Strat Prelim Set

(Schwartz 2013) "Trends and Variation in Assortative Mating: Causes and Consequences"

A review of the literature on the causes and consequences of assortative mating.

(Fortin, Oreopoulos, and Phipps.2013.) "Leaving Boys Behind: Gender Disparities in High Academic Achievement."

Between 1980 and 2000s, the mode high school GPA for girls shifted from "B" to "A", while the mode for boys remained a "B". The shift for girls was largely driven by educational expectations, especially expectation of attending graduate or professional school once you control for self-rated school ability. This effect can be traced to as early as the 8th grade. Methods: 1980's to 2000s data from "Monitoring the Future" surveys; Oaxaca-Blinder decompositon of achievement at each GPA level

Weber (copyright 1947) Status Groups and Classes

Class situation is the "typical probability that a given state of provision with goods, external conditions of life, and subjective satisfaction or frustration will be possessed by an individual or a group." A class is "a group of persons occupying the same class situation", and may be divided into the property class (class situation primarily determined by the type of property they hold), the acquisition class (situation stemming from the types of skills they can offer on the market), and the social class (class situations that allow for easy mobility between them). Only people who are unskilled, without a regular occupation and have no property are in exactly identical class situations, so class is defined by interest and control over various goods, means of production, and so on, which might appear in the same class even if in slightly different class situations. Classes determine people's life chances, Classes may be positively or negatively privileged. The property classes gain advantage by monopolizing the purchase of expensive consumer goods, the sale of certain economic goods, property, accumulation of capital via saving, and advantageous types of education as far as the process involves money. Positively privileged property class members typical make most of their income from their properties (slave-owners, landed gentry, owners of mines, etc). Negative privileged members may be slaves, outcasts, debtors, or the poor, and, thus, own little except themselves (and, in case of slaves, not even that). The middle classes "own " marketable abilities (insofar as they learned through monopolized training that depends largely on expenditures), or small amounts of property from which they can draw income. There is not necessarily conflict between positively and negatively privileged members of this class (in contrast with Marx). They may even ally, such as in the case of wealthy slave-owners and poor whites in the American South. Acquisition classes protect their interests by monopolizing the management of productive economic activities, and influencing economic policy. Positively privileged members are typically entrepreneurs, and negatively privileged members are workers (skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled). The middle classes include craftsmen, officials, and the liberal professions. Social classes include the working class, the petty bourgeoisie, members of the "intelligentsia" without their own property and whose social position is primarily tied to technical training, and classes occupying a privileged position through property and education. Organized activity among class groups occurs when 1) there's a common, and apparent opponent and an immediate conflict of interest (ex: workers vs management instead of vs. factory owners who really derive the benefits of their labor) 2) a class situation exists 3) members of the same class are brought together naturally (like workers on a factory floor), and 4) there's leadership directing action toward readily understandable goals. Status may be applied to positive or negative privilege of any class so long as it's tied to 1) a model of living and/or 2) a formal process of education, and/or 3) prestige of birth or occupation. Status may be based on, or related to one's class situation, but it's not determined by class alone. For example, owning property per se doesn't necessarily grant immediate entry into a certain status group, and poverty doesn't necessarily define one's status group membership (I'm guessing he's talking about the noveau riche, and impoverished nobility status groups respectively). It participates in social stratification by monopolizing useful economic opportunities and limiting access to various types of acquisition, intermarriage within the status group, and cooperating with other members of the status group. A status group is a group of individuals who "enjoy a particular kind and level of prestige by virtue of their position, an, possibly, also claim certain special monopolies. Status groups may share lifestyles, hereditary charisma (being able to claim prestige by virtue of birth), and/or have exclusive claim to political or religious authority.

(DiPrete,. 2002). Life course risks, mobility regimes, and mobility consequences: A comparison of Sweden, Germany, and the United States.

Comparison of Sweden, US, and West Germany. Author argues that individual-level occupational mobility models are limited, and household-level explorations may be more useful for the lifecourse perspective, especially in comparative studies. National institutions (labor market, welfare, etc) affect occupational and income mobility on the household-level. Specifically, differences between life course mobility regimes can be conceptualized in terms of rates of class-altering events (job dispacement/job loss from restructuring, largely affecting tenured workers, and divorce or separation) and consequences of these events--specifically the reduction to income for every member of the household and the probability of falling into poverty. For example, German women are protected from downward mobility by social systems that discourage divorce or separation, but face greater risks after union dissolution compared to American and Swedish women due to low rates of initial employment. Welfare benefits for newly-single women in Germany can't make up for the income loss in their household. On the other hand, Swedish women both experience a moderate rate of union dissolution, and are relatively well protected from its consequences by higher rates of labor participation and generous tax and transfer policies. Thus, the German system both suppresses rates of events and their consequences, the Swedish system doesn't suppress the rate of events but does mitigate the negative consequences, and the US institutions don't suppress the rate of events, and mitigate the results less than those in Sweden or Germany. All 3 nations seem to have a nontrivial risk of job loss over a 15-year period, though the author only has data for US and Germany. Workers in the US tended to experience the shortest stretches of unemployment afterward, and workers in Germany--the longest with Sweden in between. On the other hand, welfare policies in the two European countries better protected displaced workers from earnings loss with Sweden having the most generous protection against poverty. Institutions that affect events include strongly-credentialed labor markets and protective employment regulations (labor), as well as tax systems that favor married couples and complicated divorce procedure (family formation). Institutions that mitigate the negative consequences of class-altering events include various types of insurance, such as welfare. The author argues that if union dissolution and worker displacement are used as an index of risk for "middle class" women falling into poverty, the US has the highest risk, while Sweden has the lowest. The risk in Germany is closer to the US due to high income losses if they divorce despite employment protections. Methods: meta study; combines findings from other studies, arguing that data for the necessary parameters in inaccessible; looks at studies with individual occupational metrics, union dissolution (as possible indicator of entry into single parenthood), job displacement, and poverty; calculates probability of falling into poverty by using existing data and defining poverty as 50% of the household median disposable income in a country

(Duncan 1968) "Social Stratification and Mobility"

Concepts Sociologists' views on the pattern of stratification trends in the US is inconsistent. Early researchers (1950's-60's) pointed out 1) the lack of hard data for measuring these trends, and 2) the lack of consensus on how stratification should be measured. 3 main stratification concepts are: functional differentiation, institutionalized inequality, and social stratification. Functional differentiation happens when some members of a society do and are expected to do different things than others (such as people of different jobs doing different tasks). Institutional inequality happens when, as a matter of consistent practice, different roles are rewarded differently or confer different status, or when performances of the same type of role are differentially evaluated (as in the case of different pay for the same job based on the gender or race of the worker). Social stratification happens when a hierarchy of inequality persists either over the lifetime of a birth cohort, or between generations. In other words, it's possible to predict a person's status at one time given his status at a past time. Stratification involves ascriptive traits given at birth (the way inequality per se doesn't necessarily). Roles may be allocated based on one's position in the hierarchy, and abilities an dispositions (personality/non-cognitive traits, etc) produced or developed by training or socialization may be more likely to show up in certain strata. Different roles may also be rewarded differently. Stratification systematically biases the operation of rewards mechanisms. For example, members of a certain strata may not be eligible for certain rewards, or the type of reward given for performing a role may depend on strata membership of the actor. Intergenerational transmission of status, and the continuity of status over the life span link social inequality with social stratification. Intergenerational status includes not only achieved status, but, also, ascribed status such as belonging to a certain lineage, race, ethnic, or religious group membership. Transmission may include not only to inheritance of the exact position on a status scale, but any positive association between the statuses of two generations. Mechanisms of stratification include ascription (traits given at birth), inheritance (both of family reputation in the community, and tangibles like wealth), genetics, socialization, access to opportunities, environments in which people grow up (especially regarding safety and health), and differential association (how similar are your friends, spouse, neighbors, etc to you). The author divides forms of inequality into stock, or state concepts, and flow, or incidence concepts. A "stock" variable may be theoretically measured at a particular moment in time, while a "flow" variable is better measured by a flow that occurs over a finite time period, or the "incidence" of events that happen over that time. Stock concepts include wealth, assets property; level of living, possessions; prestige, honor, reputation, fame, esteem; education knowledge, and skill; lifestyle, status symbols, manners, and language; power/authority; legal status and freedom; and welfare. Flow/incidence concepts include income; expenditures, consumption, leisure; deference, recognition/awards, concern/care/love, moral evaluation; schooling and training; psychic income, satisfaction, utility, and diversion; influence and decision-making; exercising rights, choice and civic participation, experiencing sanctions; and life chances. Social inequality may be "rigid" if several reward or status variables are intercorrelated. Measurements and Models A "stratification system" includes: 1) a set of one or more hierarchies of institutionalized inequality with respect to the statuses conferred on the basis of incumbency and performance of roles. 2) a pattern of intergenerational transmission of status or access to roles, so that there is a non-negligible association between a person's place on the inequality scale and their family's place. 3 major questions that scholars in this area explore are: 1)degree/amount of inequality 2) rigidity of inequality and 3) rigidity of stratification. Class is omitted from this framework, as it relates more to social conflict and structural roots, instead of describing hierarchical systems at a specific point in time. To describe stratification trends in the US, researchers must 1) create or use a conceptual orientation that includes criteria for measuring stratification 2) have relevant data 3) show that data acros different periods of time are comparable, and 4) these comparisons across different time periods should show trends/patterns over time. Occupational inheritance an imperfect measure, because it can be affected by differences between occupational classification schemes, and social status includes other factors. The author argues for treating status as a scaled variable of father's and son's statuses instead. Using OCG data, the author finds no discernible trend in stratification differences (and, actually, very little changes at all) between 1020 and 1955. However, he does find a slightly stronger education-occupation correlation for sons than fathers. However, he also argues that trends may be found using follow-up surveys with comparable data.

(England et al. 2016). "Do Highly Paid, Highly Skilled Women Experience the Largest Motherhood Penalty?

Findings: 1) Among white women, the most privileged--women with high skills and high wages--experience the highest total penalties, estimated to include effects mediated through lost experience. Reason: Although these women have fairly continuous experience, their high returns to experience make even the small amounts of time some of them take out of employment for childrearing costly. 2) Penalties net of experience, which may represent employer discrimination or effects of motherhood on job performance, are not distinctive for highly skilled women with high wages.

(Chiswick et al. 2005) "A Longitudinal Analysis of Immigrant Occupational Mobility: A Test of the Immigrant Assimilation Hypothesis"

Main points: Among migrants to Australia, there is a U-shaped pattern of occupational mobility from the "last job" in the origin country, to the "first job" in Australia, to subsequent jobs in Australia. Immigrants from countries very similar to Australia and with highly transferable skills see a shallower drop and less steep rise. Methods and Data: OLS regression. Data come from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia.

(Massoglia et al. 2013) "Racial Variation in the Effect of Incarceration on Neighborhood Attainment"

Main points: Only whites live in significantly more disadvantaged neighborhoods after prison than prior to prison. Blacks and Hispanics do not. Because white offenders generally come from much better neighborhoods, they have much more to lose from a prison spell. Methods and Data: Fixed effects regression. Data come from NLSY79 and the Neighborhood Change Database.

(Tach & Emory 2017) "Public Housing Redevelopment, Neighborhood Change, and the Restructuring of Urban Inequality"

Main points: Public housing redevelopment via the federal HOPE VI program had significant direct and indirect spillover effects on neighborhood racial and economic composition between 1990 and 2010. Methods and Data: Difference-in-differences.

(Wolff 2010) "Recent Trends in Household Wealth in the United States: Rising Debt and the Middle-Class Squeeze—An Update to 2007"

Main points: The author examines trends in wealth patterns from the 1990s to 2007, right before the Great Recession. The early and mid-aughts witnessed exploding debt, especially among the middle class, resulting in a "middle-class squeeze." Methods and Data: Descriptive stats over time. Data come from

(Turney 2017) "The Unequal Consequences of Mass Incarceration for Children"

Main points: The consequences of paternal incarceration on children's behavioral and cognitive outcomes are more deleterious for children with relatively low risks of exposure to paternal incarceration than for children with relatively high risks. The author suggests that researchers consider both differential selection into treatments and differential responses to treatments (direction for future work). Methods and Data: Two-level regression using propensity score strata. Data come from Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing study.

(Uggen & Manza 2002) "DEMOCRATIC CONTRACTION? POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF FELON DISENFRANCHISEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES"

Main points: The disenfranchisement of felons is consequential for whether democrats or republicans win senate and presidential elections. Republicans have won elections due to the inability of felons (who are predominantly people of color and/or low-SES) to vote. Methods: Logistic regression. Data come from CPS and the National Election Study.

(Zeng & Xie 2014) "The Effects of Grandparents on Children's Schooling: Evidence From Rural China"

Main points: The educational level of coresident grandparents in China directly affects the educational attainment of their grandchildren, with an effect size similar to that of parental education, but the education of noncoresident and deceased grandparents does not have any effect. Methods and Data: Survival analysis. Data come the Chinese Household Income Project.

(DiPrete 2007) "What Has Sociology to Contribute to the Study of Inequality Trends?"

Main points: There are five major reasons why the rising inequality trend in the United States did not receive more attention from sociologists until the late 1990s. (I) the lack of interest in sociology on earnings. (II) the relative attention to social mobility rather than distributional change. (III) the relative attention to intergenerational mobility rather than career mobility. (IV) the relative focus on gender and racial inequality. (V) the lack of interest in institutional features of the labor market such as unions or the minimum wage. Methods and Data: N/A.

(Nielsen & Alderson 1997) "The Kuznets Curve and the Great U-Turn: Income Inequality in U.S. Counties, 1970 to 1990"

Main points: U.S. counties between 1970 and 1990 displayed a Kuznetsian pattern of declining inequality with economic development, a positive effect of urbanization on inequality, a declining positive impact of sector dualism on inequality, and a persistent effect of racial dualism on inequality. Methods and Data: HLM (counties nested within states). Data come from the Census.

(Brady et al. 2013) "WHEN UNIONIZATION DISAPPEARS: STATE-LEVEL UNIONIZATION AND WORKING POVERTY IN THE U.S."

Main points: Unionization reduces working poverty for both unionized and non-union households. The authors conclude that research can advance by devoting greater attention to working poverty instead of only unemployed poverty. Methods and Data: Multilevel logistic regression and two-way fixed effects models. Data come from the Luxembourg Income Study for the U.S.

(Parrado & Flippen 2005) "Migration and Gender among Mexican Women"

Main points: While female labor force participation in Mexico markedly increases household inequality in financial decision-making and domestic labor, female labor force participation among Mexican immigrants in Durham does not dramatically equalize the household. Methods and Data: Probit and negative binomial regression, as well as community-based participatory research. Quantitative data come from surveys in Durham and sending communities in Mexico.

(Reed et al. 2013) "Grit, conscientiousness, and the transtheoretical model of change for exercise behavior"

Main points: While grit predicts how long an individual has been sticking with an exercise routine, conscientiousness does not (net of age, BMI, gender, and athletic status). The results highlight how grit and conscientiousness are not only theoretically different constructs but also can have different implications for outcomes such as health. Methods and Data: Ordinal regression. Data come from an online survey at three U.S. universities.

5. (Park, 1914). "Racial Assimilation in Secondary Groups."

The author argues that assimilation into a "national" identity is inevitable, and "nationalist" sentiments in racial minorities occur when they struggle against discrimination. He argues that racial minorities in the US like the Blacks and Japanese remain unassimilated due to segregation, but that they will assimilate into a national identity whose culture is largely defined by the white dominant class over time the more populations of different races interact. The examples of Slavic nations in Europe are used as an example. Methods: pure theory with some historical background

(Keister 2014). "The One Percent."

This article surveys current research on the one percent in the United States. 1) The author distinguishes income from wealth and shows that both are very concentrated but that the concentration of wealth, particularly financial wealth, is extremely high. 2) The author describes the demographic traits and finances of households who are in the one percent and discuss how these have changed in the past decade. 3) The author also review literature that explains rising top incomes, and proposes that future research will usefully concentrate more on top wealth owners and on the demographic and life course processes that underlie income and wealth concentration.

(Sharkey & Elwert, 2011). The Legacy of Multigenerational Disadvantage

1) The authors argue for a revised perspective on "neighborhood effects" that considers the ways in which the neighborhood environment in one generation may have a lingering impact on the next generation. 2) Results confirm a powerful link between neighborhoods and cognitive ability that extends across generations: A family's exposure to neighborhood poverty across two consecutive generations reduces child cognitive ability by more than half a standard deviation. Data: PSID Method: Marginal Structural Models (to estimate unbiased treatment effects when treatments and confounders vary over time).

(Keister and Lee. 2017). "The double one percent: Identifying an elite and a super-elite using the joint distribution of income and net worth."

1) This study contributes to the literatures on top income and wealth households by introducing a measure of top status that includes a larger number of affluent households and that explicitly accounts for the interrelationship between income and wealth. Specifically, The top households can be divided into three groups: those who are top income only, those who are top net worth only, and those who are at the top of both distributions (the double one percent). 2) Results show that the top three groups are unique financially and demographically in ways that inform understanding of inequality and the processes that lead to membership in top income and wealth positions. Data: Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

DiPrete and Buchmann. 2013. Pp. 1-15 of The Rise of Women: The Growing Gender Gap in Education and What It Means for American Schools

1) Women have made substantial gains in all realms of education and now generally outperform men on several key educational benchmarks, including college enrollment, academic performance, obtain degrees, and enroll in graduate school. 2) Three important features of the trend favoring females in education suggest that women's educational gains do not follow solely from their changing status in society. (a) on many fronts women have surpassed men by a large and growing margin. (b) women have overtaken men in the total number of college degrees earned even as gender segregation in fields of study has persisted. (c) trends in the size of the gender gap have differed considerably by race and ethnicity. 3) One important consequence of women's rising educational attainment is a reduction in their earnings disadvantage relative to men. 4)Such a large gender gap in educational attainment has potentially large implications for economic outcomes as well as for other aspects of life that are enhanced by education. [unemployment rate, income, health, marriages and family lives]

(Waters, 1994) "Ethnic and racial identities of second-generation black immigrants in New York City."

2nd generation teens indentified as Black-American, with their ethnicity (ex: Trinidadian or Haitian-American), or as immigrants more than with a specific ethnicity based on their demographic characteristics and experiences. Ethnic-identified were more likely to come from a middle-class background with parents who had more education and higher incomes. They were more likely than the other groups to live in middle-class neighborhoods, and attend Catholic or magnet schools. Immigrant-identifying teens were more likely to attend public schools, but in the honors or academic tracks. Children of parents heavily involved with ethnic or religious organizations were more likely to identify with their ethnicity. Teens who had spent much of their lives abroad, and had strong ties to their native country (visiting family, planning to return as adults, etc) were more likely to identify as immigrants than as a particular ethnicity or Black-American. Teens who identified with their ethnicity had largely negative views of African-Americans and tried to distance themselves as a group. They tended to argue that discrimination has been reduced, and they could accomplish their goals if they worked hard. They also tended to view black Americans in a negative light. Those who identified as Black-American viewed themselves as similar to other groups of Blacks in the US. They were more likely to argue that discrimination was a persisting problem, and had more positive views of black Americans than ethnic-identified teens. Immigrant-identified teens were more likely to relate any discrimination to anti-immigrant sentiment than racism. They saw themselves as different from, but not necessarily better or worse than black Americans. Methods: interviews with 83 2nd generation teenagers of West Indian and Haitian American descent in New York City 1990-92

(Jerrim & Macmillan 2015) "Income Inequality, Intergenerational Mobility, and the Great Gatsby Curve: Is Education the Key?"

According to the Great Gatsby Curve, countries with higher levels of income inequality have lower levels of intergenerational mobility. The authors show that education plays a role in this relationship though the relationship of income to access to higher education, returns on higher education (the difference between returns to high school education and college education are large in nations with lots of income inequality), and the residual effect of parent education on labor-market earnings. The authors don't specify where the residual effect may come from, but note that countries with greater income inequality tend to spend less on education, and the quality of education depends more on private family investment. Method & data: Programme for International Assessment on Adult Competencies; OLS

8.(Lopoo & DeLeire, 2014) "Family Structure and the Economic Wellbeing of Children in Youth and Adulthood."

Always married mothers generally had higher family incomes than any category of single mothers, or those who divorce during the child's childhood. However, these categories should be disaggregated--even for mothers who were unmarried at the birth of their child, marrying later has a protective effect. Similarly, remarrying has a positive effect on income for divorced/separated mothers controlling for demographics and mother's education. However, once the authors control for family size, they find that those who remarry have higher incomes than those mothers who remain always married, or never remarry after separation. They speculate it may be because mothers are more careful about choosing their 2nd partner. The authors also find that children from families where the parents divorced and never remarried have significantly lower educational attainment than children from 2-parent families with always married mothers, but the difference can be accounted for by income differences. Once a child's demographic characteristics, and economic well-being in childhood are controlled for, the associations between family structure in childhood and adulthood income become statistically non-significant, implying that the relationship between family structure and long-term economic outcomes is mediated by family structure and economic circumstances in childhood. Methods: PSID data for children born 1967-78; income measured when adults 2000-2008; descriptive OLS regression

13. (Feliciano, 2005) "Does selective migration matter? Explaining ethnic disparities in educational attainment among immigrants' children."

As immigrants' educational selectivity (compared to non-migrants left behind) increases, the college attainment rates of 2nd generation co-ethnics also increases. Educational selectivity accounts for much of the advantage in college attendance Asian immigrants (both 1.5 and 2nd generation) have over whites, Latinos, and Afro-Caribbeans of the same generation. However, Black and Latino 2nd generation students see lower rates of college attendance compared to whites of the same generation even controlling for individual-level demographic factors, family SES, and their ethnic group's educational selectivity. In addition, much of the differences in expectations of graduating college seem to be accounted for by group-level educational selectivity and the fact that groups with higher selectivity also have higher SES, and higher parental expectations for children's educations. Methods: 1990 IPUMS and 1997-2001 CPS data for migrants from 31 most common immigrant backgrounds in US and Puerto Rico; Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study 1992 -95 for educational expectations--population limited to San Diego an Miami/Ft.Lauderdale; OLS & logit regressions, net difference index for educational attainment between groups

(Gangl, 2004). "Welfare States and the Scar Effect of Unemployment: A Comparative Analysis of the United States and West Germany."

Author compares the effects of unemployment in the US and West Germany. Unemployment benefits have positive effects on workers' next jobs by reducing the chances of severe earnings losses, downward occupational mobility, and entering unstable job arrangements in both countries. However, cumulative disadvantage associated with economic losses during unemployment is about 20% smaller in Germany than in the US. Methods: SIPP data for the US and Socio-Economic Panel data for Germany for 1984-1995; discrete-time, discrete-space model using hazard rates based on the continuous state space model by Petersen(a type of event history model); model estimates re-entry into employment and quality of new job

18. Duncan, et al, 2017. "New Evidence of Generational Progress for Mexican Americans."

Authors argue that the slowed or reversed educational mobility between 2nd and 3rd generation Latino immigrants may be due to the inability of most data sources to separate the 3rd from further generations. Using a NLSY97 with its explicit measure of 3rd generation Mexican status (grandparents' countries of origin), they show that more 3rd generation Mexicans got a high school diploma and bachelors degree than the 2nd generation. However, high school attainment declined somewhat in the 4th generation, lending some support for the theory that the decline in educational attainment between the 2nd and 3rd generations may be due to problems with identifying 3rd generation migrants. Furthermore, educational attainment does seem to decline between the 3rd and 4+ generation Mexicans. Furthermore, about 20% of respondents with at least 1 Mexican grandparent (defined as 3rd generation) no longer identify as Mexican or Mexican-American when self-reported ethnicity is a common way to define 3rd generation migrants in other studies. 3rd generation respondents who no longer self-identify as Mexican or Hispanic tend to have about 3/5 more years of schooling than those who do. Parental educational attainment and geographic residence in the US accounts for 40% of the educational decline between the 3rd and 4th generation, but a gap still remains. Methods: CPS vs NLSY97 data; OLS regression

Grusky & Sørensen. 1998. "Can Class Analysis Be Salvaged?"

Authors argues that class models become more plausible when big classes are disaggregated into occupations, and local structural factors such as social closure and collective action are taken into account. They disagree that non-gradational models cannot be used to accurately represent mobility. Merhods: Theory and literature review

McCall & Percheski. 2010. "Income Inequality: New Trends and Research Directions."

Authors review research on income inequality with an emphasis on emerging areas of wage inequalities, incentive pay, corporate governance, income pooling, family formation, social and economic policy, and political institutions to explain the rising income inequality from the mid-1990s. They also point out data limitations as a constraint on such research, such as the inability to track high-income earners (because of top-coding), a lack of questions about earnings from certain types of investments and capital gains (March CPS), and a lack of information about taxes (CPS). CPS data may be combined with Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) data for information about taxes, but the tax impact in LIS is estimated. SIPP< ACS, and the PSID overcome some of these issues, but have other limitations including top-coded income. The article also mentions that most researchers agree that ) inequality in wages, earnings, and total family incomes in the US has grown since the 1980s with some of the changes beginning in 1960s. 2) The level of inequality in the 2000s for both market and disposable income is larger than at any point in the last 40 years, and may approach the level of inequality in the 1910s or 1920's. Several other trends for the US show diverging patterns. 1) Though inequality in hourly wages rose at a similar rate for all men and women, inequality in annual earnings declined for women but rose for men. However, inequality among full-time, year-round workers rose almost as fast for women as for men. 2)Inequality in total income for all households has been higher than individual-earnings inequality since the 1970s. 3) inequality in incomes for families with children grew at least 2 times as fast as inequality of earnings for full-time year-round workers or of hourly wages for all genders. 4) While income for top earners (top 5% and higher) grew since mid-1990s, real income for median households has barely changed. 5) While inequality has grown in many other OECD countries, the timing and magnitude of this rise in inequality differ.

2. (Blake, 2018). All Talk and No Action? Racial Differences in College Behaviors and Attendance

Black students have higher rates of college-going behaviors (taking standardized tests, # of college applications completed, applying to higher-level colleges, talking to school staff to get information about college) than white students, and these differences account for the differences in college attendance. Overall, black students are more likely to apply to selective 4-year colleges, and less likely to apply to 2-year or no college than white students with similar demographic characteristics. The higher rates of college-going behaviors among white students (mostly taking the SAT/ACT) can be accounted for by differences in SES. Methods: Education Longitudinal Study 2002; logistic, negative binomial, and multinomial regression

(Grodsky & Pager. 2001). "The Structure of Disadvantage: Individual and Occupational Determinants of the Black-White Wage Gap."

Black-white wage gaps in the private sector are more closely associated with average occupational earnings (the higher the occupational earnings, the bigger the gap). This association can't be explained by individual characteristics, or by the status, composition, or skill/human capital demands of an occupation. The only exception seems to be smaller gaps in occupations with a high concentration of women. In the public sector, the black-white gap is not associated with average occupational earnings, but with individual human capital and occupational placement with smaller gaps in jobs requiring more interpersonal skills (and, often, less prestige). Methods: 1990 Census sample of men & Dictionary of Occupational Titles; HLM

(Spilerman, 1977.) "Careers, Labor Market Structure, and Socioeconomic Achievement."

Careers can be used to link the structural features on the labor market an individual SES attainment. Most current studies look at career structures of specific lines, but less so at people shifting between different career lines. The author also presents an alternative model of career's effect on individual SES achievement, suggesting that career lines be disaggregated into homogeneous categories by their features.

(Mueller & Shavit, 1998). "The Institutional Embeddedness of the Stratification Process: A Comparative Study of Qualifications and Occupations in Thirteen Countries."

Compares the path between education and entry into the labor force in 13 countries: Australia, Britain, France, Germany, Ireland, Israel, Italy,, Japan, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, Taiwan, and the US. The authors compare education systems by degree of standardization and stratification, whether they differentiate between academic and vocational credentials, and the proportion of students who achieve postsecondary qualifications. They argue against the neoinsitutionalist and industrialization perspectives, positing that the association between educational qualifications and occupational destinations varies by educational institutional context. More specifically, the association between educational and occupational attainment is larger in education systems that are stratified and standardized, separate academic and vocational tracks clearly, and have smaller proportions of students with postsecondary credentials. Women's labor force participation increases with higher educational credentials, and unemployment is higher for men and women with low educational credentials. Methods: OLS for association between educational attainment and occupational status, or prestige of 1st job; Multinomial logit regression for odds of entering labor force in different occupational class, and odds of being employed, unemployed, or not in the labor force at a given point in time. The authors use CASMIN educational attainment scale, and EGP occupational class categories to standardize findings across countries with different educational and labor systems. However, datasets for Ireland, the Netherlands, and Sweden lack indicators of 1st jobs (authors use young workers as proxies). In addition, there are some international differences in whether a respondent might have labor force experience (such as an apprenticeship or internship) before their 1st job, or if a job counts as a 1st job, if an individual goes on to earn further educational credentials afterward. Finally, the CASMIN system was created for school systems that separated academic and vocational tracks, and the authors remark that some of the researchers in the group found it difficult to use.

(DiPrete and Eirich 2006). Cumulative Advantage as a Mechanism for Inequality: A Review of Theoretical and Empirical Developments

Cumulative advantage (CA) is a general mechanism for inequality across any temporal process (e.g., life course, family generations) in which a favorable relative position becomes a resource that produces further relative gains. This review distinguishes different meanings, alternative forms of CA in the sociological literature, and discuss mechanisms that have been proposed in the literature that may produce CA, and review the empirical literature in the areas of education, careers, and related life course processes. Notes: lots of mathematical equations.

2. (Esping-Andersen, (Ed.), 1993). Changing classes: Stratification and mobility in post-industrial societies.

