial jobs that dominated the postwar urban economy. Second was the persistence of workplace discrimination, despite remarkable legal and political gains accomplished by the struggle for black civil rights. The third was intractable racial segregation in housing, segregation that led to the uneven distribution of power and resources in metropolitan areas, leaving some places behind while others thrived." xvii INTRO: "My analysis of Detroit builds on the insights of those who offer structural explanations of urban inequality. But, both in its focus on a multiplicity of structural forces, and in its location of the origins of the urban crisis in the 1940s and 1950s, my analysis diverges from much of the current literature on the 'underclass.' There are, of course, other approaches to the history of inequality, race, and poverty, such as the study of family structure and family strategies. The emphasis in this book on economic and spatial structures is not meant as an alternative to these approaches, but instead as a context in which they can be best understood. Economic and racial inequality constrain individual and family choices. They set the limits of human agency. Within the bounds of the possible, individuals and families resist, adapt, or succumb. Detroit's postwar urban crisis emerged as the consequence of two of the most important, interrelated, and unresolved problems in American history: that capitalism generates economic inequality and that African Americans have disproportionately borne the impact of that inequality." 5

Wilson 87

The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy [Community - Urban Poverty, Theory]: PREFACE: "The Truly Disadvantaged challenges liberal orthodoxy in analyzing inner-city problems; discusses in candid terms the social pathologies of the inner city; establishes a case for moving beyond race-speicific policies to ameliorate inner-city social conditions to policies that address the broader problems of societal organization, including economic organization; and advances a social democratic public-policy agenda designed to improve the life chances of truly disadvantaged groups such as the ghetto underclass by emphasizing programs to which the more advantaged groups of all races can positively relate." viii CONCL: "The inner city is less pleasant and more dangerous than it was prior to 1960. As pointed out in chapter 1, despite a high rate of poverty in inner-city areas during the first half of this century, rates of joblessness, out-of-wedlock births, single families, welfare dependency, and serious crime were significantly lower than they are today and did not begin to rise rapidly until after the mid-1960s, with extraordinary increases during the 1970s. The questions of why social problesm in the inner city sharply increased when they did [in the 1970s] and in the way they did, and why existing policy programs assumed to be relevant to such problems are either inappropriate or insufficient, were addressed in the preceding chapters." 140 GHETTO UNDERCLASS: "Unlike in previous years, today's ghetto residents represent almost exclusively the most disadvantaged segments of the urban black community—including those families that have experienced long-term spells of poverty and/or welfare dependecny, individuals who lack training and skills and have either experienced periods of persistent unemployment or have dropped out of the labor force altogether, and individuals who are frequently involved in street criminal activity. The term ghetto underclass refers to this heterogeneous group of families and individuals who inhabit the cores of the nation's central cities. The term suggests that a fundamental social transformation has taken place in ghetto neighborhoods, and the groups represented by this term are collectively different from and much more socially isolated than those that lived in these communities in earlier years." 143 LIMITS OF RACE-SPECIFIC POLICY: "The ... principle of equality of individual rights [is] namely, that candidates for positions stratified in terms of prestige, power, or other social criteria ought to be judged solely on individual merit and therefore should not be discriminated against on the basis of racial origin. ... Programs based solely on this principle are inadequate, however, to deal with the complex problems of race in America because they are not designed to address the substantive inequality that exists at the time discrimination is eliminated. In other words, long periods of racial oppression can result in a system of inequality that may persist for indefinite periods of time even after racial barreirs are removed. This is because the most disadvantaged members of racial minority groups, who suffer the cumulative effects of both race and class subjugation (including those effects passed on from generation to generation), are disproportionately represented among the segment of the general population that has been denied the resources to compete effectively in a free and open market. On the other hand, the competitive resources developed by the advantage minority members—resources that flow directly from the family stability, schooling, income, and peer groups that their parents have been able to provide—result in their benefiting disproportionately from policies that promote the rights of minority individuals by removing artificial barriers to valued positions." 146