Cross-national differences in mobility in a post-industrial world are driven by welfare-states, and the service sector. A gendered mobility hierarchy seems appear, with women overrepresented in the emerging unskilled service sector. Women in this sector seem to see higher rates of mobility in welfare states like the Netherlands and Sweden, but lower rates in Germany and the US. In addition, there seems to be little closure at the bottom of the occupational hierarchy, but rising closure at the top except in Germany, where the pattern is reversed. The authors argue that greater mobility at the bottom in Nordic countries may be due to available additional training, while this type of mobility in the US is largely due to low-skilled service jobs being a first-entry or stop gap for youths and immigrants. In both Canada and the US, many low-educated workers find mobility impossible, and rotate between low-skilled service, clerical, and sales jobs, which might constitute a new occupational class. Methods: longitudinal and cross-sectional labor data from Germany, Great Britain, US, Canada, Norway, and Sweden; time-budget analyses, mobility tables, logistic regression

(Breen & Goldthorpe, 1997). Explaining educational differentials: Towards a formal rational action theory.

Educational attainment can be traced back to rational choices of students and their families. The goal of working- and service-class families is to make sure their children either remain in their birth-class, or move up. In other words, they want to prevent their children from falling into the underclass (or also working class, in the case of service-class families). Thus, families have to make a decision at every stage of education whether the child should move on to the next step in the education system, or exit. Remaining and successfully completing each step in the education process increases the chances of moving into the service class, but remaining and failing increases the chances of dropping into the underclass. Families consider the cost of schooling, the chances of the child's success, and how much they value the next step in education when making a decision about remaining in the education system.

(Bailey & Dynarski, 2011). Inequality in postsecondary education

Educational attainment grew overall between cohorts born in 1915 and 1975--by about 50 percentage points for college entry, and by about 21 percentage points for college completion. The income gap between college entry and graduation has grown between cohorts born in the 1960s and 1980s. The top income quartile increased college entry rates to about 80 percent (by around 22 percentage points) while the bottom quartile only reached 29 percent from 19% for the 1960s cohorts. Women outpace men in college entry, persistence (since birth cohorts from early 1950s), and completion (since early 1960s birth cohorts). This happened earliest for black women (outpacing black men for all cohorts born after 1915) and latest for Hispanic women (mid 1960s cohort). Income inequality in educational attainment has increased more for women than men (15 percentage point gap between top and bottom quartile for women but only 7 percentage point gap for men). The authors argue that the gender and income earnings gaps may have been spurred by increasing high school graduation rates, differences in cognitive skills (as measured by standardized tests), and increasing labor market returns for women. Data: Census (specifically, American Community Survey), NLSY79& 97

(Mazumder & Acosta. 2015.) "Using Occupation to Measure Intergenerational Mobility."

Estimates of intergenerational mobility between fathers and sons may be biased if researchers use data from 1 year of father's and son's working histories respectively. The authors show that the association between father's and son's occupations is strongest when father's occupation is averaged over 10 years. The association (immobility) is strongest for occupations when comparing to father's occupation in late career (centered around age 55), and intergenerational associations for income are strongest when comparing to fathers' 10-year averages of income mid-career (centered around age 42). Both income and occupational prestige associations are largest when taking a 5-year average of the sons in mid-career. Methods: PSID 1968-2009; father to son mobility; log-linear models with tables

(Morelli et al. 2014.) " Post-1970 Trends in Within-Country Inequality and Poverty: Rich and Middle Income Countries."

Findings: 1) Progress against poverty was uneven and rare in rich nations over the past 20 to 30 years. While there was little progress in reducing relative poverty in almost all the rich countries, anchored poverty fell in almost all rich nations from the 1990s to 2007, owing to rising living standards in most of the rich world up to that point. However, since the Great Recession (GR), increases in anchored poverty up to 2010 reduced some of the progress in real living standards that low-income households experienced over the preceding 15 years. 2) Inequality rose (almost) everywhere over the 1970 to 2010 period, with some flattening in the Great recession although the longer-term rising trend continued. Long-term increases are evidence in the Gini coefficients, P90/P10 ratios, and S80/S20 ratios for disposable household income calculated using household surveys, and also with top income shares calculated with tax data. 3) Increasingly one has to examine capital income as well as earned income. Rising income from capital is more concentrated at the top of the distribution. 4) The relentless rise in top income shares poses new challenges to the informative content of different indicators of income inequality. (a) Intrinsic limitations of existing household surveys do not capture the entirety of income accruing to the top income brackets, suggesting that conventional measures such as the Gini coefficient may be increasingly missing the actual extent of the change in income inequality. (b) there is evidence suggesting that the relationship between Gini and top shares became weaker over the past decade, pointing to greater prudence in extrapolating any results based on the analysis of top income shares directly to the overall income distribution.

(Massey & Denton, 1988). "The Dimensions of Racial Segregation."

Main Points: 1) This paper conceives of residential segregation as a multidimensional phenomenon varying along five distinct axes of measurement: evenness, exposure, concentration, centralization, and clustering. 2) Twenty indices of segregation are surveyed and related conceptually to one of the five dimensions. 3) Using data from a large set of U.S. metropolitan areas, the indices are intercorrelated and factor analyzed, and one index was chosen to represent each of the five dimensions, and these selections were confirmed with a principal components analysis.

.Laurison & Friedman. (2016). The class pay gap in higher professional and managerial occupations.

Findings: 1)The fall in income mobility at the same time as big-class occupational mobility remained the same in Britain since the mid 1990s can be explained by unequal mobility in the micro-classes, especially among the most prestigious/best paying jobs (NS-SEC1). 2)Overall, children of parents from NS-SEC1 jobs are more likely than others to enter this big class in the first place. As far as micro-classes/occupations go, the "gentlemanly" professions of law, medicine, finance, life sciences, academia, and science have a particularly large concentration of people from NS-SEC 1 backgrounds, and are particularly intergenerationally stable. On the other hand, technical professions like engineering, IT, and built environment have a higher percentage of upwardly mobile workers. Thus, it's important to look at both big and micro-classes in mobility analyses. 3) Even those in the NS-SEC1 professions see an origin-based income gap. Children of NS-SEC1 parents who are also in the NS-SEC1 occupational class as adults tend to have higher wages than coworkers from other class origins even controlling for human capital, work context, and demographic variables. Methods: UK Labour Force Survey; Nested linear regression for mobility patterns; Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition for trying to explain the income gaps.

(Mandel. 2016). "The Role of Occupational Attributes in Gender Earnings Inequality, 1970-2010."

Following the structural approach in examining gender inequalities, this study examines the effect of occupational attributes on the gender earnings gap over four decades: percent female, percent college graduates, SVP (specific vocational preparation), glass ceiling occupations, percent employed in the public sector, work environment, and percent unemployed. Findings: 1) Occupational attributes cannot be reduced to the aggregate attributes of their individual incumbents. Rather, the effect of occupations on the gender earnings gap goes far beyond both the distinctive role of occupational segregation and the effect of individual wage-related characteristics. 2) Occupations not only explain a significant portion of net gender pay gaps, but have also contributed to the narrowing of the gaps over the past several decades, as occupational attributes that favor women's pay have become more dominant over time. Data: IPUMS-USA from 1970 to 2010.

(Sweeney. 2002). "Two Decades of Family Change: The Shifting Economic Foundations of Marriage."

For both black and white women, the significance of earnings has changed over time--though they had a statistically non-significant effect on the odds of being married for the early baby-boomer cohort, higher women's earnings became significantly associated with higher odds of marriage for the late baby-boomer cohort. The effects of education are more mixed with white women who had less than 12 years of schooling more likely to marry (for both white cohorts), while no such effect was found for black women. School enrollment also had stronger effects n marriage delays for white than black women, and living in a 2-parent family at age 14 is associated with higher odds of marriage for black women. The importance of earnings doesn't seem to have fallen for either white or black men over time. Once again, there are some differences in the effect of education. For white men, education becomes significant and positively associated with marriage for the later cohort, possibly because more education is needed to get high-paying jobs in for that cohort. The marriage-delaying effect of school enrollment increased over time for men, maybe because the expectation that wives will manage all home responsibilities while their husbands finish school has declined. However, white men with less than 12 years of education are also more likely to marry than high school graduates, but the effect of having less than 12 years of education is negative for black men. Military service has also significantly increased the odds of marrying among black men over time. Method: data from National Longitudinal Surveys of Labor Market Experience for 2 cohorts: early baby-boomers (born 1950-1954) and late baby-boom cohort (born 1961-1965); logistic regression for discrete time-hazard models

(Buchmann, DiPrete, & McDaniel. 2008) "Gender Inequalities in Education."

General research patterns Much of the gender research in education since Jacob's 1996 article looked at girls' advantage in grades, though this advantage into translate into higher levels of attainment/degrees compared to men. Research tends to center around either educational outcomes (GPA, test scores, etc) and primary and secondary school experiences, or educational attainment and higher education. The author argues that the two are linked, and should be treated as such as in college entry research. Another possible issue with studying gender differences in education is that boys (and children from high SES families) tend to enter kindergarten a year later. Boys are also more likely to repeat kindergarten, or another grade during elementary school. Combined with different rates of development (girls tend to mature more quickly than boys), these age differences might bias grade-based comparisons. Academic gender gaps The gendered findings in educational achievement are mixed. Males tend to get higher scores on standardized tests, while females tend to get higher grades. Girls tend to outscore boys on reading tests, and vice-versa in math, though there is cross-national variation. Also, these gender differences in reading/math are very small or nonexistent at the start of schooling and grow over time. There are some studies that gendered gaps in reading emerge only among children from low-income families but others contradict them. Most earlier research focused on teens, but new interest and data about early academic performance came with ECLS-K in 1998/99. Though girls tended to lag behind boys in high-level courses (especially college preparation math, and science courses), the gap has closed by 1994 for math-taking ( Catsambis, 2005), and for most sciences between 1990 and 1998 (Bae et al, 2000). Equal numbers of male and female students took advanced placement (AP) exams in 1984 and girls were outpacing boys in the number of passed AP exams by 1997. Theorized explanations Girls tend to have an advantage in social skills and positive classroom behaviors, while boys tend to be more likely to be noted as displaying antisocial behavior, reading or developmental/learning disabilities, having less positive orientation toward education, or being disruptive [personal note: I say "noted as" because girls with certain learning disabilities often display different symptomology and may go undiagnosed). Girls are also often scored as having higher levels of school-relevant non-cognitive skills like organization, self-discipline, and interest in school. There is little evidence that differences in biological cognitive skills would account for the gendered differences in education. There is some evidence of a gendered gap on complex quantitative tasks, but it's difficult to say whether capabilities or environmental/social experiences like gender stereotypes an norms cause the effect. Similarly, it's hard to measure the effects of parenting styles without conflating wit parents' responsiveness to child's characteristics. In any case, researchers found contradicting evidence as to whether parents spend more time and other resources on daughters or sons. Similarly, evidence on whether teachers systematically favor girls over boys is inconclusive. The 1990s argument that teachers praise and pay more attention to boys than girls shifted to the opposite, "war against boys" argument in 2000, but a lack of random assignment makes causal arguments difficult even if the evidence wasn't mixed. It's hard to separate teacher's bias from general benefits of learning from a teacher of the same gender, or personal teaching ability. Gaps in higher ed Women outpaced men in the % of bachelor's degrees since 1982, though women tend to be underrepresented in prestigious institutions and majors with high returns. Some of the gender gap in college degrees may come from the fact that male students have had higher dropout rates since 1996 (vs gender-equal rates in 1990), and are more likely to delay college--possibly to enter the military. Women also tend to be less likely to drop out of college and earn their degrees quicker. The female advantage in college completion can be found for all racial/ethnic groups, but it's largest for Backs, followed by Hispanics, Native Americans, and Asians, and smallest for whites. Though women earned only 40% o master's and14% of doctoral degrees in 1970, they now earn 59% of masters and 49% of doctoral degrees. Female representation in professional degrees ha also grown, though women still earn a slightly smaller proportion than men. Women also tend to earn tertiary degrees in higher proportions than men in most European countries, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. Among OECD countries, only Switzerland, Turkey, Japan, and Korea were the exception in mid-2000s. Explanation for higher ed gaps The relationship between family background and college completion had changed for men and women since the mid-1960s. Before, parents with a high school education or less tended to favor sons, and the gender gap in college completion was much larger in low-SES families than higher-SES families. After 1960s, the male advantaged declined and even reversed in households with low-educated parents, especially in single-mother families. Thus, there is little evidence for gender role socialization. Other research argues for the advantages of better grades and test scores, higher educational aspirations, and fewer disciplinary problems among female students. It's also possible that some of the advantage is due to incentives. Though wage returns to college degrees have grown faster for men than for women, the authors argue that returns to a college education as insurance against poverty and chances for good standards of living have grown faster for women. Other incentives might have come from more opportunities on the labor market, a higher age of marriage and birth, rise in community colleges (women attend 2-year colleges at a slightly higher rate), and higher rates of military enlistment among men. Recommendations for future research The authors recommend 3 directions for future research: 1) interdisciplinary research about gender differences in cognitive and noncognitive abilities in early childhood, 2) on the structure and practices of schooling and 3) how gender differences might amplify other kinds of ascriptive/demographic inequalities. Methods: Review article

17. (Feliciano, 2005). "Educational Selectivity in U.S. Immigration: How Do Immigrants Compare to Those Left Behind?"

Generally, immigrants are positively selected on education compared to co-nationals who stay, with Mexicans as the least selected and Iranians as the most selected group. Most groups from Latin America and the Caribbean are below the overall selectivity median (comparatively less positively selected), and most Asian groups are above the overall selectivity median. Groups likely to include many political refugees are also positively selected. Puerto Ricans are the only negatively selected group, but the author posits that this is likely because they are, technically, citizens, which makes travel much easier. Though there are some differences in selectivity by gender, there is no clear pattern save for less positive selection among women from countries farthest away from the United States. The author hypothesizes that this may be the effect of wives following their highly-selected husbands to new employment opportunities abroad. Migrants from countries farther from the US tend to be more positively selected than from countries closer to the US. Those from countries with higher average years of schooling tend to be less positively selected, so migrants from highly unequal societies tend to be more positively selected. This may be due either to the fact that in highly-educated populations, migrants might not be significantly more educated than the rest of the population (a ceiling effect of sorts), or due to "brain drain", where highly educated residents of developing countries have an incentive to migrate abroad if there are few highly-skilled jobs in their country of origin. Overall, there seems to be more positive selection among migrants who arrived in the 1980s (mostly from Latin America and Asia) compared to those who arrived in the 1960s (mostly from Europe), but the difference is not statistically significant. In addition, the author looks at selectivity among Mexican migrants over time, but finds no strong pattern of decreasing or increasing selection. Methods: IPUMS 1960-2000 and UNESCO country-level data; selectivity calculated by net difference index (NDI)--based on the percentage of immigrants with the same level of educational attainment as nonmigrants, the percentage of immigrants with more education than nonmigrants, and the percentage of immigrants with less education than nonmigrants, or what percent of the time an immigrant's level of education will exceed the education of a nonmigrant from the same country vs the opposite; OLS regression

17.(Van Doorslaer, Eddy, et al., 1997)"Income-related inequalities in health: some international comparisons."

Higher levels of nation-wide income inequality are associated with higher levels of inequality in self-rated health. In all the surveyed countries, people with higher incomes tend to have better health, though income inequality doesn't account for all health inequality. Health inequalities are highest in the UK and US, medium in the Netherlands, Spain, an Switzerland, medium to low in Finland and West Germany, and lowest in East Germany and Sweden. However, the differences between the latter 3 groups is much smaller than between them and the group with the highest health inequality. Methods: data form multiple surveys from Finland (Health and Social Security Survey)West and East Germany (Socio Economic Panel Survey), the Netherlands (Health Interview Survey), Spain (Health Interview Survey), Sweden (LNU Level of Living Survey), Switzerland (SOMIPOP Survey), UK (General Household Survey), and US (National Medical Expenditure Survey); Surveys take at different years between 1982 and 1992 "illness concentration curve", which compares the hierarchy of income to the hierarchy of health ratings

3. (Portes & Zhou, 1993) The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and Its Variants

Immigrants don't necessarily assimilate into the middle-class. Instead, they might face upward or downward ability, depending on race/ethnicity, location, and the presence or absence of mobility ladders. Government policy and societal reception toward the particular group of immigrants also matters--refugees, economic migrants, and members of ethnic groups with large undocumented populations face very different receptions. The authors argue that children of immigrants from groups that have few opportunities and face a lot of racial prejudice might adopt oppositional cultures from co-racial, native-born peers, risking downward mobility/assimilation, but that strong ties to a coethnic community that can provide additional moral and material resources can prevent this downward mobility by delaying assimilation. Methods: case studies

(Lim, 2001). "On the Back of Blacks?."

Immigrants don't necessarily reduce employment for African-Americans, because the growing education level among native-born Blacks in the 1970s had resulted in more of them working in skilled jobs that immigrants find difficult to enter. Thus, competition between black Americans and immigrants has been reduced. However, since much of that expansion into more skilled jobs has happened through the public sector, which requires educational credentials, native-born blacks who are unable to attain these credentials find themselves in increasing competition with less-skilled immigrants.

(Edin & Lein, 1997). "Work, welfare, and single mothers' economic survival strategies."

Main Points: 1)Welfare recipients and low-wage workers employ a set of survival strategies to make ends meet. 2)The range of strategies available to mothers is shaped by the social-structural characteristics of the cities in which they live and by the quality of their private social safety net. 3)Some survival strategies are more compatible with work than others, the strategies a mother employs may affect her ability to move from welfare to work. Method: In-depth interviews.

(Alexander, Entwisle, & Olson 2007) Lasting Consequences of the Summer Learning Gap

In a follow-up to the 1992 Entwisle & Alexander paper, the authors examine the long-term results of summer learning differences (based on reading scores) by family SES. Achievement gains over grades 1-9 reflect school-year learning, while the SES achievement gap in 9th grade can be largely traced to differences in summer learning in elementary school. Once again, positive effects of schooling are offset by the growth of the gap over the summer. The authors also use logistic regression to estimate the effects of mean reading achievement on future outcomes, and find significant relationships with high school track placement, chances of dropping out, and 4-year college attendance. Switching the mean scores or summer gains of high-SES and low-SES students (via imputation) significantly changes the probability of each outcome. The probability of permanent dropout changes the least. The authors recommend early interventions, especially during the summer or as supplemental programming during the school year as possible avenues for narrowing the gap. Data & Methods: Beginning School Study; decomposition by SES (binary as low SES and high SES based on parental education and income); logistic regression for track, dropout, and 4year college outcomes

6. (Thomson & McLanahan. 2012). "Reflections on "Family Structure and Child Well-Being: Economic Resources vs. Parental Socialization"."

In a previous paper , the authors find that cohabiting parents were more similarly economically disadvantaged as single parents than married parents. Furthermore, economic disadvantage accounted for more of the disadvantage in children's well-being in non-traditional families than differences in parenting. They review possible explanations and methodological considerations in related literature : such as the relatively constant finding that cohabiting parents were different from married parents, the negative effects of family instability on children, the importance of including stepparents and stepsiblings in the analysis, the effects of welfare regimes, and selection into certain family structures. Methods: review

(DiPrete & McManus, 2000). Family change, employment transitions, and the welfare state: Household income dynamics in the United States and Germany.

In summary: 1) Women's household earnings are more affected by changes in family structure and changes in partner's labor force status, while men's are more affected by changes in their own labor status. 2) The German welfare system, which attaches tax rates to changes in family structure better insulates women from their partner's wage loss, and men from unemployment compared to the US. 3)The gender gap in the negative effects of labor or family formation events is mitigated in the long term in both Germany and the US. In more detail: In both Germany and the US, changes in family structure had a greater effect on household income for women, and changes in labor status had a greater effect on household income for men. The gender disparities in the effects of changes in family structure and one's own status in the labor market (vs. partner's) are larger in Germany. However, German women seem to have an incentive system where they increase labor market participation if their husbands' income declines, while the same doesn't happen in the US (may have something to do with differences in initial rates of labor market participation among women). In addition, about 60% of men's wage loss from unemployment is mitigated by the German welfare system, but only about 1/3 of wage loss is covered for American men. Similarly, the German welfare system covers a larger portion of women's wage loss from partner's wage loss. Men's gain from union formation is supported by welfare policies in both countries, though the additional gains are larger in Germany, where men's taxes are reduced when they get married. At the same time, women's taxes rise after marriage (on the assumption that men are the "breadwinners" of the family), so the gender gap in the effects of marriage on household income is reduced. The same is true in the reverse--the gender gap in effects of divorce in Germany is reduced (though not bridged) by decreasing taxes for women after separation and increasing taxes for men. The US, where tax rates aren't linked to family structure, has a larger gender gap in the effects of family formation and dissolution. Finally, both countries see a short-term gender gap in the effects of partner loss with women losing more income than men, but gap closes within 7 years or so. Methods: German Socio-Economic Panel (1984-96) for West Germany and PSID (1981-93) for US; men and women ages 25-50 who were household heads or partners of household head; fixed effects model (individual-level fixed effects); household income as outcome; effects of R exiting employment, R entering employment, R's partner exiting employment, R marrying/adding a partner, losing a partner

1. (Kerckhoff, 1995). "Institutional Arrangements and Stratification Processes in Industrial Societies."

International review of research about how educational and labor force institutional arrangements affect stratification, following the Blau-Duncan model (origins affect education, education affects entry into 1st job, 1st job affects future jobs). The author argues that the model may be more useful for comparative research if it included indicators of one's location in a country's educational and labor force systems. They suggest that 1) highly stratified educational systems produce a stronger association between origin SES and educational attainment due to earlier sorting; 2) decentralized education systems produce greater variation in the association between students' origin SES and educational attainment than centralized systems; 3) In educational systems with specialized schools and highly differentiated credentials, students with low levels of education have clearer job opportunities and more stable early employment experiences than similar students in systems with comprehensive schools and general credentials. 4)Workers in societies in which there are regularized combinations of work and schooling (so people can work and study at the same time) have more stable employment and more orderly early careers than workers in societies that segregate school and work experiences. 5) Internal labor markets are more important in the work careers of workers in societies with general education credentials 6) There are clearer and more frequently followed education and work-career lines in societies with differentiated occupation-related education credentials than in societies with general credentials.

(DiPrete et al, 1998). "Collectivist Versus Individualist Mobility Regimes? Structural Change and Job Mobility in Four Countries."

Job mobility in the US is most sensitive to structural change/structural mobility and individual resources (though largest rate for both within- and between-employer mobility), while job mobility in the Netherlands is least affected by structural and individual factors. By contrast, Germany has strong labor market boundaries, so workers either move within their occupational sector, or exit employment. Structural changes in Germany generally result in employment exit and restructuring rather than inter-sector mobility. Sweden is more affected by structural mobility than Germany and the Netherlands, but less than the US. Methods: compares US, Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands; data on male workers, excluding the agricultural sector; individual resources=experience, education, tenure; EGP classes; discrete time log-logistic model

(Percheski 2008). Opting Out?

Main Points: 1) In a cohort analysis of working-age women born between 1906 and 1975, employment levels among college-educated women in professional and managerial occupations have increased over cohorts. 2) Full-time, year-round employment rates continue to rise across cohorts, even among women in historically male professions and mothers of young children. 3) Although labor force participation rates have stopped rising, they have stalled at a very high rate, with less than 8 percent of professional women born since 1956 out of the labor force for a year or more during their prime childbearing years. 4) The difference in employment rates between mothers and childless women--the "child penalty"--is shrinking across cohorts.

. (Sørensen & Kalleberg, 1977) An Outline of a Theory of the Matching of Persons to Jobs

Labor markets match people to jobs, but the conditions needed for the matching process predicted by neoclassical theory of earnings determination (economics) isn't present in some segments of the labor market. Jobs with different degrees of closure (as in Weber's) have different matching processes, because they give different amounts of bargaining power to employers and employees. An employer wants to get the most production at the lowest cost, so their power is tied not only to wages they have to pay, but their ability to vary wages with productivity. Neoclassical economic theory argues that wages are tied directly to productivity, which can be tied to acquired human capital (though education and training) and innate ability. Employees and employers compete for wages that match productivity. Promotion systems can also be used to relate increased wages to increased productivity. However, the authors argue, jobs that become open only when incumbents leave create an entirely different job structure--vacancy competition (vs the economic wage competition). Employers still want to get the most output for the least price, but they can no longer link marginal productivity to wage rates, so their control over initial access to the job/hiring becomes all the more important. The employer tries to link an applicant's personal characteristic to their productivity, creating a queue where some job candidates seem to have more desirable characteristics than others. At the same time, potential employees will have a queue of jobs ranked by desired characteristics. The highest person in the labor queue would, in theory, get the best job in the job queue. Promotions will now relate less to changes in performance and more to mobility in internal labor markets and the movement of other employees. Variations in earnings will come from job characteristics and the internal labor market (access to jobs and demand that creates available jobs) instead of personal characteristics. For careers in the vacancy competition model, increasing access to training and education wouldn't have the same benefit as in the wage competition model, because it wouldn't create more jobs for candidates to fill. Methods: theory article

(Altonji & Card, 1991). "The effects of immigration on the labor market outcomes of less-skilled natives."

Less-skilled natives may be moving out of industries with high concentrations of immigrants, and falling employment in these industries has been slower in cities with a high immigrant population. However, there is no effect of increased immigration on participation or employment rates of less-skilled natives overall, possibly because less-skilled natives are absorbed by other industries. There is, however, a negative effect on wages for less-skilled natives, though the degree varies by estimation procedure. Once labor market characteristics are controlled for through an IV, the authors find that 1 percentage point increase in an immigrant population of an SMSA geographic area is associated with a 1.2% decrease in wages while the OLS estimate finds an associated 0.3% reduction. Methods: 1970 and 1980 US Censuses; fixed effects model vs Cross-sectional regression

(Lin 1999) "Social Networks and Status Attainment"

Literature review on the link between social networks and status attainment. Herein, the author explains his theory of social resources: the world has a hierarchy of positions ranked according to certain normatively valued resources, this structure has a pyramid shape because those in the highest positions are fewest in number, and individuals stand to benefit from developing weak ties with those high up on the pyramid.

(Belkin, 2003). The Opt-Out Revolution

Main argument: Well-educated, professional women leaving the labor force for motherhood, and these voluntary employment exits and reductions account for persistent gender inequalities in employment.

23. (Lantz, et al., 1998) "Socioeconomic factors, health behaviors, and mortality: results from a nationally representative prospective study of US adults."

Lower levels of education and income are associated with more behavioral risks, and higher likelihood of death. The relationship between education and mortality and income and mortality is stronger for men than women. Income was more predictive of mortality than education, and educational differences in mortality could be explained by the association between education and income. SES differences in mortality rates exist even when controlling for risk behaviors, so the author argues there must be an additional mechanism. Methods: Americans' Changing Lives Survey 1986 and National Death Index 1986-94; behavioral risk factors=smoking, drinking, sedentary lifestyle, relative body weight; control for age, race, sex, urbanicity; Cox proportional hazard model

(Ferraro et al. 2016). "Childhood Disadvantage and Health Problems in Middle and Later Life: Early Imprints on Physical Health?"

Main Points: 1) Childhood socioeconomic disadvantage and frequent abuse by parents are generally associated with fewer adult social resources and more lifestyle risks. 2) Health problems, in turn, are affected by childhood disadvantage and by lifestyle risks, especially smoking and obesity. 3) Childhood socioeconomic disadvantage and frequent abuse also were related to the development of new health problems at the follow-up survey. Data: Midlife Development in the United States

(Liefbroer&Corijn, 1999). "Who, what, where, and when? Specifying the impact of educational attainment and labour force participation on family formation."

Main Points: 1) Educational attainment has a stronger negative effect on women's entry into parenthood than on their entry into a union, a stronger negative effect on women's entry into marriage and parenthood in the Netherlands than in Flanders, and a stronger effect during the early stages of young adulthood than later on. 2) Men's educational attainment did not show the expected positive effect on family formation. 3) Enrollment in full-time education delays family formation, but more so in Flanders than in the Netherlands. 4) Unemployment delays family formation among men, but only in Flanders. Data: Flemish and Dutch young adults born between 1961 and 1965

(Haas. 2008). "Trajectories of functional health: The 'long arm' of childhood health and socioeconomic factors."

Main Points: 1) Functional health trajectories in old age continue to be shaped by childhood health and socioeconomic circumstances. 2) Poor childhood health and disadvantaged social origins are associated with both more functional limitations at baseline and higher rates of increase over time. This association is net of baseline adult chronic disease and socioeconomic status. 3) While both childhood and adult factors influence the baseline level of functional limitation, only childhood health and socioeconomic status are associated with the rate of change in limitations over time. Data: US Health and Retirement Study, Latent growth curve models (LGM)

Frank. "Why Is Income Inequality Growing?"

Main Points: 1) In every group, pretax real incomes have been largely stagnant for all but the top earners. 2) The explosive growth in pretax incomes of the top 1 percent, and in most sectors of the economy has been largely a consequence of intensifying market forces. 3) Changes in tax policy can curb some negative impacts of rising economic inequality brought by market forces.

(Bloome, 2017). "Childhood Family Structure and Intergenerational Income Mobility in the United States."

Main Points: 1) Individuals raised outside stable two-parent homes are much more mobile than individuals from stable two-parent families. 2) Mobility increases with the number of family transitions but does not vary with children's time spent coresiding with both parents or stepparents conditional on a transition. 3) Difficulties maintaining middle-class incomes create downward mobility among people raised outside stable two-parent homes. Regardless of parental income, these people are relatively likely to become low-income adults. 4) People raised outside stable two-parent families are also less likely to become high-income adults than people from stable two-parent homes. Data: NLSY-Youth, parametric and nonparametric methods

(Wilson, 1987). The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy

Main Points: 1) Inner city black community is having debilitating pathological problems, including explosion of female-headed households, teenage out-of-wedlock pregnancies and violent criminal behavior. 2) The lessening of discrimination--by allowing upward mobile blacks to leave the inner-city--has caused the social isolation of low-income blacks. 3) The structural mismatch--the movement of manufacturing jobs to suburban locations--is responsible for the precipitous decline in black employment rates since 1970s and the growth of black female-headed households.

(Aizer & Currie. 2014). "The Intergenerational Transmission of Inequality: Maternal Disadvantage and Health at Birth

Main Points: 1) Recent evidence suggests that maternal disadvantage leads to worse health at birth through poor health behaviors; exposure to harmful environmental factors; worse access to medical care, including family planning; and worse underlying maternal health. 2) With increasing inequality, those at the bottom of the distribution now face relatively worse economic conditions, but newborn health among the most disadvantaged has actually improved. 3) The most likely explanation is increasing knowledge about determinants of infant health and how to protect it along with public policies that put this knowledge into practice.

(Deleire & Kalil, 2002) "Good Things Come in Threes: Single-parent Multigenerational Family Structure and Adolescent Adjustment."

Main Points: 1) Teenagers who live in nonmarried families are less likely to graduate from high school or to attend college, more likely to smoke or drink, and more likely to initiate sexual activity. 2) Teenagers living with their single mothers and with at least one grandparent in multigenerational households have developmental outcomes that are at least as good and often better than the outcomes of teenagers in married families. Data: National Educational Longitudinal Study (NELS)

(Ludwig et al., 2013). "Long-Term Neighborhood Effects on Low Income Families: Evidence from Moving to Opportunity."

Main Points: 1) The MTO long-term results did not provide support for the view that high rates of school failure and non-employment in central city neighborhoods are due to the direct adverse effects of living in a poor neighborhood. 2) no detectable impacts on academic achievement for children of preschool age at baseline. 3) suggestive evidence for improved physical and mental health outcomes for adult women and female youth Method: intention-to-treat estimates, treatment on the treated estimates

(Rosenbaum & DeLuca, 2008) "Does Changing Neighborhoods Change Lives?"

Main Points: 1) The early results from Chicago's Gautreaux program showed gains in education, neighborhood quality, and employment for families who moved to more affluent suburban areas. 2) Interviews suggest that some social and psychological mechanisms were underlying these benefits, such as social capital, changing behavior norms, and a new sense of efficacy and control over life. 3) Gautreaux program can be viewed as a quasi-experiment without strict control group, while MTO is an experiment design with treatment ("move") and control group ("no move").

(Biblarz &Raftery. 2010). "Rethinking the "Pathology of Matriarchy": Family Structure, Educational Attainment, and Socioeconomic Success."

Main Points: 1) The effect of growing up in a single-mother family is a complex function of a set of factors that represent both risks and benefits to children's socioeconomic success. Risks: relative to sons from two-biological-parent families, sons from single-mother families have (a) the disadvantage of having a family head with a greater average likelihood of unemployment, and (b) the disadvantage of having a family head with a lower average occupational position. Benefits: children from single-mother families benefited from a good average level of origin education and low average number of siblings. 2) The effects of alternative family structures on children's socioeconomic success have remained constant over the past 30 years. 3) Children from single-mother families consistently do better than those raised in single-father families or stepfamilies, once socioeconomic position is taken into account . 4) Alternative families exhibit a weaker level of intergenerational socioeconomic transmission than two-biological-parent families. 5) Children from alternative families get less occupational return to higher education. Data: 1962 Occupational Changes in a Generation survey (OCG I), and national surveys from each of the subsequent decades

Goldin&Katz. "The Race Between Education and Technology."

Main Points: 1) The evolution of the wage structure reflects, at least in part, a race between the growth in the demand for skills driven by technological advances and the growth in the supply of skills driven by demographic change, educational investment choices, and immigration. 2) The empirical case for skill-biased technological change (SBTC), as a substantial source of demand shifts favoring more-educated workers since 1980, would appear very strong. But that does not necessarily mean that the driving force behind rising wage inequality since 1980 was SBTC. 3)The reason for rising inequality cannot be located solely on the demand side. The other important part of the answer can be found on the supply side.

(Gangl 2005) "Income Inequality, Permanent Incomes, and Income Dynamics"

Main points: Even discounting the impact of lifecourse income mobility, the United States still exhibits the highest level of permanent income inequality compared to a sample of European countries. Methods and Data: Fixed effects regression. Data come from PSID and European Community Household Panel.

(South et al., 2016) "Neighborhood attainment over the adult life course."

Main Points: 1) This study examines the trajectory of individuals' neighborhood characteristics from initial household formation into mid-to-late adulthood, and reveals both different starting points and different life course trajectories for blacks and whites in neighborhood economic status and neighborhood racial composition. 2) Among respondents who first established an independent household during the 1970s, improvement in neighborhood income over the adult life course was substantially greater for white than for black respondents; the racial difference in the percentage of neighbors who were non-Hispanic white narrowed slightly with age. 3) Racial differences in the characteristics of neighborhoods inhabited during adolescence help explain racial differences in starting points and, to a lesser extent, subsequent trajectories of neighborhood attainment. 4) Residing in an economically advantaged neighborhood during adolescence confers greater subsequent benefits in neighborhood economic status for white than for black respondents. Data: PSID, neighborhood-level data from the U.S. decennial census and American Community Survey; Multi-level growth curve model

(Breen 2004). Social Mobility in Europe

Main Points: 1) Trends in social fluidity are very similar among men and women, showing a widespread tendency towards greater fluidity. These results differ quite substantially from those of the previous major comparative study of social mobility, namely The Constant Flux, which argues strongly in favour of the so-called FJH hypothesis of a basic similarity in social fluidity in all industrial societies with a "market economy and a nuclear family system". 2) Social fluidity is driven by factors related to cohorts, rather than periods. Data: 117 mobility surveys covering the period 1970 to 2000

(Jennings etal., 2015). Do differences in school quality matter more than we thought? New evidence on educational opportunity in the twenty-first century.

Main Points: 1) Unexplained differences between high schools are larger for college attendance than for test scores. 2) While these apparent differences in high school effectiveness increase income disparities in college attendance, they reduce racial disparities. Data and method: student-level data obtained from the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education and the Texas Education Agency. Value-added models.

(Hansen, 2014). "Self-Made Wealth or Family Wealth? Changes in Intergenerational Wealth Mobility."

Main Points: 1) Using population data from Norway, this study focuses on the top 1 percent and the top 0.1 percent of the wealth scale over a period of nearly two decades. 2) Results show that recruitment into the top wealth group is extremely restricted, and most so in recent years. Having wealthy parents, and especially top wealth origins, is important for wealth attainment. 3) The very top wealth category appears to be a rentier class, with higher incomes from capital than from earnings.

(Geller et al. 2011) "Paternal Incarceration and Support for Children in Fragile Families"

Main points: Formerly incarcerated men are less likely to contribute to their families, and those who do contribute provide significantly less. The negative effects of incarceration on fathers' financial support are due not only to the low earnings of formerly incarcerated men but also to their increased likelihood to live apart from their children. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study.

(Charles & Grusky. 2004) Egalitarianism and Gender Inequality.

Main Points: 1) the future of gender inequality rests on a struggle between egalitarian and (gender) essentialist forces that is not quite as one-sided as modernization theories have sometimes claimed. 2) Prevailing forms of egalitarianism do not fully delegitimate essentialist processes and that a true "second revolution", one that establishes this new and broader definition of equality, will therefore be needed to eliminate essentialist segregation.

(Kim & Sakamoto, 2010). "Assessing the Consequences of Declining Unionization and Public-Sector Employment: A Density-Function Decomposition of Rising Inequality From 1983 to 2005.

Main Points: 1)Although the increase of the demand for the skilled workers does play a significant role, the recent increase in wage dispersion cannot be fully explained by skill-biased technological change. 2)Two main sources of increasing inequality include the "nonunion private sectorization" of all sectors and the reduction in the sizes of the institutionally protected market sectors. Data and Method: CPS 1983-2005; Decomposition

(Killewald etal. 2017). "Wealth Inequality and Accumulation."

Main Points: 1)Conceptual and methodological challenges remain in the research on wealth inequality and accumulation. 2) Two major unresolved methodological concerns facing wealth research: how to address challenges to causal inference posed by wealth's cumulative nature; and how to operationalize net worth given its highly skewed distribution. 3) This paper also provides an overview of data sources available for wealth research, reviews trends in wealth levels and inequality, and evaluate wealth's distinctiveness as an indicator of social stratification. 4) This paper then reviews recent empirical evidence on the effects of wealth on other social outcomes, as well as research on the determinants of wealth.

(Morris & Western 1999) "Inequality in Earnings at the Close of the Twentieth Century"

Main points: The authors review the (mostly economics-based) literature on inequality in earnings and challenge sociologists to study the dispersion in earnings more earnestly, rather than leave it to the economists. Methods and Data: Literature review.

(Cobb-Clark et al. 2006). "The Wealth of Mexican Americans."

Main Points: 1)Mexican Americans' wealth disadvantage is attributable to the fact that these families have more young children and heads who are younger. 2) Mexican Americans' low educational attainment also has a direct effect in producing a wealth gap relative to other ethnic groups even after differences in income are taken into account. 3) Income differentials are important, but do not play the primary role in explaining the gap in median net worth. 4) geographic concentration is generally unimportant, but does contribute to narrowing the wealth gap between wealthy Mexican Americans and their white and black counterparts.

(Carlson & Cowen, 2015). Student neighborhoods, schools, and test score growth: Evidence from Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Main Points: 1)School effects on one-year test score gains are meaningfully more variable than the estimated contributions of neighborhoods. 2) Significant variation across neighborhoods with respect to their estimated contributions to student test score gains. 3) Accounts of educational inequality should explicitly include both school and neighborhood contexts as potential drivers of educational disparities. Data and method: Data set containing records from the universe of students enrolled in Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) between 2006- 07 and 2010-11. Regression with neighborhood and school fixed effects.

(Haveman et al. 2015). "The War on Poverty: Measurement, Trends and Policy."

Main Points: 1)The rise of the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM)—taking account of noncash and tax-related benefits—has corrected some of the serious weaknesses of the official poverty measure (OPM). The SPM measure indicates that the poverty rate has declined over time, rather than being essentially flat as the OPM implies. 2)The growth of antipoverty policies has reduced the overall level of poverty, with substantial reductions among the elderly, disabled, and blacks. 3)The poverty rates for children, especially those living in single-parent families, and families headed by a low-skill, low-education person, have increased. Rates of deep poverty (families living with less than one-half of the poverty line) for the nonelderly population have not decreased.

(Kennickell 2009). "Ponds and Streams: Wealth and Income in the U.S., 1989 to 2007."

Main Points: 1)This paper discusses a range of possible measures of family wealth and income, and examines the distributions of wealth and income and their joint properties using data from the 1989-2007 waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF). 2) Data show a complicated pattern of shifts in the wealth distribution, with clear gains across the broad middle and at the top. For income, there is a more straightforward picture of rising inequality. 3) Regarding the composition of wealth and income over the 18-year period, the general patterns of holdings across the distributions did not change markedly, but there were some important shifts: For wealth, debt increased as a share of assets across the wealth distribution, the share of principal residences rose mainly below the median of net worth, the share of tax-deferred retirement accounts rose and the share of other financial assets declined. For income, the clearest change was a general decline in the relative importance of capital income other than that from business.

(Mandel&Semyonov, 2006). "A Welfare State Paradox: State Interventions and Women's Employment Opportunities in 22 Countries."

Main Points: Developed welfare states facilitate women's access into the labor force but not into powerful and desirable positions. Specifically, nations characterized by progressive and developed welfare policies and by a large public service sector tend to have high levels of female labor force participation, along with a high concentration of women in female-typed occupations and low female representation in managerial occupations. Data and Method: Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), HLM

(Erikson & Goldthorpe, 1992). Trends in Class Mobility: The Post-War European Experience

Main Points: Findings are in favor of FJH hypothesis that social mobility shows essential stability in European countries examined. Data come from England&Wales, France, Germany, Hungary, Irish Republic, Northern Ireland, Poland, Scotland, and Sweden Loglinear model

(Maas & van Leeuwen, 2016). "Toward Open Societies? Trends in Male Intergenerational Class Mobility in European Countries during Industrialization."

Main Points: For these countries together and for most countries separately the preindustrial period was characterized by stable or decreasing total and relative mobility, whereas a trend toward greater mobility took place during industrialization, lending qualified support to the industrialization thesis. Data: Marriage records, in Britain, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Sweden between 1800 and 1914

(Shavit&Blossfeld, 1993) Persistent inequality: Changing educational attainment in thirteen countries.

Main Points: It included studies of 13 industrial countries (6 Western European, 3 Eastern European, and 4 non-European, including the United States) by experts in the stratification and school systems of the particular country. Most contributors used similar background variables (fathers' occupation/class, fathers' education) and outcomes (years of education; transitions from primary to lower secondary, from lower to higher secondary, and from there onto degree level), and they used identical methods (OLS-regressions of years of education, binomial logit models for transitions). The country chapters assessed change in educational inequality via synthetic cohorts from cross-sectional surveys. The most important conclusion from the study was the stability in origin effects on educational transitions.

(Reskin 1991). Labor Markets as Queues: A Structural Approach to Changing Occupational Sex Composition. GR

Main Points: The queuing model holds that (a)employers rank prospective workers in terms of their potential productivity as well as their personal characteristics, but that they are also influenced by current employees and others who can impose costs for hiring or failing to hire women; (b)shortages--whether from job growth or from a job's inability to attract enough customary workers--prompt employers to hire workers from lower in the labor queue; (c)male workers affect women's access to jobs through their ability to preempt jobs, their power to enforce their monopoly over desirable jobs, and their ability, in abandoning jobs, to bestow them on workers lower in the labor queue; and (d)women's search for better jobs leads them to individually and collectively challenge their exclusion from men's jobs and to move into male lines of work that become open. The case studies presented in the paper support two empirical generalizations, both of which are consistent with the operation of queuing processes. 1) in most of the occupations, after they had become less attractive to men, employers hired disproportionate numbers women. 2) within these nominally desegregating occupations, women tended to be relegated to female enclaves, while men retained the most desirable jobs. 3) These findings suggest that greater balance in the sex composition of occupations does not necessarily imply decreased segregation of jobs and also establish the fallacy of inferring declines in sex segregation from occupational-level data.

(Wilson et al., 2015). "Racial Income Inequality and Public Sector Privatization."

Main Points: This article examines how privatization in public sector has generated significant inequalities for African Americans relative to whites. Results show that 1) the relative racial parity in wages that once existed in public sector employment has eroded in the face of new governance, and racial inequalities for both men and women have intensified. 2)Supplementary and decomposition analyses further highlight the potential escalation of discrimination as a core mechanism under new governance. Data: PSID, IPUMS, and ACS

(Kain, 1992). The spatial mismatch hypothesis: three decades later.

Main Points: This paper 1) provides a comprehensive review of the extensive scholarly literature dealing with the effect of housing market discrimination on the employment and earnings of Afro-American workers. 2) reviews studies that have attempted to determine the extent to which serious limitations on black residential choice, combined with the steady dispersal of jobs from central cities, are responsible for the low rates of employment and low earnings of Afro- American workers (spatial mismatch).

(Reardon & Firebaugh, 2002). "Measures of Multigroup Segregation."

Main Points: This paper proposes 1) four ways to conceptualize the measurement of multigroup segregation: the disproportionality in group (e.g., race) proportions across organizational units (e.g., schools or census tracts), the strength of association between nominal variables indexing group and organizational unit membership, the ratio of between-unit diversity to total diversity, and the weighted average of two-group segregation indices. 2) six multigroup segregation indices: a dissimilarity index (D), a Gini index (G), an information theory index (H), a squared coefficient of variation index (C), a relative diversity index (R), and a normalized exposure index (P). 3) The information theory index H is the most conceptually and mathematically satisfactory index, and H is the only multigroup index that can be decomposed into a sum of between- and within-group components.

(Treiman, 1970). "Industrialization and Social Stratification."

Main Points: This paper proposes a series of hypotheses about how levels of ndustrialization affects both the distribution of status attributes (the structure of stratification) and the process of status attainment, and the ways in which changes in the structure and process of stratification are interrelated. One of the earliest paper about the "industrialization" hypothesis about social mobility: More industrialized, more social mobility.

(Sampson et al.,. 2002). "Assessing "Neighborhood Effects": Social Processes and New Directions in Research."

Main Points: This review 1) evaluates the salience of social-interactional and institutional mechanisms hypothesized to account for neighborhood-level variations in a variety of phenomena (e.g., delinquency, violence, depression, high-risk behavior), especially among adolescents. 2) highlights neighborhood ties, social control, mutual trust, institutional resources, disorder, and routine activity patterns. 3) discusses a set of thorny methodological problems that plague the study of neighborhood effects, with special attention to selection bias.

(Petersen&Morgan, 1995) The Within-Job Gender Wage Gap

Main Points: This study reports the first large-scale empirical investigation of within-job wage differences between men and women in the same occupation and establishment, using data first on blue-collar and clerical employees from 16 U.S. industries in 1974-83 and second on employees in 10 professional and administrative occupations. Three findings: 1) Wage differences at the occupation-establishment level were small even without controls for individual-level characteristics. Hence, within-job wage discrimination was much less important than occupation-establishment segregation for observed wage differences. 2) Establishment segregation was an important cause, although not as important as occupational segregation, of wage differences. 3) Establishment segregation was extensive, as was occupational segregation.

(Coleman et al. 1966) "Equality of Educational Opportunity"

Main Points: social background matters dramatically more than schools for student achievement; increasing school inputs does not increase student achievement. Methods: analysis of variance; OLS regression; enormous survey.

Reskin. Rethinking Employment Discrimination and Its Remedies

Main argument: 1) Variability across organizations in personnel practices and work arrangements plays a nontrivial role in workers' exposure to discrimination, and that workers' risk is greater than suggested by conventional approaches to discrimination, which fail to recognize discrimination that originates in the nonconscious, automatic cognitive processes to which all individuals are subject. 2) The core cognitive processes that links gender and race to workplace outcomes include categorization, ingroup preference, stereotyping, attributing error. 3)Remedies: decategorization, recategorization, intergroup contact,

(Tach, 2015). "Social Mobility in an Era of Family Instability and Complexity."

Main arguments: 1) The American family has undergone important changes since the mid-twentieth century. Divorce, nonmarital childbearing, and cohabitation increased dramatically. 2) As a result of these changes, less than half of children spend their entire childhood in an intact, two-biological parent household, and families are no longer defined solely by shared residence or biology. 3) The instability and complexity of family life requires stratification scholars to rethink how they measure origin and destination class and to consider how parents in nontraditional families transmit class-specific resources to the next generation.

(Cecilia Ridgeway, 2011) The Persistence of Gender Inequality.

Main arguments: 1) people's everyday use of gender as a primary means for organizing their social relations with others is a powerful social process that continually re-creates gender inequality in new forms as society changes. 2) This persistence process turns on the fact that cultural beliefs about gender change more slowly than do material arrangements between men and women, even though these beliefs eventually respond to material changes. 3) Changed gender stereotypes is slowed down by two processes: (a)at the individual level, gender stereotypes are subject to powerful confirmation biases that cause people to resist noticing gender-inconsistent information or to reinterpret it as consistent. (b) social process that derives from the use of gender as a frame for coordinating behavior.

(Cotter et al. 2011)The Anti-Feminist Backlash and Recent Trends in Gender Attitudes. (GR: 965-973)

Main findings: 1) After becoming consistently more egalitarian for more than two decades, gender role attitudes in the GSS have changed little since the mid-1990s. 2) While cohort replacement can explain about half of the increasing egalitarianism between 1974 and 1994, the change since the mid-1990s are not well accounted for by cohort differences. Nor is the post-1994 stagnation explained by structural or broad ideological changes in American society. 3) The recent lack of change in gender attitudes is more likely the consequence of the rise of a new cultural frame, an "egalitarian essentialism" that blends aspects of feminist equality and traditional motherhood roles.

(Gamoran 2001) "American Schooling and Educational Inequality: A Forecast for the 21st Century"

Main points: (1) Black-white educational inequality in the U.S. decreased over the 20th century. (2) Socioeconomic inequality in educational attainment persisted over the 20th century. (3) The author predicts that black-white educational inequality will continue to decline in the 21st century and socioeconomic inequality will remain constant. Methods and Data: N/A, literature review.

(Quillian 2012) "Segregation and Poverty Concentration: The Role of Three Segregations"

Main points: (1) In harmony with Massey and Denton's theory, racial segregation and income segregation within race contribute importantly to poverty concentration. (2) Almost equally important for poverty concentration, however, is the disproportionate poverty of blacks' and Hispanics' other-race neighbors. It is thus more accurate to describe concentrated poverty in minority communities as resulting from three segregations: racial segregation, poverty-status segregation within race, and segregation from high- and middle-income members of other racial groups. Methods and Data: Variance decomposition and the P* Index. Data come from the Census.

(Light 2014) "The New Face of Legal Inequality: Noncitizens and the Long-Term Trends in SentencingDisparities across U.S. District Courts, 1992-2009"

Main points: (1) Noncitizens are punished more severely in federal courts than are citizens, and the gap is even larger than the minority-white punishment gap. (2) The non-citizen penalty has increased at the incarceration stage, explaining the majority of the increase in the Hispanic penalty over the past two decades. Methods and Data: Multilevel modeling. Data come from the U.S. Sentencing Commission.

(Kaiser & Diewald 2014) "Social origin, conscientiousness, and school grades: Does early socialization of the characteristics orderliness and focus contribute to the reproduction of social inequality?"

Main points: (1) Only the "focus" facet and not the "orderliness" facet of conscientiousness is highly positively correlated with school grades. (2) High-SES parents instill "focus" in their children through an authoritative parenting style. Methods and Data: SEM. Data come from surveys in Germany.

(Wildeman 2014) "Parental Incarceration, Child Homelessness, and the Invisible Consequences of Mass Imprisonment"

Main points: (1) Recent paternal but not maternal incarceration substantially increases the risk of child homelessness. (2) Effects are strongest for black children. (3) Increases in familial economic hardship and decreases in access to institutional support (housing subsidies, cash welfare) explain some of the relationship. Methods and Data: Logistic regression and propensity score matching. Data come from Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing study.

(Turney & Wildeman 2013) "Redefining Relationships: Explaining the Countervailing Consequences of Paternal Incarceration for Parenting"

Main points: (1) Recent paternal incarceration sharply diminishes parenting behaviors among residential but not nonresidential fathers. (2) Virtually all of the association is explained by changes in fathers' relationships with their children's mothers. (3) Consequences for mothers' parenting, however, are weak and inconsistent. Methods and Data: OLS regression, fixed effects, and propensity score matching. Data come from Fragile Families.

(Logan 1996) "Opportunity and Choice in Socially Structured Labor Markets"

Main points: (1) The author develops a statistical technique, two-sided logit, directly from a model of the preferences and resources of employers and workers. Rather than giving a single parameter representing the association between some individual characteristic and some labor market outcome, the model gives both a parameter representing the employer's preference for that characteristic as well as a parameter representing the individual's preference for the outcome. Previous models could not adjudicate between these types of relationships. (2) Application of the model shows substantial variation in the importance of the worker characteristics of education, race, and age for the opportunity for employment in different occupational categories. Methods and Data: Two-sided logit. Data come from GSS.

(Mare 1980) "Social Background and School Continuation Decisions"

Main points: (1) The author develops the logistic response model for assessing the effect of social background on school continuation decisions. The logistic response model is arguably more appropriate than using total years of education as the outcome, especially for cross-cohort or cross-nation comparison, because OLS regression estimates are sensitive to the population variance in total years of schooling. (2) Applying the logistic response model, the author finds that social background effects wane for successively higher schooling transitions. Methods and Data: Logistic response models ("Mare models"). Data come from OCG.

(Lee et al. 2008) "Beyond the Census Tract: Patterns and Determinants of Racial Segregation at Multiple Geographic Scales"

Main points: (1) The census tract-based residential segregation literature rests on problematic assumptions, most notably the assumption that residents on the edge of a tract live "closer" to residents on the opposite edge of the same tract than they do to residents in the adjacent tract. To relax this and other assumptions, the authors compute a spatially modified version of the information theory index H. (2) While results about racial residential segregation are generally consistent with census tract-based results, the modified H offers new insights, for example that black-white segregation is due mainly to how blacks and whites are distributed across large subregions of a metropolis. Methods and Data: Modified information theory index. Data come from the Census.

(Wolff 2017) "Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1962 to 2016: Has Middle Class Wealth Recovered?"

Main points: (1) Those in the middle of the wealth distribution took a major hit to their wealth during the Great Recession and have not rebounded back to previous levels. In contrast, the top 1% only took a small hit and has now surpassed its pre-recession wealth. (2) The Great Recession exacerbated racial wealth gaps. Methods and Data: Net worth descriptive statistics over time. Data come from the Survey of Consumer Finances.

(Patterson 2010) "INCARCERATING DEATH: MORTALITY IN U.S. STATE CORRECTIONAL FACILITIES, 1985-1998"

Main points: (1) White male prisoners had higher death rates than white males who were not in prison. However, the reverse is true of Black men. (2) Removing deaths caused by firearms and motor vehicles in the nonprison population accounted for some but not all of the mortality differential between black prisoners and nonprisoners, thus a lack of basic healthcare may be implicated in the death rates of black males not incarcerated (since inmates are the only population with a constitutional right to health care). Methods and Data: Period life table. Data come from National Corrections Reporting Program and Multiple Cause of Death.

(Deininger & Squire 1998) "New ways of looking at old issues: inequality and growth"

Main points: (1) there is a strong negative relationship between initial inequality in the asset distribution and long-term growth; (2) inequality reduces income growth for the poor, but not for the rich; (3) available longitudinal data provide little support for the Kuznets hypothesis--Policies that increase aggregate investment and increase poor people's assets are doubly beneficial for growth and poverty reduction. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from the Deininger-Squire Gini data set.

(England, 2010). The Gender Revolution: Uneven and Stalled.

Main points: 1) This article describes sweeping changes in the gender system and offers explanations for why change has been uneven. Because the devaluation of activities done by women has changed little, women have had strong incentives to enter male jobs, but men have had little incentive to take on female activities or jobs. 2) The gender egalitarianism that gained traction was the notion that women should have access to upward mobility and to all areas of schooling and jobs. 3) Middle-class women entered managerial and professional jobs more than working-class women integrated blue-collar jobs because the latter were able to move up while choosing a "female" occupation; many mothers of middle-class women were already in the highest-status female occupations.

(Pager 2003) "The Mark of a Criminal Record"

Main points: A criminal record reduces callback rates of African American job applicants from 14% to 5%, and rates of white job applicants from 34% to 17%. Thus, not only does a criminal record hurt African Americans more than whites, but the main effect of race is so strong that whites with a criminal record are more likely to get a callback than African Americans without a criminal record. Methods and Data: Audit study.in Milwaukee. Mostly working class jobs.

(Borjas 1987) "Self-Selection and the Earnings of Immigrants"

Main points: A few variables describing political and economic conditions in home countries explain over two thirds of between-country variance in U.S. incomes of immigrants with the same measured skills, suggesting different patterns of selection. In particular, positively selected immigrants come from countries that have high levels of GNP, low levels of income inequality, and politically competitive systems. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from the Census.

(Firebaugh 2000) "The Trend in Between-Nation Income Inequality"

Main points: A review of the literature on between-nation income inequality. The author argues that, because between-nation income inequality has stabilized in recent decades, the direction of the current trend in world income inequality depends on within-nation income inequality. Methods and Data: N/A.

(Mare 2011) "A Multigenerational View of Inequality"

Main points: A revised version of an address presented at PAA, this article is a call to demographers to keep research on multigenerational transmission alive and continue gathering data appropriate for these purposes. The author argues: (1) Social institutions help support multigenerational influence, particularly at the extreme top and bottom. (2) Multigenerational influence also works through demographic processes because families influence subsequent generations through differential fertility and survival, migration, and marriage patterns, as well as through direct transmission of socioeconomic rewards, statuses, and positions. Methods and Data: N/A.

(Pebley & Sastry 2003) "Neighborhoods, Poverty, and Children's Wellbeing"

Main points: A synthesis of prior work on how neighborhoods influence child wellbeing. Key ideas are (1) Neighborhoods matter, but observational studies yield larger estimates than experimental studies; (2) Mechanisms include local institutions (schools, libraries, parks, child care centers), collective efficacy, labor and marriage markets, and the normative environment. Methods and Data: N/A.

(Heckman & Kautz 2012) "Hard Evidence on Soft Skills"

Main points: After reviewing the literature on "hard skills" (academic achievement/cognitive ability) and "soft skills" (AKA noncognitive skills), the authors conclude that soft skills predict success in life, that they causally produce that success, and that programs that enhance soft skills have an important place in an effective portfolio of public policies. Methods: N/A, literature review.

(Lopoo & Western 2005) "Incarceration and the Formation and Stability of Marital Unions"

Main points: Although incarceration is highly disruptive for an individual's chances of marriage, the effect of incarceration on the overall prevalence of marriage is very small. There is little evidence that the effect of incarceration extends after release. The analysis does not support the idea that the longstanding decline in marriage rates among Black women results from the large increase in incarceration rates among Black men. Methods and Data: Event history analysis. Data come from NLSY.

(Alderson & Nielsen 2002) "Globalization and the Great U-Turn: Income Inequality Trends in 16 OECD Countries"

Main points: Consistent with the "sector dualism" theory to explain the Kuznets curve, the prevalence of agriculture in a country and time period strongly predicts the level of income inequality. On the other hand, globalization (operationalized using international trade measures) only weakly explains point-in-time between-nation variation in inequality and explains longitudinal trends in inequality less well than agriculture. Methods & Data: Regression with country random effects. Data come from many sources, including OECD.

(Western & Rosenfeld 2011) "Unions, Norms, and the Rise in American Wage Inequality"

Main points: Deunionization can explain over 1/5 of the rise in income inequality, both because unions protect their members from low wages and because unions protect non-members from low wages. Methods and Data: Variance decomposition. Data come from CPS.