Lichter et al 15

Toward a New Macro-Segregation? Decomposing Segregation within and between Metropolitan Cities and Suburbs [Community - Residential Segregation, Empirical - Surveys]: INTRO: "In this article, we reconsider the spatial scale of segregation, which typically empha- sizes the uneven distribution of racial and ethnic minorities across metropolitan neighborhoods (Massey and Denton 1993). We argue that metropolitan-wide segregation increasingly reflects socio-spatial processes at the community or place level. Segregation is not simply or only a product of neighborhood dynamics or local housing markets. Neighborhoods are embedded in specific places—cities and suburbs—that effectively include or exclude populations of color. Indeed, our study builds directly on recent studies informed by a new 'political economy of place,' a theoretical perspective that recognizes that places of all sizes are political actors that compete with each other for economic development and growth, high-value commer- cial activity, and affluent taxpayers. We argue here for a new macro-segregation, where the locus of racial differentiation within metropolitan areas resides increasingly at higher scales of geography (e.g., place-to-place differences and differences between central cities, suburban areas, and fringe areas) rather than in neighborhood-to-neighborhood differences (i.e., the micro component of segregation). Segregation may be taking on a new form at different spatial scales." 844 "OUR RESULTS support several specific conclusions. First, they confirm the findings of other studies showing declines in metro racial segregation since 1990. Our results also provide empirical evidence of black exceptionalism in U.S. patterns of racial residential segregation, even as the post-1990 period ushered in rapid declines in segregation between blacks and whites. Our analyses reveal familiar patterns of high residential segregation between blacks and whites and comparatively low Asian-white segregation, with Hispanic-white segregation occupying an intermediate position. Some metropolitan areas—like Chicago, Detroit, and Milwaukee—continued to have exceptionally high levels of black-white segregation. ... What is new is that the macro component (macro-H) increased over the same period. These results, especially for blacks, seem to reflect continuing patterns of white depopulation from many large cities, growing place-to-place economic differentiation, and the emergence of a new 'political economy of place' that emphasizes cities and communities rather than neighborhoods as political actors that exclude undesirable populations, including historically disadvantaged minorities (Massey et al. 2009). These results are largely consistent with a place stratification perspective of racial residential segregation. Indeed, the macro component of segregation is most pronounced in the case of black-white segregation, accounting for roughly one-half of metro segregation in the most segregated U.S. metropolitan areas. Macro-segregation is a much less prominent component of Asian-white segregation, which suggests there is much less political resistance to Asians' relocation in specific places (i.e., middle-class or affluent ethnoburbs). ... Our analyses support descriptive evidence of high and growing macro-segregation among blacks in the United States. The empirical evidence further suggests that metro income equality among blacks and whites (unlike patterns among Asians and whites) is of little consequence in eradicating or reducing macro-segregation of blacks from whites. These results highlight the need to examine resettlement patterns that contribute to a new kind of metro segregation that often remains hidden by the current empirical approach that focuses on neighborhood segregation only. Drawing on place stratification models, a place-based, spatially inclusive perspective explicitly acknowledges persistence and change in minority and white resettlement pat- terns within U.S. urban conglomerations." 868

Small & Newman 01

Urban Poverty After The Truly Disadvantaged: The Rediscovery of the Family, the Neighborhood, and Culture [Community - Urban Poverty, Review]: "In what follows we critically assess a selection of the works on urban poverty that followed the publication of WJ Wilson's The Truly Disadvantaged (1987), with a particular focus on the family, the neighborhood, and culture. We frame our discussion by assessing the broad explanations of the increased concentration of poverty in urban neighborhoods characteristic of the 1970s and 1980s. Then, in the section on the family, we address the rising out-of-wedlock and disproportionately high teenage birthrates of poor urban women. Next, we critique the literature on neighborhood effects. Finally, in the discussion of culture, we examine critically the new efforts at complementing structural explanations with cultural accounts. We conclude by calling for more comparative, cross-regional, and historical studies, broader conceptions of urban poverty, and a greater focus on Latinos and other ethnic groups." 23

Small 04

Villa Victoria: The Transformation of Social Capital in a Boston Barrio [Community - Urban Poverty, Empirical - Ethnography (Puerto Rican housing complex)]: "But few researchers had examined systematically how concentrated poverty affected social capital, had examined exactly what reasons simply living in a poor neighborhood contributed to apathy and social isolation and other unwanted outcomes. The question of how was known as the 'black box' of neighborhood effects. Villa Victoria seemed to present an exceptional opportunity to open the black box. If we could understand how residents maintained social capital here despite living in concentrated poverty, perhaps we could learn how to prevent the deterioration of social relatins in other poor neighborhoods. This became the objective of the study: to rely on Villa Victoria to open the black box. As I pursued this task, however, two things became clear. First, I discovered that Villa Victoria was unique only in some senses, quite ordinarily poor in others. ... One might say the concentration of poverty had produced its expected effects but in certain respects more than others, at some times more than others,and on some individuals more than the rest. To open the black box, therefore, I had to investigate what accounted for this variation, over time and across individuals, in how residents responded to the concentration of poverty. As I pursued this question, I came to another conclusion. The real quagmire was not why the Villa seemed so dynamic and heterogeneous but why the theories would lead me to expect otherwise. ... Rather than side issues these became the central concerns of the study." xii