(Goldscheider et al. 2015) "The gender revolution: A framework for understanding changing family and demographic behavior"

Main points: Europe is experiencing a "gender revolution" marked by two stages. The first is what demographers tend to call the Second Demographic Transition, and the second will come when women's increased labor force participation is matched by a male increase in domestic work. The authors argue that, once the second stage comes, the effects will be salutary, with increased fertility, union formation, and union longevity. Methods and Data: N/A, argument based on previous research.

(Wodtke et al. 2011) "Neighborhood Effects in Temporal Perspective: The Impact of Long-Term Exposure to Concentrated Disadvantage on High School Graduation"

Main points: Growing up in the most (compared to the least) disadvantaged quintile of neighborhoods reduces the probability of graduation from 96 to 76 percent for black children and from 95 to 87 percent for nonblack children. Methods and Data: Marginal structural models that prevent overcontrol bias (e.g. neighborhoods may cause people to become unemployed). Data come from PSID.

(Jackson 2010) "A Life Course Perspective on Child Health, Academic Experiences and Occupational Skill Qualifications in Adulthood: Evidence from a British Cohort"

Main points: Health contributes to intergenerational socio-economic inequalities; children with persistently poor health have a 64 percent lower likelihood of attaining a high-skill job than children with persistently good health, and this relationship is largely mediated by educational attainment; poor health has similar occupational consequences for children of different socioeconomic origins; a static rather than life-course view of childhood health does not allow one to distinguish between persistently and temporarily poor health, which appear to have very different consequences. Methods: Regression; data come from National Child Development Study.

(Chetty et al. 2014) "WHERE IS THE LAND OF OPPORTUNITY? THE GEOGRAPHY OF INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES"

Main points: High mobility areas have less residential segregation, less income inequality, better primary schools, greater social capital, and greater family stability. Methods and Data: Regression and correlation coefficients. Data come from federal income tax records.

(Harding 2003) "Counterfactual Models of Neighborhood Effects: The Effect of Neighborhood Poverty on Dropping Out and Teenage Pregnancy"

Main points: High-poverty neighborhoods appear to cause high school dropout and teenage pregnancy. Methods: Propensity score matching; data come from Panel Study of Income Dynamics.

(Western 2002) "THE IMPACT OF INCARCERATION ON WAGE MOBILITY AND INEQUALITY"

Main points: Imprisonment causes slow wage growth after release, by reducing access to the steady jobs that usually allow for earnings mobility. Accordingly, the effect of imprisonment on individual wages also increases aggregate race and ethnic wage disparities. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from NLSY79 and NLSY97.

(Massoglia 2008) "Incarceration, Health, and Racial Disparities in Health"

Main points: Imprisonment damages long-term health (and, based on prior literature, this is likely due to disease exposure and the deleterious effects of stigma). Accordingly, the penal system plays a role in exacerbating racial disparities in health. Methods and Data: OLS regression and propensity score matching. Data come from NLSY79.

(Fiorio & Verzillo 2018) "LOOKING IN YOUR PARTNER'S POCKET BEFORE SAYING "YES!": INCOME ASSORTATIVE MATING AND INEQUALITY"

Main points: In Italy, income assortative mating is concentrated at the top of the income distribution. Compared to the median woman, women belonging to the top 1% of their income distribution are 25 times more likely to get married to men belonging to the top 1% of their income distribution. Methods and Data: Linear probability models. Data come from administrative tax records in a region of Italy.

(Lucas 1996) "Selective Attrition in a Newly Hostile Regime: The Case of 1980 Sophomores*"

Main points: In the 1980s, social background was more important for college entry than for high school completion, contrary to what Mare found for an earlier cohort. The author conjectures that this was due to Reagan-era policies that made college less affordable. (2) The author finds selective attrition with respect to academic achievement and delinquency, but argues that selective attrition cannot fully explain Mare's findings. Methods and Data: Logistic response models ("Mare models"). Data come from High School & Beyond.

(Ewert et al. 2014) "The degree of disadvantage: Incarceration and inequality in education"

Main points: Most data sources do not sample incarcerated people, and so estimates of racial inequality in educational attainment are obscured by sample selection bias. Typical data sources undershoot the magnitude of racial inequality in high school completion by as much as 48%. Methods and Data: Synthetic cohorts generated from CPS, Survey of Inmates in Local Jails, Survey of Inmates in State Correctional Facilities, Survey of Inmates in Federal Correctional Facilities, Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities.

(Wildeman 2009) "PARENTAL IMPRISONMENT, THE PRISON BOOM, AND THE CONCENTRATION OF CHILDHOOD DISADVANTAGE"

Main points: Parental imprisonment has emerged as a childhood risk that is concentrated among black children and children of low-education parents, with the race and education disparities growing. Methods and Data: Life-table methods. Data come from Surveys of Inmates of State and Federal Correctional Facilities, year-end counts of prisoners, and National Corrections Reporting Program.

(Dobbie et al. 2018) "The Intergenerational Effects of Parental Incarceration"

Main points: Parental incarceration leads to significant increases in teen crime and pregnancy and a significant decrease in early-life employment. The effects are concentrated among children from the most disadvantaged families. Methods and Data: 2SLS with judge stringency as instrument (in Sweden, judges within a district are randomly assigned). Data come from Sweden's national administrative data.

(Olshansky et al. 2011) "Differences In Life Expectancy Due To Race And Educational Differences Are Widening, And Many May Not Catch Up"

Main points: Racial and education gaps in mortality grew from 1990 to 2008, so that in 2008 white US men and women with 16 years or more of schooling had life expectancies far greater than black Americans with fewer than 12 years of education—14.2 years more for white men than black men, and 10.3 years more for white women than black women. High school dropouts in 2008 had life expectancies similar to those of the general population in the 1950s. Methods and Data: Data come from ACS and the Multiple Causes of Death data.

(Burdick-Will 2018) "Neighborhood Violence, Peer Effects, and Academic Achievement in Chicago"

Main points: Sharing a classroom with peers who have been exposed to neighborhood violence reduces individual academic achievement. This result is related to trust, discipline, and safety concerns. Methods and Data: Student fixed effects. Data come from Chicago Public Schools, the Chicago Police Department, and school-level surveys.

(Steele 2003) "Stereotype Threat and African-American Student Achievement"

Main points: Stereotype threat significantly impairs black college students' performance on standardized tests. When black students are told that their intelligence is being evaluated, they perform much worse than when they are told their intelligence is not being evaluated. The same is not true of white students. Psychological experiments also show that black students think much more about stereotypes and their race when they are told their intelligence is being evaluated. Methods and Data: Lab experiments. Participants are black and white undergraduates at Stanford.

(Duckworth et al. 2007) "Grit: Perseverance and Passion for Long-Term Goals"

Main points: The achievement of difficult goals entails not only talent but also the sustained and focused application of talent over time. In particular: (1) Grit accounts for about 4% of the variance in educational attainment, college GPA, college retention, and ranking in the National Spelling Bee. (2) Grit is not related to IQ but is highly correlated with conscientiousness.

(Turney 2014) "Incarceration and Social Inequality: Challenges and Directions for Future Research"

Main points: The author argues that, to advance research on incarceration and inequality, researchers should interrogate issues of social selection, understand the meaning of null findings (real or due to offsetting forces?), and promote the availability of data on incarceration experiences. Methods and Data: N/A

(Stiglitz 1996) "Some Lessons from the East Asian Miracle"

Main points: The author asks what facilitated the "East Asian Miracle," in which 8 East Asian countries experienced rapid economic growth. East Asia's success was based on a combination of factors, particularly the high savings rate interacting with high levels of human capital accumulation, in a stable environment that was market-oriented but still had active government intervention. Methods and Data: Literature review.

(Turner 1960) "Sponsored and Contest Mobility and the School System"

Main points: The author differentiates two schooling systems: the American system of "contest mobility" in which every effort is made to keeping lagging contestants in the race until the climax, and the British system of "sponsored mobility" in which the elite chooses recruits early and carefully inducts them into elite status. The goal of contest mobility is to give elite status to those who earn it, while the goal of sponsored mobility is to make the best use of the talents in society by sorting persons into their proper niches. Methods and Data: N/A, theory article.

(Piore 1970) "The Dual Labor Market: Theory and Implications"

Main points: The author explains the dual labor market theory. (1) Compared to secondary sector jobs, primary sector jobs have high wages, good working conditions, job security, and good chances for advancement. (2) The poor are confined to the secondary labor market and so eliminating poverty requires that they gain access to primary sector jobs. (3) The factors that generate the dual labor market are behavioral requirements of jobs, discrimination, habit/behavior reinforcement that results from working with others in one's sector, and welfare policies that discourage full-time work. Methods and Data: N/A, theory piece.

(Fox et al. 2014) "WAGING WAR ON POVERTY: HISTORICAL TRENDS IN POVERTY USING THE SUPPLEMENTAL POVERTY MEASURE"

Main points: The authors argue in favor of the SPM, based on the following findings. (1) Historical trends in poverty have been more favorable, and government programs have played a larger role, than OPM estimates suggest. (2) Government programs, especially Earned Income Tax Credit and food/nutrition programs, play a substantial and growing role in alleviating child poverty. Methods and Data: Descriptive statistics over time. Data come from CPS.

(Bloome & Western 2011) "Cohort Change and Racial Differences in Educational and Income Mobility"

Main points: The authors compare mobility processes for a cohort born in the 1960s to a cohort born in the 1940s, who came of age before the Civil Rights Movement had seen its full effects. Educational mobility increased for black men, but income mobility declined for both races. Economic mobility declined despite unchanged or improved educational mobility because of increased returns to schooling and increased intergenerational income correlations. Methods and Data: OLS regression. Data come from NLS66 and NLSY79.

(Reardon & Firebaugh 2002) "Measures of Multigroup Segregation"

Main points: The authors construct and compare several measures of multigroup segregation, concluding that the information theory index H is the most appropriate measure because it is the only one that obeys the principle of transfers. For all other measures considered, it is possible in some cases, for example, to move a black person from a majority-black neighborhood to a majority-white neighborhood and have the measure of segregation INCREASE, which is obviously undesirable. Methods and Data: N/A, methodological paper.

(McKenzie & Rapoport 2010) "SELF-SELECTION PATTERNS IN MEXICO-U.S. MIGRATION: THE ROLE OF MIGRATION NETWORKS"

Main points: The authors find positive or education-neutral selection in communities with weak migrant networks but negative self-selection in communities with stronger networks. This is consistent with high migration costs driving positive or intermediate self-selection, and with negative self-selection being driven by lower returns to education in the United States than in Mexico. Methods and Data: OLS regression and Instrumental Variables. Data come from a large survey in Mexico.

(Hauser & Andrew 2006) "ANOTHER LOOK AT THE STRATIFICATION OF EDUCATIONAL TRANSITIONS: THE LOGISTIC RESPONSE MODEL WITH PARTIAL PROPORTIONALITY CONSTRAINTS"

Main points: The authors introduce a modified logistic response model that constrains selected social background effects to vary proportionally across educational transitions. This model is more parsimonious and performs better than the original Mare model in terms of BICs. Substantive results are the same using either model: social background effects wane.

(Granovetter 1973) "The Strength of Weak Ties"

Main points: The average weak tie is more beneficial for finding/landing a job than the average strong tie, because strong ties tend to supply redundant information that one's other strong ties can already provide. Weak ties provide novel information and act as bridges to untapped clusters. This theory is supported by a 1970s sample from Massachusetts. Methods and Data: Descriptive statistics about how people found jobs and how well they know the people who helped them find those jobs. Data come from a survey of professional, technical, and managerial job changers in a Boston suburb.

(Light et al. 2014) "Citizenship and Punishment: The Salience of National Membership in U.S. Criminal Courts"

Main points: The non-citizen penalty in punishment is most pronounced in districts with GROWING noncitizen populations. This finding supports the Group Threat Theory, that dominant groups will feel threatened by an increasingly numerous minority group which is perceived to be competition for economic and political power. Methods and Data: Multilevel modeling. Data come from the U.S. Sentencing Commission and the Census.

(Bertrand et al. 2013) "GENDER IDENTITY AND RELATIVE INCOME WITHIN HOUSEHOLDS"

Main points: There are great consequences to Americans' and Canadians' aversion to wives earning more than husbands. In particular, (1) The distribution of the share of household income earned by the wife exhibits a sharp cliff at 0.5. (2) If the wife's potential income is likely to exceed the husband's, the wife is less likely to be in the labor force. (3) Couples where the wife earns more than the husband are less satisfied with their marriage and are more likely to divorce. (4) The gender gap in domestic labor is larger if the wife earns more than the husband. Methods and Data: Data come from ACS, LAD (Canadian dataset), and the National Survey of Families and Households.

(Ferrie et al. 2016) "DO GRANDPARENTS AND GREAT-GRANDPARENTS MATTER? MULTIGENERATIONAL MOBILITY IN THE US, 1910-2013"

Main points: There is a substantial grandparent effect in the U.S., and some evidence of a great-grandparent effect. Although potentially due to measurement error, estimates from only two generations of data nevertheless understate persistence by about 20 percent. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from the Census, ACS, and CPS,

(Iceland & Wilkes 2006) "Does Socioeconomic Status Matter? Race, Class, and Residential Segregation"

Main points: There is some empirical support for both the spatial assimilation theory (racial segregation explained largely by SES) and the place stratification theory (due to prejudice). In both 1990 and 2000, high-SES blacks were significantly less segregated from whites than low-SES blacks (S.A.T.). But African Americans of all SES levels continued to be more segregated from whites than were Hispanics and Asians (P.S.T). However, the importance of SES in explaining the segregation of African Americans from whites increased over the period, providing support for a modest increase in the applicability of S.A.T. Methods and Data: Dissimilarity index. Data come from the Census.

(Massey & Denton 1993) "American apartheid: Segregation and the making of the underclass"

Main points: This book argues that racial segregation is the key factor responsible for the perpetuation of African American poverty. Residential segregation is consciously manufactured by whites. Residential segregation was not very pronounced before 1900, but grew thereafter under Jim Crow, and by 1940, bona fide black ghettos were developing. Even after Jim Crow laws were formally reversed, segregation continued due to discrimination and redlining. Methods and Data: Index of dissimilarity. Data come from Census.

19. (Stringhini et al, 2012). "Socioeconomic Status, Structural and Functional Measures of Social Support, and Mortality: The British Whitehall II Cohort Study 1985-2009."

Men in the lowest SES category had a higher risk of death compared to those in the highest category. Social network size (though not emotional support or conflict in close relationships) and marital status explained almost 30% of the association between SES and all-cause and cardiovascular mortality, though not cancer-related mortality. Married /cohabiting men had lower mortality than unmarried/non-cohabiting men, and higher network scores were associated with lower mortality. There was no similar association between social support indicators and mortality for women. Authors also didn't find a significant linear relationship between women's mortality and SES. Authors posit that close social networks might help avoid health-damaging behaviors, avoid other disease risks, and minimize the consequences of these risks, but the study doesn't go into mechanisms. Measures: data from British Whitehall II Study (1985-2004 ) with respondents ages 35-55 at study entry; SES measured as occupation class, social support measured as confiding/emotional support, practical social support, negative aspects of close relationships/conflicts in close relationship; social network scores measured as frequency of contacts with friends/family/colleagues, participation in social or religious activities, and number of family or friends seen once a month or more; Cox regressions with hazard ratios

(Goodman1 1965). "On the Statistical Analysis of Mobility Tables."

Mobility tables provide an estimate of mobility that controls for structural shifts in national mobility. The author compares perfect mobility models, where son's class positon is unrelated to father's class positon so long as structural mobility is accounted for to various quasi-perfect models, where there is a status inheritance effect. He finds that status inheritance occurs throughout all strata, and not just in the very upper and very lower classes. Methods: reanalyzed log-linear models with data on British and Danish mobility from a past study

Jarvis & Song. 2017. "Rising intragenerational occupational mobility in the US, 1960 to 2011."

Overall within-generation/intragenerational mobility in the US has increased, especially during the 1990s. This change is significant even when accounting for structural mobility, or the number of positions in each class per time period. In macro-classes, mobility increased in the nonmanual, but not the manual sector. In meso-classes, mobility increased for men more than women, especially in the professional-managerial and sales-clerical classes. Between micro-clases, professional, managerial, and service classes had no changes in mobility, but proprietary, sales, craft, and lower manual classes did. These shifts can't be accounted for by demographic changes such as differences in the age and education of the workforce, or the occupational mix in the labor force created by restructuring and globalization, though the authors propose that technological change, de-unionization, and the rise of precarious work might provide a better explanation . Methods: PSID 1969-2011; log-linear topological models; mobility defined as any shifting between classes, so not necessarily upward mobility

(Brown, 2004) Family Structure and Child Well‐Being: The Significance of Parental Cohabitation.

Overall, children of cohabiting biological parents tend to experience more behavioral and emotional problems, and be less engaged at school than children living with both married biological parents. Economic (income and education) and parental resources (measured by psychological wellbeing and parenting-related aggravation/stress) attenuate this difference for children ages 6-11, but not for children ages 12-17. There are no significant differences in outcomes for children in cohabiting stepfamilies vs married stepfamilies, families with cohabiting biological parents vs cohabiting stepparents, or any type of cohabiting family vs single-mother families. Methods: 1999 National Survey of American's Families; multivariate OLS models

8. (Antecol & Bedard, 2006). "Unhealthy Assimilation: Why Do Immigrants Converge to American Health Status Levels?"

Overall, immigrants tend to be healthier than US-born co-ethnics, and US-born non-Hispanic whites, but this advantage seems to disappear over time. Controlling for gender and race, immigrant women are as likely to be overweight as native women, but are less likely to be obese. Native men are more likely to be overweight, and more likely to be obese than immigrant men. BMI rose over time spent in the U.S. for all racial groups (as in, every cohort has higher average BMI than the previous cohort), and the longer each immigrant cohort stays in the U.S., the more the average BMI of that cohort grows, net of gender and race. Black female, and all male immigrants never quite reach the BMI of their native co-racial counterparts, but white and Hispanic female immigrants do. BMI convergence for Hispanic women takes 15+ years Immigrants become more likely to report poor health over time, though the period effects on whites is stronger than on Black and Hispanic immigrants. Black immigrants (of either gender) don't seem to assimilate to the level of health of native-born counterparts, though white and Hispanic immigrants do seem to trend toward native levels of health overtime. Hispanic immigrant women reach the lower overall health levels of their native counterparts within 10-15 years. Methods: National Health Interview Surveys 1989-96; respondents ages 20-64, comparing self-rated health, health conditions, activity limitations, and obesity; probit

(Qian & Lichter, 2007) "Are Recent Trends in Intermarriage Consistent with Assimilation Theory?"

Overall, racial intermarriage slowed down in the 1990s, as marriage between US-born and foreign-born persons of the same race became more common. Intermarriage was least likely between whites and african-Americans, and most likely among whites and native-born Hispanics (possibly due to amost 50% of Hispanics identifying as racially white). Intermarriage between Hispanics and whites and Asian-Americans and whites varied by educational level, with higher rates of intermarriage at high levels of educational attainment. At the same time, intermarriage between foreign-born and US-born Asians and Hispanics was more likely to occur among persons with less education, creating a segmented racial assimilation pattern. Methods: data from 1990 and 2000 IPUMS sample of already married couples ages 20-34 (to reduce chances of having separated) who married after immigration to the US; 2008 sample from ACS; log-linear models for expected number of marriages by race/ethnicity/nativity, and by educational attainment

Chetty, Hendren, Emmanue Saez, and Turner. 2014. "Is the United States Still a Land of Opportunity? Recent Trends in Intergenerational Mobility."

Rank-based measures of mobility (income and probability of college attendance compared to others in one's cohort) have remained stable over the second half of the 21st century. However, some regions of the US persistently offer less mobility than others. 1) Overall, intergenerational mobility estimates based on income at ages 26 and 30 (for the children) are highly correlated across all areas of the US. 2)The gap in college attendance rates between the highest- and lowest-earning quintiles, on the other hand, fell from 74.5 percent (1984-89 cohort) to 69.2 percent for the 1993 cohort. 3)However, the probability of a child from any income quintile making it into the top income quintile has remained fairly constant between 1971 and 1986. 4) Gradients vary by region--the slope of probability of making it into the highest quintile is steepest in the Southeast, and least steep in the Pacific and Mountain regions of the US with New England in the middle. 5) The authors argue that "middle-class inequality" rather than increasing inequality in the upper tail accounts for this lack of mobility. Methods: population tax-records for all individuals born 1980-1993 with children linked to parents through dependent claiming; OLS regression of child's income on parent's income rank

(Fernandez,nCastilla, and Moore. 2000). "Social Capital at Work: Networks and Employment at a Phone Center."

Referred applicants tend to be similar to the people who referred them, and also different from non-referral applicants. The company spent money on the interview process (decreasing the number of interviews) and future turnover for referred employees compared to non-referred employees. However, there was no evidence supporting a human capital/matching argument where referrals had more information about the job, or hiring managers had more information about referrals compared to non-referrals to explain this. Data & Methods: original data from mid-western phone center entry-level positions hiring process in 1995-96--application forms, tracking records, survey of new hires, interviews with recruiters; mean absolute value distributions, F-tests, multivariate regression

(Akerlof, 1982) Labor contracts as partial gift exchange

Relations between employers and employees include "gift-giving" behavior, not just a maximum-efficiency calculation of wages for labor. Thus, employees may do more work than the minimum standard, and employers may pay a larger wage than the one set by the "marketplace". These "gift exchanges" create new group norms that encourage positive work attitudes, which also partially depend on the workers' sense of fair treatment. The idea of what is fair treatment comes from comparing themselves to the conditions of workers in similar jobs. Methods: theory article

(Althauser, 1989). Internal Labor Markets.

Research on internal labor markets (ILMs) since the initial concept appeared in Kalleberg and Sorensen's 1979 article has defined ILMs in 3 different ways, which makes it difficult to summarize and compare findings. Some studies conceptualize ILM as all jobs in a firm (Osterman, 1984), This conceptualization is often used to study administrative rules governing hiring, promotion, layoffs, and the price of labor, bureaucracies, job classification systems. Others conceptualize ILMs as certain clusters of jobs within a firm. One approach uses ILM as a variable, such as to what degree is ILM present in a certain firm, or how likely is a job to be a part of an ILM. For example, greater degrees of unionization in manufacturing businesses is associated with less ILM, while nonmanufacturing firms had stronger ILM measures he larger the firm and the stronger the degree of on-the-job-training (OJT) (Pfeffer & Cohen, 1984). A second approach to this conceptualization is associating ILMs with subsets or clusters of jobs or workers within an establishment or firm. This approach appears in studies of job ladders among tech managers, or associate members of law firms. The 3rd conceptualization is ILMs as clusters of similar jobs or workers, but across firms. For example, this approach to ILM can be used to illustrate the division of West Coast crane operators into certified and non-certified workers when the employers' association and the regional union agreed to end the OJT program that provided workers with certification on the job (thus creating an ILM where a non-certified crane operator could get a promotion after internal training). The difficulty in ILM research stems from both the focuses on different characteristics (firm-specific skills and training, OJT, job ladders, or increments of skill and knowledge coinciding with job movement), and the difficulty in using them in comparative analyses, especially since firm structure often differs between countries. There are many possible theoretical frameworks that have used ILMs. Some suggest they came out of struggles between employers and employees, while others argue they're a feature of bureaucratization, or a result of increased specificity of skill and technology. The author argues that it's more likely that ILMs emerged from employers' needs for renewable supplies of scarce, highly-skilled workers. In other words, when there is a scarcity of a certain kind of worker, ILMs help retain highly-skilled workers, while providing them OJT. The author argues that the most promising area of study relates scarcity of high-skilled workers to job structures that generate increasing skill and knowledge among workers. Methods: review article

18.(Singh & Siahpush, 2006). Widening socioeconomic inequalities in US life expectancy, 1980-2000

Respondents in more deprived groups had lower life expectancies than those in less deprived groups at each age. The gap in life expectancy at birth grew between 1980-92 and 1998-2000 for both men and women in the US. Methods: life expectancy estimates regressed on deprivation levels with OLS; deprivation levels=index comparative index of education, occupation, wealth, income distribution, unemployment, poverty, and housing quality

(Rosenfeld, 1992). Job mobility and career processes

Review article about intragenerational mobility in terms of career processes including overviews of vacancy-driven models, labor-market segmentation, time and life-cycle effects, and organizational, national, and legal changes that affect career mobility. The author argues that we need a better understanding of the role of opportunity structures, and data for complete work histories.

16. (Zhou, 1997) "Segmented assimilation: Issues, controversies, and recent research on the new second generation."

Review of evidence for the segmented assimilation hypothesis.

10. (Steelman,et al, 2002). "Reconsidering the Effects of Sibling Configuration: Recent Advances and Challenges."

Review of literature on sibship effects including the general finding that sibship size seems to have a negative effect on educational outcomes but accounts for relatively little cognitive development, confluence and resource dilution models, and methodological issues (especially the problem of spuriousness). The authors also include an overview of current topics of research such as ordinal position (generally found to have little effect), spacing and sex composition (larger spacing is generally associated with better educational outcomes, while gender effects are mixed), and sibship structure (such as international comparisons of various government programs that provide context to having more or less children). The authors argue that more longitudinal and qualitative data may be needed to understand the effects of family structure, its mechanisms, and selection into larger or smaller number of children.

(Baron. 1984.) "Organizational Perspectives on Stratification."

Review of organizational sociology and theories in stratification, specifically about the role of firms and the labor market.

(Wakefield and Uggen 2010) "Incarceration and Stratification"

Review of the literature on incarceration and stratification.

12. (Alba & Nee, 1997) "Rethinking Assimilation Theory for a New Era of Immigration."

Review of various assimilation theories. Authors argue that the concept of assimilation is still relevant in its definition of reducing the effect of ethnicity on socioeconomic outcomes for various racial groups with the understanding that there may be some distinctions by race. Authors also argue that differences between earlier, mostly-European waves of migration, and more recent, more diverse migration flows are inconclusive. They answer the theory that continuing migration streams/larger size of post 1965 migration streams will prevent assimilation by pointing to slowing migration streams from several Asian countries, and arguing that there is no causal evidence that the size and temporal length of the migration stream affects assimilation. In addition, though some argue that the racial diversity of the new stream of migrants might prevent assimilation, the authors argue that some European ethnicities were also once treated as racially incompatible with Anglo-Saxons. They see possible shifts into "whiteness" for East Asian and light-skinned Latino migrants, though not necessarily for South Asian or African migrants. There is also evidence of economic mobility among various immigrant groups though at different rates, and through different avenues. New migrants are also more socioeconomically diverse than the older European wave (who were mostly rural)

(Downey, von Hippel, & Broh 2004) Are Schools the Great Equalizer? Cognitive Inequality During the Summer Months and the School Year

SES-based achievement gaps seem to grown during the summer and shrink during the school year. The patterns for race are more mixed: Asian-American children outpace white children during the summer, there is no significant difference in seasonal gaps for Hispanic and Native American children, and the Black-white gap actually GROWS during the school year and decreases during the summer. The gender gap grows at similar rates during both the school year and the summer, and is quite large by the start of kindergarten. Inequality NOT associated with SES, gender or race is responsible for 90% of total inequalities in learning rates. This inequality is smaller during the school year compared to the summer, so school acts as an equalizer. Data & Methods: ECLS-K; multi-level model (HLM probably, with school- and child-level variables, as well as controls for initial knowledge and timing of the test); the authors also controlled for the time between the test and the start of the school year.

.( Bastedo & Jaquette 2011). Running in place: Low-income students and the dynamics of higher education stratification

Since the 1970s. students from low-income families took and passed more advanced math and science courses (considered academic course achievement by the authors), but stratification in higher education persists to 2004, because wealthier students also improved their course-taking and test scores. Moreover, though college attendance increased among low-SES students, it increased primarily through public 2-year colleges (community colleges). In 2004, low-SES students were more likely to attend a non-competitive or competitive college than similar students in 1982, but less likely to attend a very, highly, or most competitive college. In each cohort, low-SES students are more likely to undermatch (attend a college that is less selective than their academic preparation would predict) compared to high-SES students in the same cohort. However, "perfect matching" would not increase the probability of low-SES students attending elite colleges, because, overall, they are more likely to overmatch than undermatch, and often lack the academic background/preparation required by the most competitive institutions. Methods: Data on high school seniors and college students from National Longitudinal Study, High School and Beyond, National Education Longitudinal Study and Education Longitudinal Study for 1972, 1982, 1992 and 2004. Descriptive statistics and multinomial logistic regression

(Bielby. 1991) The Structure and Process of Sex Segregation.

Six distinct kinds of explanations for sex segregation in the workplace: 1) neoclassical, based on models of statistical discrimination and investments in human capital. 2) social psychological, emphasizing socialization and internalized norms; 3) institutional, emphazing the intended and unintended consequences and inertia of organizational arrangements; 4)cultural, emphasizing taken-for-granted notions of men's work and women's work, often shared by both men and women; 5)political, stressing the different interests of male employers and employees with respect to maintaining the status quo; and 6) patriarchal, emphasizing the common interests of male workers and employers in maintaining a sex-based division of labor. This research suggests that traditional gender-role ideologies sustain women's disadvantages in both workplace and family dynamics. The economic theories of segregation and discrimination--neoclassical supply-side, demand-side, radical, and neo-Marxist--are neutral with respect to gender(and race). However, we have a long way to go before such factors are fully incorporated into our theoretical and analytical models of discrimination.

(Lesthaeghe, 2010) "The Unfolding Story of the Second Demographic Transition."

The 2nd demographic transition has begun around the 1960s. Both genders are getting more education, and postponing children. There is also a rise in divorce, cohabitation, and other non-standard living arrangements, as well as nonmarital births. Some of this may have been spurred by the cultural gender revolution, access to contraceptives, and the growing idea that adults should have lives beyond their children. The SDT is a largely global phenomenon with some variation: for example, Southern Europe and Asia had seen a postponement of marriage and fertility without the rapid rise of pre-marital cohabitation., while Eastern and Central Europe saw a rise in non-marital and late births and cohabitation, but largely in 1989 and later. Methods: theory and review

9. (Cavanagh & Fomby. 2012). "Family Instability, School Context, and the Academic Careers of Adolescents."

Students from stable families were more likely to take Algebra I in schools with high academic competitiveness than lower academic competitiveness, but the effect of academic context disappears by graduation for this group. On the other hand, the effects of academic context persist for students from unstable families. Students who experienced 3+ transitions by the start of high school were about 7% less likely to take Algebra I in 9th grade compared to students from stable families in schools with high academic competitiveness, while the gap was 1/2 as big in schools with moderate competitiveness. However, the gap between students in highly competitive schools grew faster than for those in low of moderate competitiveness--students experiencing 3+ transitions were about 15% less likely to complete at least Algebra II by graduation than students from stable families. The school-level average of family transitions did not seem to have an effect after controlling for academic competitiveness. Methods: ADD-Health 1995-2001 and transcript data from Adolescent Health and Achievement Study; MLM logit models; academic competitiveness/"press"=mean academic achievement in school, mean level of aspirations, % of students taking science & math courses, % of seniors going to 4-year colleges; unstable families=experienced family transitions by age 14

(Blau, 2012). The Sources of the Gender Pay Gap

Sources: 1) Gender differences in qualifications (the amount and type of human capital). 2) Labor market discrimination. 3) feedback effects: the gender division of labor in the family may result in women investing less in human capital, thereby lowering their wages and adversely affecting their occupations in the labor market; the traditional division of labor in the family can be also reinforced by gender inequities in the labor market. 4)wage structure: all else equal, the larger the returns to skills and the larger the rewards received by individuals in predominantly male occupations and industries, the larger will be the gender wage gap.

5.(McLanahan, 2004). "Diverging Destinies: How Children are Faring under the Second Demographic Transition."

Starting in 1960s, the second demographic transition has created a gap between the resources and outcomes of higher-educated and lower-educated mothers. Mothers from the highest educated 1/3 are more likely to be employed and married, and have more resources to offer their children, while mothers from the lowest-educated 1/3 are more likely to be single mothers, or divorce if they're married. College-educated fathers are more likely to spend time with their children, which has a positive effect on the child's cognitive skills. The author suggests that some of these effects may have been caused by increasing women's participation in the labor market, association between a woman's education and labor market opportunities, and a rise in available contraception during the SDT. Women may delay marriage and childbirth to continue their education, and receive higher wages in the future. On the other hand, women from low-income backgrounds, or those who drop out of education earlier have fewer incentives to delay marriage and childbearing. Also, welfare policies have become more tied to family income, creating an incentive to remain unmarried for women who may lose more family income if their marriage makes them ineligible. Finally, increased participation of women in the labor force, and a decrease in men's wages during the recession has increased the polarization of the marriage market and incentives for homogamy. Methods: review of literature and graphs/data from other studies; PUMS 1960-2000 descriptive data

1. (Grodsky & Riegle-Crumb, 2010). Those who choose and those who don't: Social background and college orientation

Students who have a college-going habitus ("always wanting to go to college") are 12% more likely to apply to a 4-year college than classmates who decide to attend college during their schooling career even after conditioning on social origin characteristics. A college going habitus seems to have a positive effect on college-applying behavior both among low- and high-SES students. However, the authors find very little effect of organizational habitus (taking college prep courses, etc) on applying to a 4-year college. African-American and Latino students are less likely to have a college-going habitus than non-Hispanic white students (6 and 7-8 percentage points less respectively), but about 10 percentage points more likely to apply to a 4-year college net of personal characteristics. Methods: data from Texas Higher Education Opportunity Project 2002-04; OLS regressions

(Fomby & Cherlin. 2007) "Family Instability and Child Well-Being."

Study compares 2 mechanisms for explaining why family arrangements other than living with both biological parents is associated with a negative effect on children's health: 1) the instability effect (transitions between living with different adults is stressful) and 2) the selection effect (parents from unstable households have certain cognitive and personality characteristics that may negatively affect children's well being through home environment, genetics, and the parent's ability to persist in a relationship). Once a mother's characteristics before the birth of the child are accounted for, most differences between families with 2 biological parents, single mother households, and mother and stepfather households become non-significant. White children in mother-stepfather households have score an average of 5.6 points lower on reading comprehension, and black children in single-mother households score about 5.6 points higher on the behavioral problem scale compared to children of the same race in 2-biological-parent households even controlling for a mother's characteristics before the child's birth or in the child's early life. For white children, both the number of family structure transitions, and characteristics of the mother significantly affect behavioral problems/externalizing behaviors, so more transitions, early sexual activity and teen birth on the mother's part, and more family transitions experienced by the mother are associated with more behavioral problems. In this case, both the instability and the selection mechanisms seem to play a role. However, only the selection mechanism (mother's years of education and AFQT score) has a significant (and positive) effect on the child's PIAT scores. Black children's behavioral problems are not significantly associated with either the number of transitions or the mother's characteristics. There is a slight positive association between the number of family transitions and reading recognition scores (1.45 additional points). For self-reported delinquent behavior for children ages 10-14, an increase in the number of family transitions is associated with more delinquent behavior among white children controlling for personal and mother's characteristics. However, neither family structure, nor the number of family transitions seem to have an effect on black children. Thus, selection mechanisms seem to have some effect on the cognitive achievement of white children, but not for black children. Instability mechanisms may have a partially-causal effect on behavioral issues for white children. Methods: 1979-2000 data from NLSY79 & 2000 data from Children NLSY supplement for children ages 5-14; results of PIAT math, reading recognition, and reading comprehension tests, Behavioral Problems Index, and self-report of child's delinquent behavior only for children ages 10-14; mother's characteristics before birth of child=age at chil's birth, teen birth for 1st child, sexually active before age 16, AFQT score, eucational attainment in years, # of family transitions growing up, prior marriage/cohabitation transitions in adult life, illegal activities, underage drinking, drug use, positive self-esteem multivariate OLS with robust standard errors

(Fernandez and Fernandez-Mateo, 2006.) "Networks, Race, and Hiring."

The "wrong networks" theory would predict that minority job applicants are more likely to find work through social networks/references, but those jobs are more likely to low wage. The authors argue that, to avoid circular reasoning, we should expect to see a significant positive effect of referrals by co-ethnics on being hired for low-wage jobs among non-white employees. However, the authors find no support for this theory when looking at hiring for entry-level jobs at a racially diverse company site. Minority employees were more likely to refer candidates than white employees, and the race of the referring employee showed a strong correlation with the race of the candidate they referred. However, there is no evidence that race or being referred has a significant effect on being hired for women. Non-white men were more likely to be hired, but, once again, the influence of referrals was non-significant. The only exceptions were Asian men who were slightly more likely to be hired if they were NOT referred. Methods: Collected applications from one company site; multivariate probit for hired/not hired, interviews with and observations of HR managers

3.(Goldscheider et al., 2015) The Gender Revolution: A Framework for Understanding Changing Family and Demographic Behavior

The association between rising female labor force participation and decrease in marriage and fertility is being attenuated/growing smaller as attitudes about gender roles shift. Both women working outside the home, and men participating in the domestic sphere/doing an increasing share of household tasks and childcare, fertility increases, while divorce rates decrease in more egalitarian families. Methods: Literature review and theory

. (Hill, 2015). "Easterlin Revisited: Relative Income and the Baby Boom"

The author argues that Easterlin's hypothesis about increases in relative income and higher number of children born should be qualified. Increases in relative income (comparing one's childhood family income vs one's income in adulthood) are associated with increased likelihood of marrying at some point in one's life, but only associated with an increase in the number of children once we control for cohort fixed effects. In addition, increases in relative income only affect women with a high school education or less, and up to cohorts born before 1941--possibly due to more available contraception and increased female participation in the labor market. For absolute income, lower childhood family income is associated with greater fertility, while higher adulthood income is associated with lower fertility. Methods: 1970, 1980, and 1990 census data, income data from Bureau of Economic Analysis 1938-1990; fixed effects model on the number of children and likelihood of marriage for women; state income as proxy for personal income; relative income=changes in income over one's lifetime; absolute income=income at specific point in one's lifetime

(Arrow., 1973) The theory of discrimination.

The author argues that discrimination in the labor market can't be explained in purely economic, utility-maximization terms, especially for effects in the long-run. In neoclassical (economics) view, wage discrimination affects only the workers without changing the profits to the firm/employer. However, once strict assumptions in that model are relaxed, firm with less discrimination should have higher profits. The author theorizes also that segregation between workers (specifically, racial segregation) and competition between foremen with different discriminatory tastes will reduce wage gaps in time. However, if firms start out segregated, there are costs to desegregating them, especially if the workers originally working there are hostile to the new group coming in. To placate them, the owner would have to raise their wages, and wage differences would endure. Thus, it's possible that employers discriminate because they don't want to pay these change-related costs. Finally, it's also possible that employers discriminate due to imperfect information, and use signals like degrees as signs of productivity.

Grusky &. Weeden. 2008. "Are There Social Classes? A Framework for Testing Sociology's Favorite Concept."

The authors argue that, to be useful in stratification research, social classes must be able to capture the structure of inequality (endowments, working conditions, and rewards), which requires empirical testing of class schemas not justifying class divisions by theoretical definition. Specifically, the paper suggests latent class modeling. If class models account for the form and structure of inequality better than gradationalist measures like SEI, then class effects must not be reduclble to investments and endowments that drive selection into specific classes.

14. (Frey, 1996). "Immigration, domestic migration, and demographic balkanization in America: new evidence for the 1990s."

The author argues that while mostpost-1965 migrants still arrive at traditional port-of-entry states like California, New York Texas, Illinois, New Jersey, and Massachusetts, domestic migrants moved to less traditional regions in the 1980s and 90s. Both the 1985-90 and the 1990-95 periods saw high level of domestic migration to the Northwest (Washington and Oregon), Southwest (especially Nevada and Arizona), and Southeast states (North and South Carolina, Georgia, non-Miami areas in Florida). There were also wave of migrants moving to Sacramento, Daytona, and Norfolk in 1985-90, and to Denver, Austin, and Nashville in 1990-95. The author argues that this move toward the Southeast, and to the West was due to labor restructuring and economic fluctuations. He also argues that these patterns of migration creates a sharp demographic divide between various areas of the country. In addition, there has been movement to non-metropolitan destinations since the 1970s Methods: 1990 US Census migration tabulations, and US Census postcensus estimates; 1995 CPS; descriptive statistics

(Herd 2010) "Education and Health in Late-life among High School Graduates"

The author delves into why education is related to health in later life using a sample of white high school graduates. She finds that cognitive skills measured by high school rank, outstanding student status, and attitude toward one's studies significantly mediate the relationship between education and health changes later in life, but non-cognitive skills (measured by the big 5 personality traits, and other psychological human capital) have little if any mediating effect. The author concludes that education affects health mainly through additional skills and information (cognitive human capital instead of psychological human capital), and academic performance, not just overall educational attainment, matters in measuring the effects of education on health Methods: Wisconsin Longitudinal Study; ordered probit regression (for self reported health as the outcome) & negative binomial (for chronic health condition as the outcome)

(Martin 2012) "Family Structure and the Intergenerational Transmission of Educational Advantage"

The author finds that family structure mediates the effect of parental education on children's educational attainment. For children of highly educated parents (measured as having 13.5 years or more of schooling, so at least some college experience), the advantage in achievement test scores and completed years of education, as well as the likelihood of getting a post-secondary education, and completing a 4-year college (compared to children of parents with a high school education or less) is smaller for children in single-parent households compared to children from two-parent households. The author explains this phenomenon through a difference in parental expectations, intergenerational closure (how well parents know the parents of their children's friends), and children's participation in structured activities (Lareau's "concerted cultivation" and parental school involvement). Though the difference is significant for various types of single-biological parent households (single-mother, single-father, father and stepmother, mother and stepfather), the greatest disadvantage is seem in families where the biological mother is not present. The author theorizes that the difference in boosts to children's educational attainments is large enough to observe that children of highly-educated single mothers are less likely to be highly educated compared to children of highly-educated households where both biological parents are present. Methods: National Education Longitudinal Study (1988); OLS (including interactions), ordered logistic regression, sequential logistic regression

16.(Qi, 2012). "The Impact of Income Inequality on Self-rated General Health: Evidence from a Cross-national Study."

The author looks at mechanisms linking country-level income inequality and population health. Wealthier countries seem to have a better overall health. Though higher levels of income inequality are associated with worse self-rated population health, there doesn't seem to be any independent effect of national income inequality on population health (Wilkinson hypothesis). Instead, it seems to work though the effects of individual income on individual health (absolute income hypothesis). Methods: 2005 World Values Survey, World Income Inequality Project, and UN Human Development Report 2005; countries including OECD, nn-OECD Eastern European, Central Asian, Central and South American, South-East Asian, and African countries; inequality measured by Gini index; multilevel logistic models

6.(Edna Bonacich, 1972) A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market

The author posits that "ethnic" rather than "racial" antagonism creates a split labor market, with 2 groups of workers whose price of labor differs for the same work (including wages, recruitment, transportation, etc), thus creating conflict between employers, higher-paid labor, and cheaper labor. Membership in labor classes depends on the level of living/economic resources, information one has about available wages, and political resources a group has to protect themselves from exploitation. Some workers might also wind up in the labor underclass, because they're more willing to put up with worse conditions if they're only planning to work temporarily, such as if they're supplementing their income. Temporary workers may also have less time/resources to engage in labor disputes, and migrant workers may have community networks employers can exploit for recruitment. Higher-paid labor groups can secure their position either by excluding cheaper labor groups from their sector of the market or area entirely, or creating a caste system that excludes cheaper labor from certain types of work to avoid undercutting. Methods: pure theory/review

11.(Gordon, 1961). "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality."

The author reviews the Anglo-conformity, melting pot, and cultural pluralism theories of assimilation. Then, he argues that theories of assimilation must distinguish between structural and behavioral assimilation/acculturation. He argues that behavioral/cultural assimilation has generally occurred among most if not all immigrant populations to a large degree, there has been much less structural assimilation due to the closed networks of immigrant enclaves and the services provided therein, and segregation and lack of acceptance from certain Anglo-Saxon institutions. Structural assimilation has occurred more for European Catholics and Jews to some extent, but less for "racial groups" like Puerto Ricans, Indians, Mexican-Americans, etc. Thus, the author argues that the assimilation structure in the US is something like structural pluralism

(Downey, 1995). "When Bigger Is Not Better: Family Size, Parental Resources, and Children's Educational Performance."

The author's findings support the resource dilution model of the effect of family size on educational achievement. The availability of parental resources decreases as the number of siblings (including half- , step-, and adopted siblings) increases net of parent's education, occupation, household income, child's demographics, region, and family structure (including 2-parent and single parent families, stepparent, and other). This applies to both "interpersonal" resources (talking to children about school, educational expectations, social closure), economic resources (computer and educational objects in the home, money saved for child's education in the future), and cultural resources (cultural classes and activities). These resources explain most of the inverse relationship between sibship size and educational outcomes (GPA, math test scores, readings test scores), though they explain a larger portion of the sibship size effect on grades and math scores than readings scores. Children with many siblings benefit less from parental resources than children with few siblings (interaction term) Data & Methods: NELS 1988 8th graders; logistic and OLS regression

4.(Portes & Manning, 1968) The Immigrant Enclave: Theory and Empirical Examples

The authors argue against the dual-labor market theory for immigrants, which places immigrants into a situation of exploitation and inferiority on the labor market until they assimilate. Instead, they propose that migrants have different modes of incorporation into the US labor market. Skilled immigrants generally enter the "primary" labor market, and generally disperse between regions and cities following career paths. Refugees enter both the "primary" and "secondary" occupations. Third, groups become "middlemen minorities"--commercial intermediaries connecting business in their ethnic community with dominant elites. However, another mode f incorporation--settling into an ethnic enclave can also economic success without acculturation in closely-knit, geographically concentrated co-ethnic communities. The authors argue that this success also largely depended on community closeness, and networks of mutual aid and in-community business ties within the enclave, giving New York Jews and Californian Japanese migrants as examples. Enclave businesses typically serve ethnic clientele, and may pay lower wages with the understandng that workers will soon advance and may expect community support and aid after arrival as an additional "wage". Paternalistic labor relations, and strong community solidarity are present both among "middleman minorities" and ethnic enclaves, but ethnic enclaves are not only commercial (but also have a productive sector), generally compete with instead of serve dominant labor groups, and are concentrated and spatially identifiable. Methods: case studies

(Baron and Bielby, 1980) Bringing the firms back in: Stratification, segmentation, and the organization of work

The authors argue that current studies ignore organizational characteristics of firms to the detriment of models that attempt to explain social mobility on an individual level. They demonstrate that 2 firms in the same industry and region, and with the same classification in the dual labor market can have different systems of promotion and internal labor markets, which would affect mobility trajectories. This might explain why findings are mixed for many questions regarding the role of occupations in mobility. In the levels of social organization (societal, institutional, organizational, role, and individual), firms correspond to the organizational level, making them useful for bridging the macro- and micro-levels of mobility studies in labor sociology. For reference, the units of analysis in corresponding order are economy, sector (market, industry, etc), firm, job, and worker. Methods: theory and comparative case study

21. (Van Tubergen, Maas, and Flap, 2004.) "The Economic Incorporation of Immigrants in 18 Western Societies: Origin, Destination, and Community Effects."

The authors argue that economic incorporation of immigrants is affected by the "origin effect" (country they come from), "destination effect" (country to which they migrate), and "community effect" (the relations and social closeness between the two countries). 1) Higher levels of political suppression in country of origin was associated with lower levels of labor force activity and employment for both genders, so the authors argue that people moving for noneconomic reasons may be less positively selected. 2) Higher income inequality in the country of origin compared to the destination country was associated with lower labor market participation for men and employment for men and women. It had no effect on the labor market participation of women. 3) The authors argue that this may mean that migrants from countries with high levels of inequality (by Gini coefficient) are unfavorably selected. On the other hand, the wealthier the sending nation (by GDP per capita), the less likely its immigrants to be in the labor market, or to be unemployed if they participated. 4) The greater the geographic distance between the two countries, the higher the odds of an immigrant being employed if they were in the labor market, but migrants (especially females) from distant origin countries were less likely to participate in the labor market in the first place. 5) There seemed to be little effect of exposure to the language of the country of destination, but male migrants whose country of origin had the same official language as their country of destination had better odds of employment, and females in the same situation had slightly higher odds of labor force participation. 6) Higher female labor force participation in the origin country was associated with higher odds of labor force activity in the destination country. 7)There was no effect of a point system of immigration in the receiving country. 8)The presence of left-wing parties in the countries of destination within 10 years of the survey was associated with higher labor force activity and odds of employment. Immigrants from largely Christian nationals had higher odds of employment that those from nations with other majority religions. Thus, the authors argue that smaller social distance between countries has a positive effect on economic integration. 9) The authors found no evidence for the group threat hypothesis, as members of larger immigrant groups had a higher probability of being active in the labor market, though it had no effect on actual employment. 10) Findings on education are mixed. Though lower average education in an immigrant community was associated with higher levels of labor market activity, it was also associated with lower odds of actual employment. Methods: data from European Union Labour Survey for the 15 countries of the European Union 1992-2001 and census data for US, Canada, Australia; multilevel logistic models; dependent variables=employment or any labor force activity (employed or unemployed vs not looking for employment/student/house-spouse)

.( Bowles, S., & Gintis, 2002). Schooling in capitalist America revisited

The authors argue that schooling in the US follows the correspondence principle--the structure and socialization of the school follows the structure of the workplace, and socializes children into different working classes. Children of middle-class and working-class parents are often tracked into different sets of classes, and learn different noncognitive skills/behaviors, which, according to the authors, correspond to noncognitive skills and behaviors expected from the classes of a Marxist system. Middle class children are taught to be leaders, while children of working class parents are taught to be docile laborers.

Savvides & Stengos (2000). Income inequality and economic development: evidence from the threshold regression model.

The authors argue that using an arbitrary income per capita cutoff as an indicator to divide countries into more and less developed in studies using the Kuznets curve is bad methodology. Instead, they argue for using the threshold regression (TR) model, which allows the level of economic development (measured as per capita income) to determine the existence and significance of a threshold level/cutoff point between lower and higher-income countries in the Kuznets relationship. They find no support for Kuznets's inverted-U pattern. Methods: threshold regression model; data from Deininger-Squire dataset of per capital income from 52 countries in 1985

19.(Villareal & Blanchard, 2013) "How Job Characteristics Affect International Migration: The Role of Informality in Mexico."

The authors compare how employment status of migrants in Mexico (employed in formal sector, employed in informal sector (self-employed or under the table), unemployed, or inactive in the labor market) affects their odds of migration to the US. 1) Employed men were more likely to migrate for work than those who were inactive in the labor market, but unemployed men were more likely to migrate for work than employed or inactive men. This contradiction may be explained by the fact that men employed in the informal sector are more likely to ,migrate than those employed in the formal sector. However, men inactive in the labor market are more likely to migrate for family reunification or study. 2) Women's employment status seems to have no effect on their odds of migration., but employment in the informal sector increases the odds for women to migrate for reasons other than work. Methods: data from Mexican National Occupation and Employment Survey 2005-2010; multinomial logit models

(Brady, Finnigan, & Hübgen, 2017). Rethinking the risks of poverty: a framework for analyzing prevalences and penalties.

The authors compare risks of poverty (low education, single motherhood, young household headship, and unemployment) in terms of prevalences (share of population with one or more risks), and penalties (increase in probability of poverty associated with a risk in a certain country) between 29 rich democracies. The US has the highest risk of poverty despite below-average prevalences of the 4 risks due to high penalties. US poverty rates in 2013 would have been 22.2% worse with prevalences from 1970 or 21.5% worse with prevalences from 1980. Moreover, the authors argue that penalties don't discourage prevalences, while welfare significantly moderates penalties for unemployment and low education. Single motherhood is, on average, the least important of the risks. They also argue that models of risk don't provide a convincing explanation of poverty compared to penalties (throwing into question the use of prevalence-based studies for policy-making), and studies solely based on the US are of limited generalizability due to potential sample selection bias, and highest penalties for all risks (which can overstate the importance of the role of these risks for poverty in general). Methods: March 2015 data from Luxembourg Income Study; data describes most countries in 2010 (Australia, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Slovak Republic, and the UK), with 2000 data for Belgium, 2004 for Austria and Switzerland, 2005 for Hungary and Sweden, 2006 for South Korea, 2008 for Japan, and 2013 for USA; including all individuals in households whose heads are less than 65 years old (to control for additional risks of poverty) Prevalences estimated by estimating proportion of population with a given risk with sample weights. Penalties are estimated using linear probability models of being in poverty. Coefficients for the risk of being in poverty for each risk factor are the "penalties". The relationships between penalties and prevalences (whether penalties affect prevalences) are measured by finding correlations for each risk, predicting wither an individual has each risk, and running a multilevel linear probability model with robust standard errors. Risks defined as young household head=leading earner in household is less than 25 years old; low education=HH head has less than secondary/high school education; single motherhood=HH headed by single mother; unemployment=no one in HH is employed

(DiPrete & McManus, 1996) "Institutions, Technical Change, and Diverging Life Chances: Earnings Mobility in the United States and Germany."

The authors compare the effects of institutions on earnings mobility in Germany and the US. Since the 1985, the rise in real earnings has been steeper in Germany, while variation in earnings mobility has been larger in the US. They argue this is due to higher rates of job mobility/a more fluid job market in the US, though earnings declined for most occupational groups in the US even if the workers didn't change jobs. In both countries, earnings of nonmanual workers increased compared to those of manual workers, but the difference was bigger in the US than Germany. The authors also posit that the recession in the US may have been more serious than in Germany, and US workers' earnings may have been less likely to rebound. By contrast, Germany has more institutions controlling its labor market and more stable earnings and job tenure at the expense of creating more jobs. Methods: German Socio-Economic Panel (1985-1991) and PSID (1985-1991); calculated distribution of earnings as latent variable and used multivariate regression

20. Raymo, Park, Xie, & Yeung (2015). Marriage and family in East Asia: Continuity and change

The authors evaluate the Second Demographic Transition hypothesis in East Asia. They find that people are getting married later (and are less likely to marry and have kids at all--especially among highly-educated men), are more likely to divorce, are having children later in life, and having fewer children. However, childbearing is still concentrated in the first few years of marriage, fertility rates conditional on marriage have been relatively stable, cohabitation rates remain low (though growing, especially among less educated women), and unmarried men and women are more likely to stay with their parents rather than cohabit or live on their own. They also argue that a these changes did not require a shift in family attitudes or rising individualism as seen is Western countries. In fact, there is still a strong association between marriage and childbearing, unequal gender relations within marriage, a cultural expectation that children should be born within a marriage and mothers should heavily invest in their children. Rather, the authors attribute shifts in fertility to increasing educational and economic opportunities for women, who then delay marriage (early marriage is associated with lower levels of education), rising costs of raising children, and declining economic opportunities for men. In addition, continuing homogamy or hypergamy in the marriage markets, as well imbalanced sex ratios caused by a strong preference for sons has likely created additional marriage delays and age gaps as men and women accumulate economic resources before marriage, and women search for an economically-stable match. Staying with parents far into adulthood is also associated with declining likelihood of marriage. Methods: data on Japan, China, South Korea, Taiwan from multiple censuses and national surveys, reviews of other articles; descriptive data

(Ross & Wu 1995) "The Links Between Education and Health"

The authors explain that education is linked with health (both general self-reported health and measures of physical function) through work and economic conditions, social-psychological resources, and health lifestyles. People with more education are more likely to have full-term, better paying, more satisfying jobs, and less likely to face economic hardship. They also tend to report feeling more in-control of their lives and health, and have more social support, which are both associated with lower levels of stress and better health. Finally, people with more education are more likely to exercise, get regular check ups, drink moderately, and avoid smoking. Methods: longitudinal analysis cross-sectional samples --Work, Family & Well-Being survey & National Survey of Personal Health Practices and Consequences; fixed effects (?) with lagged variable for health

9.(Diaz, Koning, & Martinez-Donate, 2016). "Moving Beyond Salmon Bias: Mexican Return Migration and Health Selection."

The authors find mixed evidence for the salmon bias hypothesis. Among all groups of migrants (voluntarily returning and deported), indicators of stress are associated with an increased probability of return (between 18 and 21 percentage points). Feelings of sadness are also associated with increased probability of return. Health limitations are associated with about a 6 percentage point increase in the probability of returning, but become non-significant once demographic factors are accounted for. However, chronic health conditions like obesity and diabetes are associated with a smaller probability of returning (10 and 5 percentage points respectively). Worse self-reported overall health is also associated with a decreased probability of return. The results except for health limitations are significant even when accounting for demographic characteristics. There is some evidence that a lack of health insurance exacerbates the association between health and return migration, with immigrants receiving health care in the US being less likely to return. Methods: data from California Health Interview Survey and Migrante Study (survey of migrants entering and leaving US through Tijuana); sample of Mexican-born males living in California or learning the US 2011-13; logistic regression

Erikson & Goldthorpe. (1994) Trends in Class Mobility: The Post-War European Experience

The authors find no support for the liberal theory, which posits that technological development brings greater equality. Instead, they find that occupational mobility before, during, and after the world wars was relatively stable with minor within-country fluctuations. They note that even these fluctuations may still fit within the "basic similarity" parameters of the FJH hypothesis. Methods: data from multiple European surveys--Oxford National Occupational Mobility Inquiry, INSEE (France), ZUMA Superfile (Germany), Social Mobility and Ocupational Change in Hungary, Determinants of Occupational Mobility (Ireland & North Ireland), Change in the Socio-Occupationa Structure (Poland), Scottish Mobility Study, Level of Living Survey (Sweden); 4 cohorts of men--born 1900-1910, 1920s, late 1920s-early 1940s, and late 1930's onward; log-linear association models

10. (Abraido-Lanza., et al, 1999) The Latino mortality paradox: a test of the" salmon bias" and healthy migrant hypotheses

The authors find that comparing foreign-born Latinos to US-born Latinos and whites shows patterns inconsistent with either the salmon bias or the healthy migrant hypothesis. First, the overall mortality advantage appears even in Cubans and Puerto Ricans, who cannot easily return for health reasons or are registered as deaths in the US regardless of where they died respectively (contradictory to salmon bias hypothesis). In addition, US-born Latinos also see lower overall mortality rates compared to US-born whites (contradicting healthy migrant hypothesis). The authors instead posit that there may be a cultural factor, as Latinos (both US-born and migrants) are less likely to engage in unhealthy behaviors like drink alcohol, and Latina women are less likely to smoke. Data from the World Health Organization reveals that Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Mexico had lower all-cause mortality rates than the US in 1990, providing some evidence for the cultural bias hypothesis. That said, the author also points out that Latinos in the US have higher mortality rates from diabetes, liver disease, homicide, cervical cancer, and AIDS, and may be less likely to access medical services possibly due to lower rates of health insurance access. Data: National Longitudinal Mortality Study (links CPS and National Death Index 1995); Cox proportional hazard models

(Phelan et al. 2004). "Fundamental Causes" of Social Inequalities in Mortality: A Test of the Theory.

The authors identified a situation in which resources linked to SES should be less helpful in prolonging life, and derived the following prediction from the theory: For less preventable causes of death (for which we know little about prevention or treatment), SES will be less strongly associated with mortality than for more preventable causes. The authors then tested this hypothesis with the National Longitudinal Mortality Study, which followed current CPS respondents for mortality for nine years. The hypothesis was supported, lending support to the theory of fundamental causes and more generally to the importance of a sociological approach to the study of socioeconomic disparities in mortality.

(Cameron & Heckman, 1998). Life cycle schooling and dynamic selection bias: Models and evidence for five cohorts of American males.

The authors propose a simpler model to substitute for the log-linear regression that predicts effects of family background and family resources on the probability of transiting from one grade to the next diminish at higher levels of education for American men born between 1907 and 1965. They find that the association between family background and schooling is largely due to family environment, including unobservable variables that produce cognitive ability scores (measured by the AFQT). While college expansion had mitigated the effects of family background on educational attainment, the authors argue that many of the new college students are less able and gain less productivity from a college education. Methods: data from Occupational Changes in a Generation and NLSY, 5 cohorts of men

15. (Riosmena & Massey, 2012.) "Pathways to El Norte: Origins, Destinations, and Characteristics of Mexican Migrants to the United States."

The authors trace patterns of Mexican migration to the US, and show that the increase in immigrants to southern and eastern states in 2001-06 is fueled by undocumented migrants from Central and Southeastern Mexico (non-traditional origin states compared to Mexican border states). They also find that there is an increase of women in the migrant population, though migrants are still more likely than those left behind to have an elementary education or less. The authors argue that this may be because migrants are older. Migrants with at least some secondary education are most likely to be in the Northeast, Borderland, or Great Lakes regions in descending order. While most immigrants go to traditional Borderland and Great Lakes states, the flows to Southeast, South, and Northeast regions have notably increased, making up more than 25% of the total flow. This might be due to growing mean processing and other agro-industies in non-metro areas of the US South and Midwest. The authors also argue that immigrants tend to move to places that will offer familiar work. Migrants from rural origins are overrepresented in the South and Southeast (where immigrants tend to work in primary sectors), while those form metropolitan areas are more represented in the Borderlands region, and the Northwest, where they largely work in urban services. However, though immigrants in the Great Lakes region largely work in industrial and urban services sectors, migrants from urban areas are not overrepresented there. Methods: data from 2006 Mexican National Survey of Population Dynamics; descriptive statistics & logistic regression

.( Ashenfelter & Rouse 1998). Income, schooling, and ability: Evidence from a new sample of identical twins

The average return to schooling is about 9 % increase in hourly wages per additional year of schooling for twins, but slightly higher for less able twins (schooling compensates for ability). The authors argue that more able individuals get more schooling because of lower marginal costs of education rather than because of higher marginal benefits. However, they lack an explicit measure of ability. Instead, they compare the individual schooling level to the family average schooling level, and parents' schooling as an IV. They argue that within-family differences in returns to schooling are smaller than across-family differences. Methods: Original data on 700 identical twin pairs gathered at the Twinsburg Festival (US festival celebrating twins) in 1991, '92, and '93 who have held a job at some point during the last 2 years and live in the US. The authors pointed out the twins in their sample had more education and higher hourly wages on average, and included more whites than the general US population. OLS, 3SLS, GLS, and fixed effects estimates to mean return to schooling

(Breen&Salazar. 2011). "Educational Assortative Mating and Earnings Inequality in the United States."

This article investigates how changes in educational assortative mating affected the growth in earnings inequality among households in the US between the late 1970s and early 2000s. The authors find these changes had a small, negative effect on inequality: there would have been more inequality in earnings in the early 2000s if educational assortative mating patterns had remained as they were in the 1970s. Educational sorting among partners is a poor proxy for sorting on earnings. Data: CPS, adjusted POSSLQ (persons of opposite sex sharing living quarters) approach

20. (Garip, 2012.) "Discovering Diverse Mechanisms of Migration: The Mexico-US Stream 1970-2000."

The characteristics of Mexican migrants to the US have changed between 1970 and 2000. The author identifies 4 distinct groups of migrants--1)income maximizers (generally male household heads from agricultural backgrounds with little or no wealth moving to increase income for their family), 2)risk diversifiers (generally non -household heads with some property, but still coming from regions with high levels of poverty or unemployment; most likely move temporarily to diversify income for family as protection against economic upheaval), 3) network migrants (mostly female non-household heads from communities with many migrants moving largely to reunite with family), and 4) urban migrants (more educated and living in metropolitan areas, mostly male and non-household heads from largely non-migrant communities possibly moving due to economic restructuring for manufacturing jobs in the US). While most Mexican migrants in the 1970s were income maximizers, their numbers fell once US wages declined in real value. By the early 1980s, risk diversifiers were more common, likely spurred by rising inflation and economic uncertainty in Mexico. Network migrants were the largest group between mid-1980s and early 1990s, likely facilitated by the already large migrant population already in the US and the Immigration and Reform and Control Act that gave legal residency to 2.3 million previously undocumented immigrants. After the mid-1990s, urban migrants became more common. Methods: data from Mexican Migration Project; K-means clustering for cluster analysis and descriptive data for changes over time

(McLanahan & Percheski. 2008). "Family Structure and the Reproduction of Inequalities."

This paper argues that family structure has become an important mechanism for the reproduction of class, race, and gender inequalities. The authors discuss 1) how increases in income inequality may lead to increases in single motherhood, particularly among less educated women. 2) Single motherhood in turn decreases intergenerational economic mobility by affecting children's material resources and the parenting they experience. 3)Because of the unequal distribution of family structure by race and the negative effects of single motherhood, family structure changes exacerbate racial inequalities. 4) Gender inequalities also increase as mothers incur more child-related costs and fewer fathers experience family life with children.

(Giddens 1973) "The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies"

The major problem of class analysis (for both Marx and Weber) is explaining the link between market relationships and identification of classes as structured forms, or structuration of classes (how economic relationships become non-economic social structures). Structuration includes both mediate, and proximate factors. Mediate factors are general links between the existence given market capacities and classes as social groupings, while proximate factors are "localized" factors that affect class formation. The mediate structuration largely depends on the distribution of mobility chances. The greater the degree of immobility/reproduction (both intergenerational and within-career), the more identifiable the classes in a society. The 3 market capacities that make up the foundation of a "basic three-class system in capitalist society" (upper, middle, and lower/working class) are: ownership of property in the means of production, possession of educational or technical qualifications, and possession of manual labor-power. Proximate structuration of class relationships comes from: the division of labor in a productive enterprise/workplace (ex: machine operators vs. administration in a factory), authority relationships in a workplace, and "distributive groupings", or patterns of consumption. The division of labor, and authority structures tends to create distinctive work environments that closely parallel the 3 classes created by media structuration. Distributive groupings divide people by patterns of consumption by class even if they don't see it as a matter of Weberian "honor or prestige"--such as in the formation of working- and middle-class neighborhoods. The class system these mediate and proximate factors create depends on on the economic and political systems of a society--so they don't always converge into the 3-class system the author sees in a capitalist society. It's also possible to have sub-classes in major class divisions, like in the case of the "petty bourgeoisie". In order for classes to become a social division, class structure must create common patterns of behavior and attitude linked to shared lifestyles. This can be manifested through class awareness (acceptance of common attitudes or beliefs without recognizing that these attitudes and beliefs are associated with a specific class, or that there are other classes that share different attitudes and beliefs), or class consciousness (which requires that you recognize your own class membership, and the existence of other classes). Also, despite Weber's division between "class" and "status group", class can coincide with status group membership in societies with racial and religious divisions, where status group membership might become a form of market capacity on its own. For example, people of a certain racial/ethnic group might be systematically denied entry into certain kinds of work. Class is not a "bounded social form" (like a company or a university with a common, publicly-understood identity), not a stratum--strata can be measured on a scale but class cannot, not elite theory (or its division of the world into "elite" and "mass").

(Alba & Nee, 2005) "Remaking the American Mainstream: Assimilation and Contemporary Immigration"

The mostly Latino and Asian post-1965 immigration stream has become larger than the mostly-European19th-early 20th century stream ever was. This has created a shift in demographics of the US, making the "straight-line" theories of assimilation harder to believe (Warner & Srole, 1945; Gordon, 1964). These older theories predicted that immigrant groups would eventually assimilate into Anglo-American society and culture. However, the authors of this article instead define assimilation as "the decline of ethno-racial origins in determining individual life chances and daily experiences", and open entry of migrants and their descendants into mainstream institutions like universities, labor markets, and politics. Assimilation can be tracked by changes in social boundaries. While some decisions made by immigrants and their children to improve their lives might lead to certain types of assimilation (such as speaking only in English or living in the suburbs), the authors predict that ethnoracial diversity will remain instead of assimilation into the culture and values of the white middle-class. They argue that models of assimilation must include agency. They also argue that the ease of assimilation and upward mobility depends on societal boundaries and the temporal role of each immigrant group. For example, assimilation might be easier at a time of economic prosperity when native whites are less prone to seeing other groups as threats to their economic well-being. "Human capital"/highly-skilled migrants have seen rapid mobility, but labor migrants experienced overall slower economic mobility. Methods: theory and review

(Sigle-Rushton&McLanahan. 2004). "Father Absence and Child Well-Being: A Critical Review."

This paper mainly 1) reviews what is known about the life chances of children raised in single mother families and the extent to which these children are disadvantaged relative to their peers, particularly focusing on whether or not these disadvantages persist into adulthood. 2) then describes the range of outcomes that have been shown to be associated with father absence, and the evidence that supports the various explanations for these associations.

(Warren, 2016). "Does Growing Childhood Socioeconomic Inequality Mean Future Inequality in Adult Health?"

This article attempts to understand the implications of recent trends in social and economic inequalities among children for the future of inequalities in health among adults. The author combines a series of original analyses with reviews of relevant literature in a number of fields to inform a discussion of what growing childhood inequalities might mean for future inequalities in adult health. The author argues that there is good reason to suppose that growing inequalities in children's social and economic circumstances will lead to greater heterogeneity in adults' morbidity and mortality.

(Schwartz & Mare. 2005). "Trends in Educational Assortative Marriage from 1940 to 2003."

This paper reports trends in educational assortative marriage from 1940 to 2003 in U.S.. Main findings: 1) educational homogamy decreased from 1940 to 1960 but increased from 1960 to 2003. 2) From 1960 to the early 1970s, increases in educational homogamy were generated by decreasing intermarriage among groups of relatively well-educated persons. 3) Beginning in the early 1970s, continued increases in the odds of educational homogamy were generated by decreases in intermarriage at both ends of the education distribution. Most striking is the decline in the odds that those with very low levels of education marry up. 4) Intermarriage among those in the middle portion of the distribution increased. Data: CPS 1940-2003, log-linear models.

(Warin et al. 2011). "Telescoping the origins of obesity to women's bodies: How gender inequalities are being squeezed out of Barker's hypothesis."

This paper traces the genealogy of the Barker hypothesis and its intersections with popular representations of scientific discourses about pregnancy and maternal obesity. Informed by Barker hypothesis, the print media has gainfully employed this conceptualization of obesity and placed women and mothers as causal agents in the reproduction of obesity across generations. Such a 'common sense' understanding of obesity production and reproduction means that both the scientific literature and the public understanding of science has inadvertently assisted in putting women forward as the transmitters of obesity across generations.

(Mandel. 2013). "Up the Down Staircase: Women's Upward Mobility and the Wage Penalty for Occupational Feminization, 1970-2007."

This study analyzes trends in women's occupational mobility and juxtaposes these trends with trends in the effects of feminization on occupational pay across diverse occupational wage groups. Findings reveal two opposing processes of gender (in)equality: 1) Many women had impressive success in entering highly rewarded occupations. 2) However, the negative effect of feminization on the pay levels of these occupations intensified, particularly in high-paid and male-typed occupations. These two opposite processes lead women found themselves moving "up the down staircase." Data: IPUMS-USA data from 1970 to 2007

(Kahn et al. 2014). "The Motherhood Penalty at Midlife: Long-Term Effects of Children on Women's Careers."

This study builds on prior research on the motherhood wage penalty to examine whether the career penalties faced by mothers change over the life course, examining wages, labor force participation and occupational status. Findings: 1) Motherhood is "costly" to women's careers, but the effects on all 3 labor force outcomes attenuate at older ages. 2) Children reduce women's labor force participation, but this effect is strongest when women are younger and is eliminated by the 40s and 50s. Mothers also seem able to regain ground in terms of occupational status. 3) The wage penalty for having children varies by parity, persisting across the life course only for women who have 3 or more children. Data: NLSY Women

(Piketty et al. 2018). "Distributional National Accounts: Methods and Estimates for the United States."

This study combines tax, survey, and national accounts data to estimate the distribution of national income in the United States since 1913, and estimate the distribution of both pretax and posttax income, making it possible to provide a comprehensive view of how government redistribution affects inequality. Trends: 1) Average pretax real national income per adult has increased 60% from 1980 to 2014, but it has stagnated for the bottom 50% of the distribution at about $16,000 a year. 2) The pretax income of the middle class--adults between the median and the 90th percentile--has grown 40% since 1980, faster than what tax and survey data suggest, due in particular to the rise of tax-exempt fringe benefits. 3) Income has boomed at the top. The upsurge of top incomes was first a labor income phenomenon but has mostly been a capital income phenomenon.

(Raley et al. 2006). "How Dual Are Dual- Income Couples? Documenting Change From 1970 to 2001."

This study documents change in the prevalence of couples where (a) the wife contributes less than 40% of the family income, (b) income contributions are relatively equal, and (c) the wife's income contribution surpasses her husband's contribution. Trend: 1) In 1970, close to 90% of couples had conventional earning arrangements: the husband was the sole provider in 56% of couples and contributed 60% or more of the income in an additional 31% of couples. 2) By 2001, husbands were still the sole (25%) or major provider (39%) in a majority (64%) of couples but wives hared equally in providing income in 24% of couples, more than double the 9% in 1970. 3) Wives as primary (or sole) earners increased from 4% to 12%. Explanations: wives' increased human capital and couple's labor supply were strongly associated with increased female breadwinning patterns, but age cohort replacement processes and life stage factors also played a role in explaining change over time. Data: CPS 1970, 1980, 1990 and 2001

(Correll et al. 2007) Getting a Job: Is There a Motherhood Penalty?

This study employed a laboratory experiment to evaluate the hypothesis that status-based discrimination plays an important role and an audit study of actual employers to assess its real-world implications. Results show that 1) participants evaluated application materials for a pair of same-gender equally qualified job candidates who differed on parental status. 2) The lab experiment found that mothers were penalized on a host of measures, including perceived competence and recommended starting salary, whereas men were not penalized for, and sometimes benefited from, being a parent.

(Montez & Hayward 2014). Cumulative Childhood Adversity, Educational Attainment, and Active Life Expectancy Among U.S. Adults.

This study examines whether early-life disadvantages both shorten lives and increase the number and fraction of years lived with functional impairment, and the degree to which educational attainment mediates and moderates the health consequences of early-life disadvantages. Findings: 1) within levels of educational attainment, adults from disadvantaged childhoods lived fewer total and active years, and spent a greater portion of life impaired compared with adults from advantaged childhoods. 2) higher levels of education did not ameliorate the health consequences of disadvantaged childhoods. However, because education had a larger impact on health than did childhood socioeconomic context, adults from disadvantaged childhoods who achieved high education levels often had total and active life expectancies that were similar to or better than those of adults from advantaged childhoods who achieved low education levels. Data: 1998-2008 Health and Retirement Study, multistate life tables

(Jerrim & Macmillan. 2015). Income inequality, intergenerational mobility, and the Great Gatsby Curve: is education the key?

This study has 1) attempted to replicate the Great Gatsby Curve (GGC) using cross-nationally comparable data and an alternative definition of intergenerational mobility. 2) empirically investigated the potential mediating role of educational attainment in the relationship between income inequality and intergenerational mobility for the first time. Some Key findings: 1) In all countries, it is educational attainment that is driving the link between parental education and offspring's earnings. 2) There is a strong association between income inequality and both the explained and residual effect of parental education on offspring's earnings. 3) The fact that the association between parental education, offspring's education, and offspring's earnings varies by income inequality suggests that financial resources play an important role in the intergenerational transmission of advantage.

(Mandel & Semyonov, 2005). Family Policies, Wage Structures, and Gender Gaps: Sources of Earnings Inequality in 20 Countries.

This study uncovers an unexpected effect of family-friendly policies on women's economic attainments. Analysis shows that 1) gender earnings disparities are less pronounced in countries with developed family policies. 2) IF cross-country differences in the wage structure are controlled, the underlying effect of family policy on the gender gap is exposed. 3) Although "mother-friendly" policies enable more women to become economically active, they exacerbate gender occupational inequality. 4) The lower earnings differentials between men and women in developed welfare states should be attributed to their more egalitarian wage structures rather than their family policies. Data: Luxembourg Income Study, country-level data obtained from secondary sources, HLM

(Logan, 1996.) "Rules of Access and Shifts in Demand: A Comparison of Log-Linear and Two-Sided Logit Models."

Though both log-linear and two-sided logit models can be used to analyze bivariate mobility tables, the author argues that the TSL can account for changes in demand where the log-linear model can't. This is important, because the models become demand sensitive if supply and demand create anyeffect on mobility except for multiplicative reallocation. Demand sensitive, but margin insensitive models like the log-linear model, thus, might be unable to control for international and time-period-related differences. Methods: theory and randomly generated data

13.(Mare, 2016). "Educational Homogamy in Two Gilded Ages: Evidence from Inter- generational Social Mobility Data."

Though educational homogamy declined in the 1st half of the 20th century (1910-1955), the rate of homogamy increase once more between 1955 and mid-1970s. Some of the lower homogamy rates early in the 20th century may be attributed to the earlier ages at marriage, meaning respondents may not have completed their education. In addition, children of parents from a homogamous marriage are more likely to marry someone wit an education level matching their own compared to children of parents with non-matching education levels--a "multiplier" effect of sorts. Method: GSS and OCG II; log-linear models; education measured when respondent is 25 or has 1st child

7. (Duncan &. Trejo, 2018.) "Socioeconomic Integration of U.S. Immigrant Groups over the Long Term: The Second Generation and Beyond."

Though migrant groups differ by education level, foreign-born respondents are overrepresented among the low-educated stratum. However, most immigrant groups see an increase in education and wages between the 1st and 2nd generations. Second-generation educational attainment tends to tends to be higher than US average. However, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and Central Americans exhibit educational disadvantage in the 2nd generation. The authors propose that this may be related to lower levels of schooling, low English skills, and lack of human capital of their parents. Weekly wages compared to 3rd+ generation non-Hispanic whites follow a similar pattern with gaps shrinking between the 1st and 2nd generations for all racial groups, but progress stalling, or reversing (in case of Black and Asian immigrants) in the 3rd generation. Differences in educational attainment seems to account for some of those differences. This rise in educational attainment and income continues into the 3rd generation for some groups, but seem stall or even reverse for Hispanics. The authors argue that some of this "reversal" or stalling may be a data artifact, because most surveys can't distinguish between 3rd generation individuals and further generations. They argue that ethnic self- identification is a faulty indicator, because it correlates with SES and other relevant factors, creating downward bias. The authors use NLSY97 data, which contains a definitive indicator of foreign-born grandparents, to show that there seems to be some educational gain between 2nd and 3rd generations for Mexican migrants. Methods: data from Current Population Survey 2003-2016 for descriptive; NLSY97 for methodological issues; OLS regression

(Esping-Andersen, Rohwer, & Sørensen, 1994). Institutions and occupational class mobility: scaling the skill barrier in the Danish labour market.

Though upward mobility in Denmark is associated with educational attainment as in similar countries, it has a comparatively higher probability of upward mobility from unskilled service employment. The authors say this is interesting, because Denmark has a vocational training system that sorts people into service, clerical, sales, and manual (skilled and non-skilled) jobs along rigid career lines. They argue this higher rate of mobility is created due to a generous welfare system, which creates an expanding labor market for social service work, and allows women to have longer careers even with family obligations. . Methods: 1980-87 data from IDA database (Danish Statistics dataset linking public register data); logistic regression of moving into a higher occupation class and transition-rate model of probability of transition upward, into unemployment, out of the labor force, or other

(Fischer et al. 1996) Inequality by Design

Two questions: 1) who gets ahead and who falls behind in the competition for success? 2) what determines how much people get for being ahead or behind? People's social environments largely influence what rung of the ladder people end up on: The advantages and disadvantages people inherit from their parents, the resources that their friends can share with them, the quantity and quality of their schooling, and even the historical era into which they are born boost some up and hold others down. Societies choose the structure of the rewards (i.e., the equality of outcomes), and which particular individuals get to the top and which fall to the bottom of the ladder (i.e., the equality of opportunity) through deliberate policies.

(Blau and Kahn. 2016). "The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations." National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper Series No. 21913

Using PSID microdata over the 1980-2010, this study provides new empirical evidence on the extent of and trends in the gender wage gap, which declined considerably over this period. 1) Conventional human capital variables taken together explained little of the gender wage gap, while gender differences in occupation and industry continued to be important. 2) The gender pay gap declined much more slowly at the top of the wage distribution than that at the middle or the bottom, and by 2010 was noticeably higher at the top. 3) women's work force interruptions and shorter hours remain significant in high skilled occupations, possibly due to compensation differentials. 4) gender differences in occupations and industries, as well as differences in gender roles and the gender division of labor remain important, and research based on experimental evidence strongly suggests that discrimination cannot be discounted. 5)Psychological attributes or noncognitive skills comprise one of the newer explanations for gender differences in outcomes. 6) Quantitative evidence to assess the importance of these factors suggest that they account for a small to moderate portion of the gender pay gap, considerably smaller than say occupation and industry effects, though they appear to modestly contribute to these differences.

(Mandel and Semyonov. 2014). "Gender Pay Gap and Employment Sector: Sources of Earnings Disparities in the United States, 1970-2010."

Using data from the IPUMS-USA, the present research focuses on trends in the gender earnings gap in the US between 1970 and 2010, to understand the sources of the convergence in men's and women's earnings in the public and private sectors as well as the stagnation of this trend in the new millennium. Main findings: 1) A substantial reduction in the gross gender earnings gap in both sectors of the economy. 2) Most of the decline is attributed to the reduction in the unexplained portion of the gap, implying a significant decline in economic discrimination against women. 3) the role of human capital and personal attributes is relatively small in both sectors. 3) The declining gender segregation may explain the decreased impact of occupations on the gender pay gap in the private sector. In the public sector, by contrast, gender segregation still accounts for a substantial portion of the gap.

(Sasson 2016). "Trends in Life Expectancy and Lifespan Variation by Educational Attainment: United States, 1990-2010." Demography 53:269-293.

Using data from the National Vital Statistics System from 1990 to 2010, this is the first study to document trends in both life expectancy and S25--the standard deviation of age at death above 25--by educational attainment. Findings: 1) among low-educated whites, adult life expectancy declined by 3.1 years for women and by 0.6 years for men. S25 increased by about 1.5 years among high school-educated whites of both genders, becoming an increasingly important component of total lifespan inequality. 2) college-educated whites benefited from rising life expectancy and record low variation in age at death. 3) Among blacks, adult life expectancy increased, and S25 plateaued or declined in nearly all educational attainment groups, although blacks generally lagged behind whites of the same gender on both measures.

(Gangl &Ziefle 2009). Motherhood, labor force behavior and women's careers: An empirical assessment of the wage penalty for motherhood in Britain, Germany and the United States.

Using harmonized longitudinal data from British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), and the NLSY, this study traces career prospects after motherhood for five cohorts of American, British,and West Germany women around the 1960s. Findings : 1) wage penalties for motherhood were between 9% and 18% per child, with wage losses among American and British mothers being lower than those experienced by mothers in Germany. 2) Labor market mechanisms generating the observed wage penalty for motherhood differ markedly across countries, however: For British and American women, work interruptions and subsequent mobility into mother-friendly jobs fully account for mothers' wage losses. Respective penalties are considerably smaller in Germany, yet there was a substantial residual wage penalty that was unaccounted for by mothers' observable labor market behavior. This suggests a comparatively more pronounced role for statistical discrimination against mothers in the German labor market.

(Blau&Kahn, 2003). Understanding international differences in the gender pay gap

Using microdata for 22 countries over the 1985-94 period, this study finds that 1) more compressed male wage structures and lower female net supply are both associated with a lower gender pay gap, with an especially large effect for wage structures. 2) the extent of collective bargaining coverage is also significantly negatively related to the gender pay gap. 3) Together, the wage compression and collective bargaining results suggest that the high wage floors that are associated with highly centralized, unionized wage setting raise women's relative pay, since women are at the bottom of the wage distribution in each country. Data: 1985-94 annual files of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP).

(Barker. 2007). "The Origins of the Developmental Origins Theory."

Variations in mortality from the disease across England and Wales were shown to correlate closely with past differences in death rates among newborn babies. In the past most deaths among newborns were attributed to low birthweight. This led to the hypothesis that undernutrition in utero permanently changes the body's structure, function and metabolism in ways that lead to coronary heart disease (or generally more health outcomes) in late life.

(Lemieux. 2008). "The Changing Nature of Wage Inequality."

Wage inequality has grown through the 1980s for the whole wage distribution, but inequality growth since 1990 has become uneven. Overall inequality growth in 1970s, and 1980s is 3 times bigger than in the 1990's and 2000s. The gaps between the 50th and 90th percentiles grew, while the gaps between the 10th and 50th percentiles stagnated for women and declined for men. The 90-50 percentile gap in 2005 is 40% bigger than in was in 1973, Similar patterns appear in wage differentials by education. the gap between high school dropouts and graduates in 2005 is about 20% larger than the 1973 gap, but the wage gap between high school graduates and post-college graduates (Masters, PhD, etc) is more than 200% larger. The sharp growth at the top of the distribution is concentrated in the 1990s. The author reviews literature with theories explaining these changes in wage inequality. While popular theories from the 1980s emphasized changes in technology and necessary skills, he shows that the patterns don't fit the theory's predictions. Explanations focusing on insitutional changes affecting wages, especially deunionization seem to have more credibility, explaining why inequality rose so much in wealthy, English-speaking countries like the US, UK, and Canada, but much less in some other wealthy European countries. Others propose that U-shaped growth in wages (growth at the top and bottom, but not in the middle of the distribution) could be explained by revising the SBTC hypothesis. If occupational categories are divided into 3 groups, one could argue that growing wealth at the top could increase demand for services from the bottom of the wage distribution (gardeners, nannies, etc) but not from the middle-distribution, factory jobs. Alternatively, manufacturing jobs from the middle of the distribution can be replaced by technology, while service jobs from the bottom of the distribution can't. Another alternative explanation points out that moving manufacturing and some skilled jobs offshore would also explain the pattern. Methods: review with supplementary data from CPS for descriptive statistics from 1973 to 2005

(.Frank, Akresh, & Lu, 2010). "Latino Immigrants and the U.S. Racial Order: How and Where Do They Fit In?"

When prompted to choose between white, non-white (black, Asian, Native American/Pacific Islander), and neither (as placeholder for "Latino") on racial surveys, respondents who identify as Latino/Hispanic for an ethnicity perceive to be of different races based on heritage, region of residence, experience with the US racial order, etc. Lighter-skinned respondents, Cubans, and South Americans were more likely to identify as white than any other category. Married respondents were more likely to identify as white or non-white than neither though the race of their spouse played no significant role. More exposure to the US racial order (measured as English proficiency and having children--whose place in the racial order parents might consider) is positively associated with the likelihood of not identifying as either "white" or "nonwhite" possibly as respondents see themselves in a unique place in the US racial hierarchy. Living in the South is associated with identifying as white or nonwhite, in the Southwest with identifying as neither, and in the Northeast with identifying as non-white. This might be due to the sharp black/white divide in the South, greater Latino population in the Southwest, and more external racialization in the Northeast. At the same time, racial self-identification might conflict with discrimination in the larger society. Controlling for other demographic factors, darker-skinned Latinos earn less than lighter-skinned counterparts. Thus, assimilation of Latinos into whiteness is mixed by sectors. Methods: data from 2003 New Immigrants Survey; skin tone measured by interviewer on scale; multinomial logistic regression for racial self-identification; propensity score matching for income differences

(Dewaard, 2015). "Beyond Group-threat: Temporal Dynamics of International Migration and Linkages to Antiforeigner Sentiment."

While greater immigrant populations are associated with greater native hostility (group threat hypothesis), it also increases intergroup contact, which diminishes perceived threat. The effect of the size of an immigrant population on anti-immigrant hostility is the same no matter how long immigrants are expected to stay, so the group threat mechanism works independently from the temporal stability of the foreign=born population. Methods: unique country-level data from author's last project and 2002/2003 European Social Survey with the additional immigration module; Structural Equation Modeling

(Card, 2001). "Immigrant inflows, native outflows, and the local labor market impacts of higher immigration."

Within-city mobility of natives and earlier immigrants are unaffected by new incoming immigrants. However, both wages and employment rates for less-skilled native workers are lower in cities with a higher immigrant population, implying a decrease of 1-3 percentage points over the 1980s in immigrant-heavy cities. Methods: data from 1990s US Census and 5% PUMS; OLS and IV regressions

(Hauser & Daymont 1977) "Schooling, Ability, and Earnings: Cross-Sectional Findings 8 to 14 Years after High School Graduation"

Main points: (1) There is an earnings premium to college attendance and, especially, attainment, even net of work experience. (2) The bias due to omitted IQ is 10-15 percent--thus, IQ is an important confounder in the education-earnings relationship, but cannot fully explain the college earnings premium. Methods and Data: OLS regression; data come from WLS.

(Marx copyright 1978) "Alienation and Social Classes"

1) Alienation from the product/object of labor--the product no longer belongs to the worker, and profits go to the capitalist; the worker no longer chooses what to produce 2)alienation from labor--the worker's labor belongs to the capitalist; labor becomes unfulfilling and the process involves little to no input from the worker; work becomes "forced labor" done to satisfy other needs 3) alienation from species-life/themselves--labor is one's "life activity"--how people distinguish themselves from animals who only make what is physically needed for survival. Since workers no longer choose what they do, they are alienated from their identity as men as work becomes a way to support physical existence rather than fulfill one's purpose. 4) alienation from others--work is no longer a social activity and promotes competition; workers are aware that others are enjoying the fruits of their labor, creating further divides

(Bills 2003) Credentials, Signals, and Screens: Explaining the Relationship Between Schooling and Job Assignment

A descriptive lit review describing the major theories that link education to employment. 1) Human capital theory--education gives people marketable skills and abilities relevant to job performance, so employers rationally hire people with more education to increase productivity. The author notes that HC theory has failed to produce consistent evidence. Screening theory, a sub-theory of HC theory, states that degrees act as a way to screen candidates for their potential, not just as a way of calculating productivity. 2) Signaling theory--the employee/applicant side of screening theory--applicants signal their abilities and/or productivity with their educational credential. Unlike screening theory, the onus is on the student to "signal" their abilities to a potential employer. 3) Control theory--drawing on Bowles & Gintis's correspondence principal, this theory suggests that the importance of educational credentials lies in class-stratified non-cognitive skills acquired from schools/colleges. Employers react to educational degrees in certain ways, because they assume certain behavioral traits from people with certain levels of education (like passivity from working-class kids with high school degrees). 4) Cultural capital theory--using Bourdieu's theories, it argues that more highly educated people have an array of social and interpersonal dispositions valued by employers, and employers use educational credentials as a way to screen employees for certain types of habitus 5) Institutional theory/chartering theory--based of off Meyer's work, argues that schools have "social charters" to classify people as graduates, and, thus, possessing certain rights and capacities in society, often based on the type and duration of their education. This theory does not argue anything about individual change, or what knowledge or skills schools may impart on their students, but, instead look at schools as institutions and measure aggregate-level effects. Instead, it argues that the social impacts of school would appear anyway, and the very existence of categories (ex: graduate vs non-graduate) matters more. 6) Credentialist theory--employers operate on societal assumptions about the relationship between schooling and job assignment. Education operates less through skills, and more through elites' control of the entry requirements for elite jobs, which creates this assumption. Employers are unreflective, and don't actually care about relevant skills/abilities, but a credential signals the ability to enter a certain stratum of society. The "sheepskin effect" (Belman & Heywood, 1991)--wherein applicants with similar skills such as the presumed case with someone who has almost finished college and a recent graduate see very different responses in the labor market-- is an illustration of the credentialist argument. There is some evidence that employers adjust for mismatch when an employee cannot perform their job despite having the relevant credential. Though credentialist theory is the first to truly break with human capital theory, the author concludes that there has been little effective testing of this theory. Finally, the author outlines some relevant trends. 1) There are now more types of credentials, and more ways to obtain them. The author predicts that this will also diversify the labor market's reaction to educational credentials. 2) The types of workplaces and required skills have also multiplied. The current research on labor markets does not support any of the above theories absolutely. 3)the effects of schooling on occupational status have stayed about the same (except for Black men), but the effects of schooling on income have grown stronger. There is some evidence that employers care that cognitive skills accompany post-secondary degrees, but not enough evidence to discard credentialist theory yet.

(Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey, 1998) "Assessing the Oppositional Culture Explanation for Racial/Ethnic Differences in School Performance."

Analysis of Ogbu's "oppositional culture" theory finds little support for the idea that minority students don't succeed because they view educational achievement as part of hostile mainstream culture. The authors find that 1) African-American students are more likely than white students to report that education is important for getting a job, and to have more optimistic occupational expectations than white students. 2) Teachers judge black students as putting forth less effort, and being more frequently disruptive compared to white students. However, black students report more positive attitudes toward school and teachers than white students, more likely to perceive themselves as a good student and as trying hard in class, and are less likely than white students to agree that it's OK to cheat or break the rules. The only exception to the pattern is that black students are less likely to perceive discipline as being fair. 3) Relative to white students, black students are especially socially popular with their peers when they are seen as good students (both measures self-reported). 4) While black students have lower average grades than white students, this difference is accounted for by background and SES differences, as well as perceived effort, perceived tendency to get in trouble, and amount of homework done. Black students have much more positive attitudes toward school compared to white students with the same grades Methods and data: NELS, OLS

(Chan & Goldthorpe 2005) The Social Stratification of Theatre, Dance, and Cinema Attendance

Main points: Classed patterns of cultural consumption in England support the omnivore-univore argument. In particular, those in high social strata consume both high-brow and popular culture, whereas those in low social strata consume only popular culture. Method and Data: Latent class analysis; Arts in England survey.

(Sørensen 1977). The Structure of Inequality and the Process of Attainment.

Main Points: 1) This paper suggests a particular solution to the problem of specifying a theory of the attainment process that conceives of structurally-induced mobility as the source of change in individual attainment. 2)Specifically speaking, this theoretical solution includes (a)specifying a model for the structure of inequality, i.e., the distribution of possible attainment; (b)specifying how vacancies occur and move in this structure; (c)modeling how change in attainments are brought about by the movement of people along the structurally-induced vacancy chains.

(Sewell, Haller & Portes, 1969). The educational and early occupational attainment process

Main Points: 1)This paper presents a path model emphasizing social psychological as well as social structural antecedents of educational and occupational attainment. 2) A causal sequence is proposed which commences with the parents' stratification position and the individual's mental ability, then moves to performance in school, then to the influence of significant others, then to levels of educational and occupational aspiration, and, finally, to educational and occupational attainments. Method and Data: Path model; a large sample of Wisconsin farm-reared males

Breen, Richard (2005) "Foundations of Neo-Weberian Class Analysis"

Class analysis must explain why differences in class lead to different outcomes/life chances, and why the chosen categories of classes the author has created explain variations in outcomes. Neo-Weberian analysis is often associated with John Goldthorpe's work (Goldthorpe, 1980; Erikson, Goldthorpe & Portocarero, 1979; Ericson & Goldthorpe, 1992) in that he explains the class differences in life outcomes by comparing different relationships between the employer and employee based on the level of specific skills the employee needs to do the job (asset-specificity) and the employer's ability to monitor their work. The author notes that the scheme is a bit confusing when it comes to classifying the haute bourgeoisie (large employers). Criticisms of the neo-Weberian class scheme have argued that there are too few classes to describe all variations in life chances. Latent class analysis of British data (Evans & Mills, 1998; 2000) seems to separate occupations into 4 classes to employer-employee relations, however. Breen argues that jobs needing specific skills and difficult to monitor create a service relationship (EG classes I & II), jobs needing low-levels of skill but difficult to monitor (EG IIIa) and those needing highly specific skills but easy to monitor (EG V) create "mixed" relationships of different kinds, and easy to monitor jobs requiring low skill (EG VI, VIIa, VIIb, IIIb) generally include a labor contract.

(Liu & Grusky GR). The Third Industrial Revolution.

Main Points: 1) This study examines changing returns to cognitive, creative, technical, and social skill. 2) The well-known increase in between-occupational inequality is fully explained when skills are taken into account, while returns to schooling are quite stable once correlated changes in workplace skills are parsed out. 3) The most important trend is a precipitous increase in the wage payoff to synthesis, critical thinking, and related "analytic skills." The payoff to technical and creative skills, often touted in discussions of the third industrial revolution, is shown to be less substantial. Method and Data: 1979-2010 CPS, occupation-level regression

(Marx copyright 1978) "Classes in Capitalism and pre-Capitalism"

Different classes have always struggled against each other in various regimes. Industrial society is slowly being divided into the bourgeoisie and the proletariat as markets expand through imperialism, and "Free Trade" and profit-based self-interest displace patriarchal/prestige-based class system of feudal society. The class system is largely based on who owns the means of production, and the continuation of capitalism depends on exploitation of workers. The middle class is increasingly absorbed into the proletariat as small business owners fail to keep up with larger competition. Increasing concentration of workers in urban centers, and the need for increasing exploitation to create new profits creates a new political consciousness among the proletariat, but revolution is prevented by conflicts between workers. Still, the bourgeoisie gain their power from oppression, and workers generally share interest in keeping up wages.

(Brand & Xie 2010). Who benefits most from college? Evidence for negative selection in heterogeneous economic returns to higher education.

Findings support the "negative selection hypothesis" that those least likely to obtain a college education (low-ability, low family income, low-parental education, etc) benefit the most from it. The benefits are measured in earnings, and the pattern emerges because low-propensity non-college goers earn so little. Low-propensity respondents who complete college are more likely to place a high value on a college education compared to low-propensity peers who do not finish college. Methods & data: NLSY79 and Wisconsin Longitudinal Study data; HLM model, propensity scores

(Thomas, Wang, & Fan 2001). Measuring education inequality: Gini coefficients of education.

Main Points: 1) This study calculated an education Gini index and generate a quinquennial data set on education Gini indexes for the over-15 population in 85 countries (1960-90). 2)Inequality in education in most of the countries declined over the three decades, with a few exceptions. 3) Inequality in education as measured by the education Gini index is negatively associated with average years of schooling, implying that countries with higher educational attainment are more likely to achieve equality in education than those with lower attainment. 4) Gender gaps are clearly related to education inequality, and over time, the association between gender gaps and inequality becomes stronger. 5) Increases in per capita GDP (adjusted for purchasing power parity) seem to be negatively associated with education inequality and positively related to the labor force's average years of schooling, after controlling for initial income level.

(Gerber & Cheung 2008). Horizontal stratification in postsecondary education: forms, explanations, and implications.

Horizontal stratification refers to the "qualitative" differences that appear at the same level of education. Characteristics such as race, gender, and SES can affect the type/quality of education a student receives on any level (in this case, postsecondary). Different types of education at the same level, in turn, affect labor market outcomes through differentiated human capital, social capital, and signal effects provided by the college. Selectivity also plays a role--in fact, recent research casts doubt on greater effects of attending an elite vs a non-elite college as selection into elite colleges attenuates most if not the entire effect. In some cases, GPA, major, and institutional contexts like geography and peer effects (all-women's colleges, HBCs, etc) attenuate the relationship between a college degree and earnings. methods: lit review.

(Tam GR). Why Do Female Occupations Pay Less?

Main Points: 1) This study examines two hypotheses of the wage effects of occupational sex composition in the US: the devaluation and the specialized human capital hypothesis. 2) Differences in the length of specialized training across occupations and industries, together with a few demographic and human capital attributes, are able to completely explain all of the sex composition effects among women and men, whites and blacks. 3) The central results are consistent with the specialized human capital hypothesis, not the devaluation hypothesis. Method and Data: 1988 CPS, OLS

(Petersen, Saporta and Seidel. 2000) Offering a Job: Meritocracy and Social Networks

Main Points: 1) This study focuses on the impact of sex, race, and social networks, to analyze the hiring process in a midsized high-tech organization, during 1985-94. 2)Age and education account for all sex differences. 3)The process for ethnic minorities is partly meritocratic but partly reliant upon social networks. Ethnic minorities are disadvantaged in the process that take place before the organization is contacted. Method and Data: data on all applicants to a U.S. high-tech company; multinomial logit, linear regression, binary logit,hazard rate models.

(Collins 2015) "Intersectionality's Definitional Dilemmas"

Intersectionality is "the critical insight that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, ability, and age operate not as unitary, mutually exclusive entities, but, rather as reciprocally constructing phenomena." Intersectionality also participates in the power relations it claims to represent, so must pay attention to how its knowledge is constructed, and what questions and perspectives are included. Intersectional projects typically focus on 3 related concerns: 1) examining the content and themes that characterize intersectionality as a field, including existing power relations within it, and the types of themes looked at. 2) Using intersectional frameworks to produce new knowledge about the social world (empirical studies), and 3) Using practice as a foundation for intersectional analysis, especially with a view toward social justice. The author traces intersectional research to Black feminism and the "Black Feminist Manifesto" produced by the Combahee River Collective in 1982, where its authors argued that race-only and gender-only frameworks resulted in incomplete analyses, and "race, gender, social class, and sexuality all shaped Black women's experiences" in interlocking ways. However, the idea of intersectionality is often misattributed to Kimberle Crenshaw's 1992 article. Moreover, the term is often misused for research that includes many types of personal characteristics, but ignores how they interlock with each other. Major areas of intersectional research are 1) rethinking core social institutions like work and family, 2)expanding the focus on race, class, and gender to include sexuality, nativity, ethnicity, age, ability, etc 3)looking at violence and similar social problems 4)studying identity 5) critiquing the way intersectionality is conceptualized, and studied (epistemiology and methodology). Collins argues that intersectionality has various themes, such as looking at characteristics in relational to each other rather than in isolation, and studying how individuals and groups are placed within intersecting systems of power. She also notes that some aspects of intersectionality are more popular than others, making it difficult to group intersectionality research into the same category. However, intersectional research is still very important, as it has the potential to inform important public policies.

(Atalay et al. 2017) The Evolving U.S. Occupational Structure

Main Points: 1) A large fraction of changes in task content are due to changes within occupations, rather than changes in employment shares across occupations. 2) Within-occupation changes in task content account for much of the observed increase in earnings inequality (composition effect). Method and Data: Decomposition, equilibrium model. A publicly available occupation-year dataset constructed by authors

(Robinson and Kelley. 1979) Class as Conceived by Marx and Dahrendorf: Effects on Income Inequality and Politics in the United States and Great Britain

Main Points: 1) Both Marx's and Dahrendorf's class models have important implications for men's income, increasing by almost half the variance explained by the conventional Blau-Duncan model. 2) The income of American women is little influenced by class and this explains a substantial part of gender income gap. Method and Data: OLS regression; 1973, 1974, and 1976 GSS, a national survey of population of England, Scotland, and Wales

(Nee 1989) A theory of market transition: From redistribution to markets in state socialism

Main Points: 1) In reforming socialist economies, the transition from redistributive to market coordination shifts sources of power and privilege to favor direct producers relative to redistributors. 2) Market power thesis, market incentive thesis, and market opportunity thesis constitute a theory of market transition in state socialist societies. [see more details in the article] Method and Data: Regression; Fujian Rural Survey Project

(Weeden et al. 2007) Social Class and Earnings Inequality

Main Points: 1) The absolute amount of inequality is increasing between big classes, between the occupations constituting big classes, and within occupations. 2) The share of total inequality occurring within occupations has declined, whereas the share of total inequality occurring between classes and between the occupations constituting big classes has tended to increase, mostly clearly for men. Method and Data: Decomposition; May supplement of CPS 1973-1978, "outgoing rotation group" supplements of monthly CPS 1979-2005.

(England GR) Devaluation and the Pay of Comparable Male and Female Occupations

Main Points: 1) comparable worth: jobs that are equally demanding and onerous and of equal value to society should be paid equally. 2) the devaluation perspective: employers assign lower wages to some jobs because they are filled largely with women. [also called as "valuative discrimination (Petersen and Saporta 2004)]. 3)Comparable worth is distinct because it refers to comparisons between the pay in different jobs that entail at least some distinct tasks; the wage discrimination in a comparable worth scenario is also distinct from discrimination in hiring, initial job placement, and promotion ["allocative discriminatioin"] 4)evidence that the sex composition of an occupation or job affects its wage level supports the devaluation theory.

(Webber, and Canché. 2015). "Not Equal for All: Gender and Race Differences in Salary for Doctoral Degree Recipients

Main Points: 1) despite a recent increase in women and racial/ethnic minorities in U.S. post-secondary education, doctoral recipients from these groups report lower salaries than male and majority peers. 2)This study examines the effects of discipline, sector of employment, personal traits and the interactions of gender and race on annual salary over the decade after degree completion. 3) Greater gaps in salary for women compared to men across all race/ethnic groups. The greatest rate of return was found for Asian respondents regardless of gender, and minority males had better returns than White male peers conditional on marriage. Method and Data: multilevel growth model; Survey of Doctorate Recipients

(Shanahan et al. 2014). Personality and the reproduction of social class

Main Points: 1) personality characteristics have notable associations with educational attainment, hourly wages, and self-direction at work; 2) personality often has stronger associations with status attainments at lower levels of parent education; and 3) personality is weak mediator of associations between parent education and attained status. That is, the children of less educated parents may benefit more from valued personality characteristics, but they are slightly less likely to possess such characteristics. Method and Data: Mini-IPIP, the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health; Seemingly Unrelated Regression

(Dwyer 2013) The Care Economy? Gender, Economic Restructuring, and Job Polarization in the U.S. Labor Market

Main Points: 1) theories of the rise of care work in the US economy explain key dynamics of job polarization better than other theories. 2) Care work jobs contributed significantly and increasingly to job polarization from 1983 to 2007, growing at the top and bottom of the job structure but not at all in the middle. Method and Data: followed Wright and Dwyer (2003) analytical strategy, and regression analyses. CPS annual out-going rotation group (ORG) data files

(Mitnik, Cumberworth, and Grusky. 2016) Social Mobility in a High Inequality Regime

Main Points: 1)An increase in class reproduction among young and middle-age adults that is driven by the growing advantage of the professional-managerial class relative to all other classes. 2) This is consistent with "top-income hypothesis" that rising income inequality registers its effects on social mobility almost exclusively in the divide between the professional-managerial class and all other classes. Method and Data: log-linear model; GSS1972-2010

(Xie, Killewald, and Near 2016) Between- and within- occupation inequality: The case of high-status professions

Main Points: 1)Education premiums have increased. 2)between-occupation and within-occupation inequality increased at about the same rates for college graduates, so that the portion of inequality attributable to occupational differences remained constant. 3)trends in within-occupation inequality vary by occupation and education, making any sweeping summary of the roles of education and occupation in the overall increase in income inequality difficult. Method and Data: OLS and decomposition method. 1960-2000 U.S. Censuses and 2006-2008 three-year ACS

(Rosenbaum and Binder. 1997) Do Employers Really Need More Educated Youth

Main Points: 1)Employers often describe a clear need for specific academic skills, specific conditions that require such skills, and costly actions they take to obtain these skills. 2) In attempting to achieve productive goals, employers respond to shortcomings in skills by taking previously unnoted actions that increase labor market stratification. 3)Employers increase supervisors' responsibility for explaining tasks at considerable cost to themselves, adjust jobs to match workers' skills, offer special accommodations to retain workers with valued skills, and use "on-the-job-screening" and recruiting linkages to select workers. Method and Data: qualitative interviews

(Burt GR) Structural Holes

Main Points: 1)Network structure of social capital: The structural hole argument defines social capital in terms of the information and control advantages of being the broker in relations between people otherwise disconnected in social structure. 2)Information benefits: access, timing, and referrals. People on either side of the hole circulate in different flows of information. 3)Control benefits: The manager who creates a bridge between otherwise disconnected contacts has a say in whose interests are served by the bridge.

(Hout 1988) More Universalism, Less Structural Mobility: The American Occupational Structure in the 1980s

Main Points: 1)The association between men's and women's socioeconomic origins and destinations decreased by one-third between 1972-1985. 2)College education cancels the effect of background status. 3) Overall mobility remains unchanged because a decline in structural mobility offsets the increased openness of the class structure. Method and Data: log-linear model; GSS

(Kim and Sakamoto 2008) The Rise of Intra-Occupational Wage Inequality in the United States, 1983 to 2002

Main Points: 1)The direct association between occupations and wage inequality declined over 1983-2002, as within-occupational inequality grew faster than between-occupational inequality. 2) A more comprehensive approach that incorporates the effects of organizational variables and market processes on rising wage inequality in the New Economy is warranted. Method and Data: multilevel growth models, Current Population Survey 1983-2002

(Autor, Katz, & Kearney 2008) Trends in US wage inequality: Revising the revisionists

Main Points: 1)The slowing growth of overall wage inequality in the 1990s hides a divergence in the paths of upper-tail (90/50) inequality, which has increased steadily since 1980, and lower-tail (50/10) inequality, which rose sharply in the first half of the 1980s. 2)Models emphasizing rapid secular growth in the relative demand for skills-attributable to skill-based technical change--and a sharp deceleration in the relative supply of college workers in the 1980s do an excellent job of capturing the evoluaiton of the college/high school wage premium over four decades. Method and Data: Theoretical models and regression; CPS1963-2005

(Shwed and Kalev. 2014) Are Referrals More Productive or More Likeable? Social Networks and the Evaluation of Merit

Main Points: 1)This study offers a new approach to evaluate the underlying mechanism behind the phenomenon that referrals provide firms with better workers: a better match between workers and firms, or an advantage conferred by social relations? 2) Network relations can also create evaluative bias: the preexistence of ties between an incoming employee and insiders in the firm creates an evaluative advantage, which is unrelated to workers' concrete performance. Method and Data: unique data on the actual productivity of sales employees and their evaluations in a large global firm; (OLS) regression

(Stevenson 2013) The male-female gap in post-baccalaureate school quality

Main Points: 1)Women are less likely than men to earn degrees from high quality post-baccalaureate programs, and this tendency has been growing over time. 2)Aside from the biomedical sciences, this cannot be explained by changes in the type of program where women tend to earn degrees. 3)Sorting by quality within degree program is the main contributor to the growing gap. Most of this sorting is due to the initial choice in which program type to apply to. Method and Data: institutional data-IPEDS, program-level PB quality data, and potential PB students from the 1993 B&B survey

(DiMaggio 1979) Review Essay: On Pierre Bourdieu

Main Points: According to Bourdieu... because of differences in habitus and cultural capital, school is easy for high-class kids, alien and not intrinsically valued for low-class kids, and a difficult but valued arena for middle-class kids; low-class kids drop out of school because they unconsciously calculate objectively low probabilities of scholastic success; the "ideology of the gift" and the scholastic success of a few low-class kids legitimates the system of reproduction. Methods: N/A

(Kalleberg and Griffin 1980) Class, Occupation, and Inequality in Job Rewards

Main Points: Class and occupation are found to have independent effects on both types of job rewards, and the commonly used measures of occupational position (Duncan's SEI, complexity/skill requirements of the occupation) do not adequately explain inequalities in job rewards associated with occupation. Method and Data: (OLS) Regression; 1972-73 Quality of Employment Survey, and Explorations in Equality of Opportunity[EEO]

(Wang et al. 1999). Status attainment in America: The roles of locus of control and self-esteem in educational and occupational outcomes

Main Points: Net of traditionally employed regressors such as parental education and occupation, self-esteem and locus of control materially affect respondents' educational and occupational attainment. Method and Data: NLS-72, OLS

(Zajonc and Markus. 1975). "Birth Order and Intellectual Development.

Main Points: The confluence model predicts positive as well as negative effects of birth order, a necessarily negative effect of family size, and a handicap for the last born and the only child. 2) Two primary determinants of intellectual growth, both imbedded in the individual's intellectual development: spacing between children and family size. Large spacing is beneficial to the younger and detrimental to the older sibling, small spacing is less detrimental to the older but more harmful to the younger. Family size is damaging to all. Data: individuals born during the Dutch famine of 1944

(Nakao and Treas 1994) Updating Occupational Prestige and Socioeconomic Scores: How the New Measures Measure up

Main Points: This paper constructed new measures for prestige and socioeconomic status using the 1989 GSS module on occupational prestige. The new scale developed by authors diverge from earlier scales in small, but systematic ways. Method and Data: the research design includes many steps such as matching occupation categories and calculating prestige scores.[see details in the article]

(Sørensen 1983). Sociological research on the labor market: Conceptual and methodological issues

Main Points: This paper evaluates how well sociological labor market research identifies the various mechanisms that may account for observed structural effects on earnings. Three such mechanisms have been examined: the standard economic theory of labor supply and demand; the administrative arrangement of pricing and allocation of labor described by internal labor market theory, and Marxist theory.

(Spence, Michael 1973). Job Market Signaling.

Main Points: This paper looked at the characteristics of a basic equilibrium signaling model and at one possible type of interaction of signals and indices. In this conceptual model, the signaling power of education, job experience, race, sex, and a host of other observable, personal characteristics can be determined.

(Grusky & MacLean. 2016) The social fallout of a high-inequality regime

Main Points: Under a marketization perspective, the class structure becomes increasingly well formed because (1) the growing interclass gaps in wealth and income amplify differences in consumption and lifestyles and (2) the related forces of commodification increase the ways in which the privileged classes can display and realize their privilege. Method and Data: This is an introductory article to other articles in the same issue

(Kroeger & Thompson 2016) "Educational Mobility Across Three Generations of American Women"

Main points: (1) Grandmother education has a substantial effect on granddaughter education net of mother's education, so the authors reject the hypothesis of autoregressive transmission. (2) This relationship is partially explained by the effect of grandmother education on father education. (3) The authors do not find evidence that co-residence plays a part in this relationship, but concede that they do not have good data to assess its role very well. Methods and Data: OLS regression; data come from NLSY97.

(Akee et al. 2017) "Race Matters: Income Shares, Income Inequality, and Income Mobility for All U.S. Races"

Main points: (1) Not only did disproportionately large amounts of income accrue to the top end of the income distribution between 2000 and 2014, but it accrued disproportionately to Asians and (especially) whites. Post-recession, top-income whites diverged from middle-income whites, enjoying an enormous income increase in absolute terms. (2) Income mobility decreased for all racial groups after the Great Recession, and even when blacks/Hispanics/American Indians moved up relative to their racial group, they usually stayed near the bottom overall. Methods and Data: Descriptive statistics across time (2000-2014). Data come from the Census and the IRS.

(Weeden & Grusky 2012) The Three Worlds of Inequality

Main points: 1) Microclass inequality constitutes a growing share of class-based inequalities, since the amount of big-class organization has declined since the 1970s while the amount of microclass organization has remained stable. 2) Accordingly, using big classes is especially problematic when measuring trends, since social background effects will appear to be declining even if they are not. 3) Microclass inequality is not and never was particularly gradational. Method and Data: Log-linear and log-multiplicative models; CPS and GSS.

(Jencks et al. 1988) What Is a Good Job? A New Measure of Labor Market Success

Main points: 1) Nonmonetary job characteristics affect how people rate job desirability -- While earnings are the most important single determinant of a job's desirability, the 13 nonmonetary job characteristics together are twice as important as earnings. 2) Taking account of nonmonetary job characteristics more than doubles the estimated level of labor-market inequality. 3) White skin, male gender, favorable social origins, high educational attainment, and extensive labor-market experience are also worth two to five times more when one considers both nonmonetary and monetary payoffs. Method and Data: Regression; Survey of Job Characteristics.

(Treiman 1976) A Standard Occupational Prestige Scale for Use with Historical Data

Main points: 1) Occupational hierarchies are substantially invariant from place to place. 2) Cross-country comparison is facilitated by three features of occupational prestige hierarchies: i) the hierarchy is the same whether people are asked about "prestige," "social standing," or "respect"; ii) different subgroups rate occupations the same; and iii) the same sorts of occupations exist everywhere. Method and Data: Correlational analysis; International Standard Classification of Occupations.

(Hauser & Warren 1997) Socioeconomic Indexes for Occupations: A Review, Update, and Critique

Main points: 1) The authors use 1994 data to construct a revised SEI, and find that i) the contribution of occupational wage to occupational SEI is now very weak, net of occupational education, and therefore researchers may do better if they index occupations by occupational education alone; and ii) across gender, occupational wage and occupational education have different relationships to SEI. 2) Based on the above findings, the authors conclude that previous intergenerational correlations were probably slightly underestimated due to measurement error. 3) The authors review the benefits of occupational data, including the lack of "refusal, recall, reliability, and stability" problems that occur when measuring income or wealth. Methods and Data: SEM; GSS.

(Hodson & Kaufman 1982) "Economic Dualism: A Critical Review"

Main points: 1) The dual approach has made several contributions, including rejecting the neoclassical assumption of a single competitive labor market, the idea that economic/organizational/labor market structures condition labor market outcomes, and the insight that these structures mediate inequalities in outcomes across social groups. 2) Nevertheless, the dual approach has not been as useful as it could be because it has lacked theoretical specificity and because the assumption of a 1:1 correspondence between economic sectors and labor markets is too restrictive. 3) The authors propose a refined dual model that does not assume a 1:1 correspondence, allows characteristics of labor markets and economic sectors to vary non-deterministically, and honors the agency of both employers AND workers. Methods: Pure theory.

(Warren, Sheridan, & Hauser 1998) Choosing A Measure of Occupational Standing: How Useful Are Composite Measures in Analyses of Gender Inequality in Occupational Attainment?

Main points: 1) The extent of intergenerational occupational persistence is sensitive the measure of occupational standing used, with occupational education showing the greatest occupational persistence. 2) Women tend to be advantaged with respect to occupational education, disadvantaged with respect to occupational wage, and neither advantaged nor disadvantaged with respect to composite measures. 3) Composite measures obfuscate such heterogeneity and therefore are not helpful when studying gender. Method and Data: Regression; GSS, Survey of Income and Program Participation.

(Weeden & Grusky 2005) The Case for a New Class Map

Main points: A substantial amount of inequality exists between occupations but within big classes, and conventional approaches based on either big classes or gradational approaches understate the total effects of the site of production. Method and Data: Variance decomposition.

(Blau & Duncan 1967) "The American Occupational Structure"

Main points: An individual's occupational attainment is a function of father's occupation and father's education, largely mediated by the individual's first occupation and by his own educational attainment; EDUCATION is an important determinant of social mobility; there are cumulative disadvantages for African Americans and a vicious cycle, which begins with the fact that education does not produce the same career advantages for them. Methods: Path analysis; data come from Current Population Survey.

(Featherman, Jones, & Hauser 1975) "Assumptions of Social Mobility Research in the U.S.: The Case of Occupational Status'"

Main points: Based on an analysis of the U.S. and Australia over time, the authors develop the FJH hypothesis, namely, that RELATIVE mobility is essentially the same across societies and across time. This is a refinement of the Lipset-Zetterberg (AKA Lipset-Bendix) hypothesis of constant ABSOLUTE mobility across time and place. Methods and Data: Log-linear models. Data come from OCG and a similar data set from Australia.

(Tyson, Darity, & Castellino 2005) "It's Not "A Black Thing": Understanding the Burden of Acting White and Other Dilemmas of High Achievement"

Main points: Based on qualitative data from an eclectic set of North Carolina schools, the "burden of acting white" theory does not hold water; while many students of all races in all schools are stigmatized as nerds, this stigma is only vaguely racialized in one school, and this is the school with the most deeply racialized form of tracking; in general, though, black students are achievement oriented; even when black or white students felt a stigma of being nerdy, this did not appear to deter them from achieving highly. Methods: Qualitative (interviews with students, teachers, counselors, and principals)

(Mouw & Kalleberg 2010) Occupations and the Structure of Wage Inequality in the United States, 1980s to 2000s.

Main points: Between-occupation changes explain 66% of the increase in wage inequality from 1992 to 2008. Method and Data: Variance decomposition with occupation-fixed effects models; CPS.

(Duke & Macmillan 2016) Schooling, Skills, and Self-rated Health: A Test of Conventional Wisdom on the Relationship between Educational Attainment and Health

Main points: Cognitive and noncognitive skills are confounders in the association between educational attainment and health; in particular, (1) effects of educational attainment are vulnerable to issues of omitted variable bias, (2) measured indicators of cognitive and noncognitive skills account for a significant proportion of the traditionally observed effect of educational attainment, (3) such skills have effects larger than that of even the highest levels of educational attainment under sufficient controls, and (4) models that most stringently control for such time-stable abilities show little evidence of s substantive association between educational attainment and health. Methods: regression; data come from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1997.

(Featherman & Hauser 1976) Prestige or Socioeconomic Scales in the Study of Occupational Achievement?

Main points: Compared to occupational prestige scores, occupational socioeconomic scores are more valid indicators of the dimensions of occupations pertinent to occupational mobility. Evidence comes from status attainment models, where R^2 values are higher using Duncan's SEI than using NORC or Treiman prestige scores. The authors conclude that prestige scores are "error-prone" estimates of the socioeconomic attributes of occupations, rather than the other way around. Methods and Data: Path analysis.

(Massey et al. 2009) "The Changing Bases of Segregation in the United States"

Main points: During the first two-thirds of the 20th century, segregation was along black-white lines, first driven by both between-state and between-neighborhood segregation but increasingly observed only at the neighborhood level. During the last third of the century, though, anti-discrimination policies led to reduced black-white neighborhood segregation and rising class segregation. Methods and Data: Dissimilarity index over time. Data come from the Census.

(Nielsen 2006) "Achievement and Ascription in Educational Attainment: Genetic and Environmental Influences on Adolescent Schooling"

Main points: For college plans, high school GPA, and verbal IQ score, there are large genetic components, relatively small shared environmental components, and large unshared environmental components. The model used addresses issues with Blau & Duncan's status attainment model, namely: ambiguity of model parameters as measures of opportunity for achievement vs. ascription, vulnerability to incomplete specification of family background, and confounding of environmental and genetic influences. Methods and Data: SEM. Data come from AddHealth.

(Lucas 2001) Effectively Maintained Inequality: Education Transitions, Track Mobility, and Social Background Effects

Main points: He articulates the theory of Effectively Maintained Inequality, which states the following... "socioeconomically advantaged actors secure for themselves and their children some degree of advantage wherever advantages are commonly possible. On the one hand, if quantitative differences are common, the socioeconomically advantaged will obtain quantitative advantage; on the other hand, if qualitative differences are common the socioeconomically advantaged will obtain qualitative advantage."; the educational attainment and curricular track placement patterns of students in the 1980s corroborate this theory. Methods: Ordered probit regression.

(Oesch & von Ow 2017) "Social Networks and Job Access for the Unemployed:Work Ties for the Upper-Middle Class, Communal Ties for the Working Class"

Main points: In Switzerland, work-related ties are disproportionately used by middle-aged jobseekers with high prior earnings. In contrast, communal contacts chiefly help jobseekers with poor employability, notably the low-skilled working class. Communal contacts thus compensate for the difficulty of finding a job through other channels. However, the different search methods do not affect how wages evolve from pre- to post-unemployment jobs. Methods and Data: Regression. Data come from a small survey in Switzerland.

(Wodtke 2016) Social Class and Income Inequality in the United States: Ownership, Authority, and Personal Income Distribution from 1980 to 2010

Main points: Income inequality between social classes has been an important force driving the rise in income inequality between 1980 and 2010 (with social class groups: proprietors, independent producers, managers, and workers). Method and Data: Formal decomposition analysis; GSS.

(Schwartz 2010) "Earnings Inequality and the Changing Association between Spouses' Earnings"

Main points: Increases in earnings inequality would have been about 25%-30% lower than observed if assortative mating by earnings had not increased from the 1960s to the 2000s. Methods and Data: Log-linear models. Data come from CPS.

(Hällsten 2014) "Inequality across three and four generations in Egalitarian Sweden: 1st and 2nd cousin correlations in socio-economic outcomes"

Main points: Inequality is persistent across three and even four generations in Sweden--the achieved GPAs, cognitive abilities, years of education, and occupational prestiges of 1st cousins (and 2nd cousins) are correlated net of parental characteristics. Methods and Data: Variance decomposition analyzing 1st and 2nd cousins. Data come from the Swedish multigenerational register.

(McDonald 2015) "Network effects across the earnings distribution: Payoffs to visible and invisible job finding assistance"

Main points: Social networks matter for wages. In particular, (1) Previous null findings were the result of a coding error and sample selection issues, (2) Social networks matter more when one considers both active informal job searching AND the benefits derived from unsolicited network assistance, and (3) The wage premium of network-based finding over formal job searching is strongest for middle- and high-wage jobs, contrary to previous claims. Methods and Data: Fixed effects quantile regression. Data come from NLSY79.

(Feliciano & Lanuza 2017) "An immigrant Paradox? Contextual Attainment and Intergenerational Educational Mobility"

Main points: The "immigrant paradox" is overstated because parental contextual attainment captures hidden dimensions of class background that matter for the intergenerational transmission of advantage; parental aspirations and expectations are mediating links between class origins and destinations, and immigrant parents with high premigration status convey high expectations to their children. Methods: Regression; data come from National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and Barro-Lee Educational Attainment.

(Nock & Rossi 1978) Ascription vs. Achievement in the Attribution of Family Status

Main points: The achieved characteristics of a family (educational/occupational attainment) affects how respondents rate the status of the family more strongly than ascribed characteristics (ethnicity, parental educational/occupational attainment). Method and Data: Vignette experiment.

(Hout 1984) "Status, Autonomy, and Training in Occupational Mobility"

Main points: The author proposes the SAT (Status, Autonomy, Training) model of intergenerational occupational mobility. Intergenerational transmission of autonomy and training can explain a large part of occupational immobility that occupational status alone cannot explain. The author invokes Kohn to theorize how fathers in autonomous occupations that require specialized training prime their sons for such occupations. Methods and Data: Log-linear models. Data come from OCG.

(Farkas 2003) Cognitive Skills and Noncognitive Traits and Behaviors in Stratification Processes

Main points: The author reviews literature on the relationship between cognitive skills, noncognitive skills, and stratification processes; the author describes an "emerging interdisciplinary paradigm" for the study of socioeconomic attainment; in particular, researchers from a wide variety of disciplines have developed the following view: "Patterns of habitual behavior, particularly [conscientiousness and good work habits], developed from birth through adolescence, in conjunction with the cognitive skills developed alongside these behaviors, determine school success and schooling and occupational attainment [and these] skills and habits then combine with skills and habits developed on the job to determine employment and earnings success." Methods: Literature review.

(Ganzeboom et al. 1992) A Standard International Socio-Economic Index of Occupational Status

Main points: The authors develop an International Socio-Economic Index of occupational status that maximizes the role of occupation as an intervening variable between education and income. Their approach is in line with Duncan's definition of occupation as "the intervening activity linking income to education." The resulting scale is as good as locally developed scales. Method and Data: Optimal scaling; Numerous data sets from 16 countries.

(Kao & Tienda 1995) "Optimism and Achievement: The Educational Performance of Immigrant Youth"

Main points: The authors note a paradox whereby immigrant youth and the children of immigrants (net of SES) perform better than their native-born counterparts, despite cultural differences, unfamiliarity with the educational system, and possible language difficulties; the authors attribute this phenomenon to "immigrant optimism," whereby immigrant parents are optimistic about their children chances of upward mobility and therefore have high expectations/aspirations for their kids, engage with their children's schooling, allow children to focus on homework instead of household chores, etc. Methods: Regression; data come from National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988.

(Sobel et al. 1985) "Exchange, Structure, and Symmetry in Occupational Mobility"

Main points: The authors refine the ideas of exchange and structural mobility by considering them in terms of reciprocity. They define exchange (reciprocated) mobility in terms of equal flow of workers between pairs of occupational categories. They show how exchange mobility depends on both homogeneous marginal effects and symmetric association effects. They define structural (unreciprocated) mobility as movement among occupational categories that is forced by the unequal distributions of origins and destinations in the table but that does not depend on origin category. Methods and Data: Log-linear models.

(Mouw 2003) "Social Capital and Finding a Job: Do Contacts Matter?"

Main points: The importance of social networks for wages has been overstated--much of the effect of social capital in prior literature reflects the tendency for similar people to become friends rather than a causal effect of friends' characteristics on labor market outcomes. Methods and Data: Fixed effects regression. Data come from NLSY79.

(Reardon 2011) The Widening Academic Achievement Gap Between the Rich and the Poor: New Evidence and Possible Explanations (in "Whither Opportunity?")

Main points: The income-based achievement gap has grown since the 1940s; the black-white achievement gap has shrunk since the 1940s, so that now the income-based gap is about twice as large; although rising income inequality may play a role in the growing income achievement gap, it does not appear to be the dominant factor. Methods: Descriptive statistics (across time).

(Goldthorpe & Hope 1972) Occupational Grading and Occupational Prestige

Main points: The meaning of occupational prestige ratings in mobility research is unclear. In particular, respondents tend to rate the prestige of an occupation based on some notion of overall "goodness," rather than prestige per se (social advantage/power that is symbolic and brings deference from others). Thus, one cannot conclude that someone holds more prestige when they experience upward mobility with respect to occupational prestige ratings. Additionally, it is not helpful to view prestige ratings as proxies for the rewards and requirements associated with occupations, because one can always just measure such rewards and requirements instead. Methods and Data: N/A.

(Ready 2010) Socioeconomic Disadvantage, School Attendance, and Early Cognitive Development: The Differential Effects of School Exposure

Main points: The results strongly corroborate the theory that schools close academic gaps between the rich and poor and time out of school widens gaps due to unequally rich learning environments at home; absenteeism hurts academic performance, and hurts it more for low-SES than high-SES students (though the effect heterogeneity only exists for reading, not math); low-SES students with good attendance gain more in school than high-SES students. Methods: HLM within a three-level growth curve framework.

(Warren & Hauser 1997) "Social Stratification across Three Generations: New Evidence from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study"

Main points: The schooling, occupational status, and income of grandparents have few significant effects on the educational attainment or occupational status of their grandchildren when parents' characteristics are controlled. Methods and Data: SEM. Data come from WLS.

(Western & Pettit 2010) "Incarceration and Social Inequality"

Main points: There has always been racial and educational inequality in imprisonment, but this inequality skyrocketed after the prison boom. About 68% of middle-aged African American men without a high school diploma have a prison record. Imprisonment is far less common for white high school dropouts and for more educated black men. Methods and Data: Synthetic cohorts created using data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics

(Grusky & Hauser 1984) "Comparative Social Mobility Revisited: Models of Convergence and Divergence in 16 Countries"

Main points: There is substantial similarity in social fluidity across the 16 countries of study (in harmony with the FJH hypothesis). The variability that does exist can mostly be explained by income inequality, social democracy, educational enrollment, and industrialization (in that order). The authors theorize that high-inequality regimes exacerbate intergenerational transmission because under these regimes advantaged sons receive greater rewards for following in their fathers' footsteps. Methods and Data: Log-linear and log-multiplicative models. Data come from 16 countries.

(Raftery & Hout 1993) Maximally Maintained Inequality: Expansion, Reform, and Opportunity in Irish Education, 1921-75

Main points: They articulate the theory of Maximally Maintained Inequality, which states that the effect of SES on attainment of a given educational transition remains the same across cohorts unless the effect is forced to diminish due to (1) saturation among the upper classes and (2) overall educational expansion; the educational attainment patterns of Irish birth cohorts between 1908 and 1956 corroborate this theory. Methods: Sequential logit model.

(Miech, Pampel, Kim, & Rogers. 2011) "The Enduring Association between Education and Mortality: The Role of Widening and Narrowing Disparities"

Main points: Though some education disparities for some causes of mortality have declined (heart attacks--for all groups except black men, as information about prevention becomes more widespread), they have widened for other causes of mortality (HIV, viral hepatitis, accidental poisoning via drug use, & cancer among causes with the largest disparities), and education remains a fundamental cause of mortality. Most of the changes in educational disparities among causes of mortality were significant (as opposed to education still being a significant predictor due to few changes in educational disparities). Almost all causes of death with increasing mortality also have growing educational disparities (in other words, educational disparities have widened mostly among mortality causes with increasing death rates). The total educational disparity in mortality would be reduced by 25% if not for new and growing educational disparities post-1999. Data sources & Methods: US Vital Statistics & US Census; HLM & mortality trajectories

(Mendenhall, DeLuca, & Duncan 2006) "Neighborhood resources, racial segregation, and economic mobility: Results from the Gautreaux program"

Main points: Through the Gautreaux program, women who went to neighborhoods with few Black residents and moderate to high neighborhood resources experienced significantly more time employed and less time on welfare when compared with women placed in neighborhoods with higher concentrations of Blacks and a low level of resources (with neighborhood safety, jobs, and demographics serving as proxy for resources). Methods and Data: Tobit regression. Gautreaux program.

(DiPrete & Buchmann 2013) The Rise of Women: The Growing Gender Gap in Education and What It Means for American Schools

Main points: Two main factors explain why girls academically perform better than boys: (1) boys are more sensitive to their parents' (particularly their fathers') education level, and (2) boys are more likely to have social and behavioral traits that are disadvantageous for academic success; to explain these empirical phenomena, the authors develop a theory of an oppositional "adolescent masculinity" that is at odds with academic success; in particular, (especially working class) boys face pressure not to like school because it is emasculating, and boys of all classes fail to develop an emotional attachment to school; in contrast to working class boys, though, upper-class boys develop an instrumental attachment to school because they see how their fathers have used their own schooling to achieve occupational success; girls tend to develop an emotional attachment to school anyway. Methods: OLS regression; theory.

(Kilbourne et al. 1994) "Returns to Skills, Compensating Differentials, and Gender Bias: Effects of Occupational Characteristics on the Wages of White Women and Men"

Main points: pay. (1) In accordance with neoclassical predictions, the authors find net positive returns to individuals' education and experience and to occupations' cognitive and physical skills. (2) However, skills contribute little to the sex gap in pay. (3) In accordance with cultural feminist predictions, the authors find negative returns to being in an occupation with a higher percentage of females or requiring more nurturant social skill, and these forms of gendered valuation contribute significantly to the sex gap in pay. (4) In contrast to the neoclassical prediction of compensating differentials, the authors do not find consistently positive effects for onerous physical conditions, nor do these have much effect on the gap. Methods and Data: Fixed effects regression to deal with selection into occupations; data come from NLS and the Dictionary of Occupational Titles.

(Link, Phelan, Miech, & Westin 2008) The Resources That Matter: Fundamental Social Causes of Health Disparities and the Challenge of Intelligence

The authors take on the hypothesis that intelligence is a flexible resource related to SES as a fundamental cause of disease. In other words, could intelligence explain the continual association between SES and health outcomes? The authors find that intelligence (measured as IQ) seems to affect health very little once educational attainment and income are controlled for. On the other hand, including intelligence has very little effect on the coefficients of education and income as they affect health in a reversed model. Thus, although there is not enough data to definitively answer the question, the authors conclude that there is little evidence for intelligence as a fundamental cause of mortality. Methods: Wisconsin Longitudinal Study & Health and Retirement Survey; logistic regression with longitudinal data with outcomes of the existence of life-threatening health conditions and self-rated measures of health (binary variable off poor/fair vs good/very good)

(Weeden 2002) "Why Do Some Occupations Pay More than Others?"

Social and legal barriers (social closure) artificially raise the rewards for certain occupations by restricting labor supply, and shaping the US occupational structure. The author tests effects of licensing, educational credentialing, voluntary certification, association representation, and unionization. Returns vary, but aren't tied tightly to the knowledge/skills necessary to do the job (association between cognitive skills and job earnings is halved when including measures of social closure). Neither unionization nor association are tied have significant association with occupational rewards--possibly because unionization has effects on the geographic or industry (vs occupational) level, and association isn't enough to channel demand or communicate quality of service to consumers. Licensing has a predictably strong presence in the professions but is also substantial in managerial and sales occupations (where approximately 60% and 44% of workers are licensed, respectively) and hardly trivial in the remaining major occupation groups(row 1, table 6). Credentialing, unsurprisingly, is extensive in the professions, slightly lower in managerial and technical occupations, and decreasingly prevalent as one moves toward unskilled manual occupations. Voluntary certification, by contrast, is most prevalent in technical occupations, followed distantly by the professions. Thus, closure is present in professions of lower prestige, and not just in the upper class as predicted by Weber. Closure works by 3 mechanisms: increasing demand (for their services), channeling demand (to their specific occupation as the only people who specialize in that service), and signaling quality of service to consumers (by convincing them that members of a certain occupation can help fulfill the demand better than people not belonging to that group, which is usually the case of associations, credentialing, & licensure) Methods: HLM

Weber (copyright 1978) Open and Closed Relationships

Social relationships are "open" when its system of order allows participation to anyone who wants to join and is in a position to do so. Relationships are "closed" when participation of certain groups or individuals is impossible, limited, or subject to conditions by subjective meaning or binding rules. Relationships among groups of people who believe new members will improve their satisfaction or otherwise help them are more likely to be open. Systems where monopolies may improve members' living situations are more likely to be closed. Closed relationships may guarantee exclusive access to advantages for members by 1) leaving members to compete for these advantages while denying them to outsiders, 2)rationing, or otherwise regulating advantages in amount and type 3) allowing certain individuals or sub-groups to permanently appropriate these advantages, making them into inalienable "rights". "Rights" might be permanently enjoyed by a group or individual, or people who have them may be able to give them to other people (alienable rights). Relationships may be closed traditionally (family membership), affectually (a romantic couple), by value-rational commitment (a religious sect), or by economic association (plutocracy). Closure might occur through requiring applicants to pass tests, undergo a period of probation, be elected by ballot, possess certain objects or qualifying characteristics, etc. It's also possible to have in-group closure, or open competition between group members. Motives for closure may include maintaining a certain level or quality or prestige, regulating access to consumption (as in self-sustaining villages), or scarcity of opportunities (fishing rights, monopolies, etc).

(Link & Phelan 1995) "Social Conditions As Fundamental Causes of Disease"

The authors present an alternative theoretical approach to studying health risk factors. First, they argue that common individually-based risk factors such as diet, hypertension, and exercise are affected by social factors, such as poverty, stress, social support, race/ethnicity, etc. Thus, it is important "contextualize factors" by studying a) what social forces might put people at risk for these risk factors, and b) under what social conditions are individual/proximal risk factors related to disease. For example, a sex worker with no real alternative job options might be educated about the risks of sexually-transmitted disease, but have no realistic way of avoiding "risky sexual behavior" (as quoted by the authors)--an individual-level risk factor for HIV. On the other hand, we know that eating raw or improperly cooked meat and fish products (an individual action/risk factor) may put us at risk for salmonella poisoning--but only if government inspectors allow contaminated products to enter the market. Thus, political and economic forces that regulate food safety create conditions that may mitigate the relationship between individual behavior and disease. If there's no contaminated meat, a person eating an undercooked stake is not really at risk. Second, the authors propose that social forces are "fundamental causes" of disease, because their effects on health can't be eliminated by addressing specific mechanisms that seem to link them to disease. For example, although epidemiologists expected that improvements in immunizations, sanitation, and access to health care (especially in welfare states) would eliminate the association between poverty and poor health, they were wrong. Instead, poverty became linked to poor health outcomes through new factors such as diet, exercise, and smoking--factors that were not even identified as intervening mechanisms in pre-1960s predictions. This occurs because social conditions/forces control access to resources necessary to avoid disease or mitigate its severity, even as new diseases emerge, our knowledge about diseases and treatments evolves, and new mechanisms emerge or are discovered to increase the risk of poor health. Thus, even in a dynamic system, fundamental causes like social forces (especially SES) continue to affect both multiple risk factors and multiple disease outcomes through differentiated access to money, knowledge, power, prestige, and useful social connections. The authors therefore argue that research that looks at the link between a social factor and a single disease, or claims to "explain" the link between a social factor and a disease by including a proximal link, or policy that attempts to eliminate a specific link between a social factor and a disease (such as increasing vaccinations in the above example) is missing the point. Methods: Theoretical paper based on literature review

(Burkam, Ready, Lee, & LoGerfo 2004) Social-Class Differences in Summer Learning Between Kindergarten and First Grade: Model Specification and Estimation

The authors tested the hypothesis that SES summer gaps are caused by the type of activities that children participate in during vacation. They found that the frequency of summer activities in the dataset (summer school, summer trips--such as to museums, beaches, amusement parks, and national parks, summer literacy activities--such as writing and reading, story hours, and visits to libraries and bookstores, summer math activities, use of a computer, TV viewing, arts activities, sport participation, swimming lessons, and participation in Scouts) had modest explanatory power on the SES differences for summertime achievement gains between 1st grade and kindergarten. In addition, SES stratification is limited to the tails/extremes of the SES distribution in both math and general knowledge (though not literacy). Adding activity variables affects literacy differences the least and general knowledge differences the most (though the changes are still fairly small--the activities tested in this model account for less than 25% of the gap). The authors speculated that the issue might lay in the quality of activities instead of the frequency. As in other studies, they estimated summer effects based on the learning that happened discounting the months between the spring test and the end of the school year, and the fall test and the start of the school year. As in other studies, they found that most learning for all SES categories happen during the school year. One of the study's notable innovations was using a nationally representative sample instead of local samples. Data & Methods: Early Childhood Longitudinal Study--Kindergarten Cohort; OLS; controlling for time between administered tests and start and end of school, and for children repeating kindergarten

(Entwisle & Alexander 1992) Summer Setback: Race, Poverty, School Composition, and Mathematics Achievement in the First Two Years of School

The authors use math test results from the California Achievement Test (CAT) for the grades 1-3 to see why African-American students in Baltimore fell behind their white peers between 1st and 3rd grade (by about 1/2 of a standard deviation) after starting at similar math levels. They compare changes over the summer to test the influence of "home" variables with changes over the winter, when students are influenced by both home and school factors. Family economic status and school segregation have significant effects. Children of both races not eligible for free lunch and with better educated parents gained fewer points than their lower-SES classmates over the winter. However, poor students lost points during the summer, while non-poor students gained them. Black students in segregated schools see the smallest score increase, while white children in segregated schools see the biggest. Point gains for black and white children in more integrated schools were about the same. The gaps created during the summer were larger than the gaps created in the winter. Whether or not the father is present (two-parent vs one-parent family) has no significant effect when controlling for free-lunch eligibility. [YN: we do know from other studies that the presence of a mother may play a bigger role]. Effect sizes varied by season, student/school type, and reduced/free lunch status Data & methods: part of the Beginning School Study where 790 children were drawn via stratified sampling from 20 schools in 1982; ANOVA ("multivariate analysis of variance") with interactions.

(Collins 1979) "The Rise of the Credentialing System" from The Credential Society

The idea of Credentialism comes out of Weber's theory that the social world is made up of man-made systems that divide the elite from the rest. The author explains that educational expansion and mandatory schooling requirements came out of the desire to socialize (mostly Catholic) immigrants into Protestant values and culture. In this way, an educational credential became a way of checking that someone understood and accepted certain values and lifestyles as the "right" way to live before they were hired into an "elite" job. In other words "cultures of specific groups were transformed into abstract credentials." The author explains that this works especially well in the U.S., where contest mobility ensures that job sorting is left for the very end of the education pathway--unlike Europe where children may be divided early into college-bound or technical education. This system, and the constant struggle for cultural domination makes it necessary to create some sort of way to test students for entry into elite jobs (and, thus, increased power in society) that would protect the place (and culture) of the current elite. Schools in the newly mandatory education system were there mostly to teach certain moral values, social skills, and ideas of citizenship. The author blames this concept of education for the failure of vocational education to spread on the same scale. The author also argues that the increase in required education to attain elite jobs is not proportionate with an increase in required skill to do these jobs. Thus, he concludes, the requirement is an effort to keep entry into elite jobs in the hands of the elite, or those who has acquired the convenient attitudes. As education expanded, more and more education became necessary to enter elite jobs. The author also points out that colleges were places for the elite to get to form connections (including marriage) among their own class as much as, or more than learn anything specifically related to their future careers (he describes the value of college education as "vague" and "cultural").

(Wright 2005) "Foundations of a Neo-Marxist Class Analysis"

The main distinction of Marxist class analysis is that it centers on exploitation. The three main arguments are 1)"a radically egalitarian distribution of the material conditions of life" would help humanity flourish 2) it's possible to create these conditions in a highly productive economy 3) capitalism prevents egalitarianism. Class relations depend on who owns and deploys the means of production, but many types of class relations may exist (slavery, feudalism, capitalism,etc). Of course, it's possible for two or more types of class relations to coexist as in the pre-Civil War American South where slavery co-existed with capitalism. Also, property rights may have various dimensions. For example, a capitalism may own a machine, but may be unable to deploy it until it meets certain environmental and safety standards. People might also occupy multiple class locations, for example due to being married to a capitalist yet working a low-status white-collar job themselves. Class analyses may also be macro (focused on how class structures affect structure/organization/large units of analysis) and micro (focused how class affects the individual). Class analysis in general proposes that 1) what you have determines what you get. 2) what you have determines what you have to do to get what you get. Since Marxist class analysis centers on the role of exploitation, it proposes 1)the material welfare of exploiters/the dominant class depends on the material deprivations of the exploited class(es). 2) this interdependence hinges on excluding the exploited from access to certain productive resources, and 3) this exclusion creates material advantages for exploiters by allowing them to appropriate the labor effort of the exploited. Unlike in the Weberian model, the neo-Marxist model sees class relations as operating through the process of production in addition to market exchanges. Marxist class analysis is useful for linking exchange and production, looking at conflict within class relations, studying power structures including the power of the exploited classes, including concepts of coercion and consent in the class model, and doing historical-comparatve analysis.

(Parkin 1979) "Marxism and Class Theory: a Bourgeois Critique"

The manual/non-manual model implied by Marx's class schema is rarely used in empirical analysis, as it fits poorly outside of a factory setting. The post-war rise of the public sector have made the divide more complicated, because mid-level white-collar workers tend to align themselves with the dominant class in the private sector more than the public one. Thus, there seems to be a divide between different types of white-collar workers. One way of dealing with this is by including authority as a dividing factor between classes (makes it easier to explain the class position of managers/supervisors). However, managerial/supervisory divisions in authority exist not only in capitalist, but in socialist societies as well, which doesn't seem to fit Marx's argument that class relations stem from ownership of private property. Other authors have used job characteristics, and relations of occupations to the market to separate, for example, professions (doctor, lawyer, etc) from lower-level white collar workers. However, this approach is closer to bourgeois social theory/Weber than Marx. Weber's concept of social closure can be translated into the language of power if we conceptualize closure as the power to deny access to the means of life and labor. This kind of power exists in both capitalist and socialist societies. This closure can be done through owning means of production, requiring certain credentials to enter an occupation, or even unofficial entry restrictions into certain unskilled jobs (hiring only community members, for example). However, the first 2 create a legal monopoly unlike the last condition. Class reproduction is done by creating a system that's biased toward sponsorship--choosing heirs by ability/quality rather than only heritage. This is because children of bourgeoisie parents don't automatically inherit their class position unlike the children of aristocracy--they could (theoretically) experience downward mobility. The neo-Weberian argument in this class theory is that "relation between classes is neither one of harmony and mutual benefit, not of irresolvable and fatal contradiction", but of "mutual antagonims and permanent tensions" due to constant struggle.

(Marx copyright 1978) "Ideology and Class"

The ruling class in any system props itself up by spreading an ideology that justifies the current class system as the only logical one. Thus, revolutionary classes must negate the previous conditions of society. Revolutionary ideas generally come before the creation of a revolutionary class.

(Greenman & Xie 2008) "Double Jeopardy"

Traditionally, examinations of earnings either compare men and women in the same racial group, or compare the earnings of white men to men of all other races. The intersection of race and gender in this area is sometimes portrayed as having an aspect of "double jeopardy"--women facing an earnings penalty for their gender and a separate earnings penalty by race (King, 1988). However, this assumes that the female and non-white earnings penalties are additive. The authors take an intersectional approach to differences in earnings by race and gender by examining all major racial categories in the US, and including race*gender interactions. They find that the earnings differences between minority women and white men don't fit the "double jeopardy" prediction, as the average earnings for many minority women are higher than predicted by subtracting female and racial penalties. In fact, minority women's earnings are higher than minority men's for all racial groups with highest average earnings for Koreans and lowest average earnings for biracial and Native American respondents. Moreover, the interaction between female and minority status is positive for all races, even controlling for education, potential work experience (calculated as years after the respondent finished their education), ours worked per week above the full0time cutoff, urban residence, self-employment, and region of residence. So, groups that have lower earnings than whites, racial disadvantage on earnings is attenuated more among women than men, and, for groups that have higher earnings than whites, there is a larger advantage among women than men. In addition, having children seems to make little difference once the authors control for marital status, and the earnings of married women are generally larger than expected under the additive model, especially for minority women. So, the earnings penalty on married women generally appears only among white women. Methods: Data is from the PUMS microsample from the 2000 US Census, divided into major racial categories, with the largest groups of Hispanics and Asians in their own category. Biracial respondents are also included in their own category. Earnings are compared to non-biracial, non-Hispanic, white men. The authors calculate the difference between the white earning gap and minority earning gap for each race, and compare them using ratios. Then, they disaggregate the sample by marital status and re-compute.