Chapter 14 Socioemotional Development in Middle Adulthood

Intergenerational Relationships

Family is important to most people. When 21,000 adults aged 40 to 79 in 21 countries were asked, "When you think of who you are, you think mainly of ______," 63 percent said "family," 9 percent said "religion," and 8 percent said "work" (HSBC Insurance, 2007). In this study, in all 21 countries, middle-aged and older adults expressed a strong feeling of responsibility between generations in their family, with the strongest intergenerational ties indicated in Saudi Arabia, India, and Turkey. More than Page 367 80 percent of the middle-aged and older adults reported that adults have a duty to care for their parents (and parents-in-law) in time of need later in life. Middle-aged and older adults around the world show a strong sense of family responsibility. One study of middle-aged and older adults in 21 countries found that the strongest intergenerational ties were in Saudi Arabia. © Reza/National Geographic/Getty Images Adults in midlife play important roles in the lives of the young and the old (Antonucci & others, 2016; Birditt & others, 2016; Fingerman & others, 2014; Luong, Rauers, & Fingerman, 2015). Middle-aged adults share their experience and transmit values to the younger generation. They may be launching children and experiencing the empty nest, adjusting to having grown children return home, or becoming grandparents. They also may be giving or receiving financial assistance, caring for a widowed or sick parent, or adapting to being the oldest generation after both parents have died. Middle-aged adults have been described as the "sandwich," "squeezed," or "overload" generation because of the responsibilities they have for their adolescent and young adult children on the one hand and their aging parents on the other (Etaugh & Bridges, 2010). However, an alternative view is that in the United States, a "sandwich" generation, in which the middle generation cares for both grown children and aging parents simultaneously, occurs less often than a "pivot" generation, in which the middle generation alternates attention between the demands of grown children and aging parents (Antonucci & others, 2016; Luong, Rauers, & Fingerman, 2015). By middle age, more than 40 percent of adult children (most of them daughters) provide care for aging parents or parents-in-law (National Alliance for Caregiving, 2009). However, two studies revealed that middle-aged parents are more likely to provide support to their grown children than to their parents (Fingerman & others, 2011a, 2012). When middle-aged adults have a parent with a disability, their support for that parent increases (Fingerman & others, 2011b). This support might involve locating a nursing home and monitoring its quality, procuring medical services, arranging public service assistance, and handling finances. In some cases, adult children provide direct assistance with daily living, including such activities as eating, bathing, and dressing. Even less severely impaired older adults may need help with shopping, housework, transportation, home maintenance, and bill paying. How Would You...? As a health-care professional, how would you advise a family contemplating the potential challenges of having a middle-aged family member take on primary responsibility for the daily care of a chronically ill parent? Some researchers have found that relationships between aging parents and their children are often characterized by ambivalence (Antonucci & others, 2016; Fingerman & others, 2012; Pitzer, Fingerman, & Lefkowitz, 2014). Perceptions include love, reciprocal help, and shared values on the positive side and isolation, family conflicts and problems, abuse, neglect, and caregiver stress on the negative side. A recent study found that middle-aged adults positively supported family responsibility to emerging adult children but were more ambivalent about providing care for aging parents, viewing it as both a joy and a burden (Igarashi & others, 2013). With each new generation, personality characteristics, attitudes, and values are replicated or changed (Antonucci & others, 2016). As older family members die, their biological, intellectual, emotional, and personal legacies are carried on in the next generation. Their children become the oldest generation and their grandchildren the second generation. As adult children become middle-aged, they often develop more positive perceptions of their parents (Field, 1999). Both similarity and dissimilarity across generations are found. For example, similarity between parents and an adult child is most noticeable in religion and politics, least in gender roles, lifestyle, and work orientation.Page 368 Gender differences also characterize intergenerational relationships (Antonucci & others, 2016; Luong, Rauers, & Fingerman, 2015). Women play an especially important role in maintaining family relationships across generations. Women's relationships across generations are typically closer than other family bonds (Merrill, 2009). In one study, mothers and their adult daughters had much closer relationships than mothers and sons, fathers and daughters, and fathers and sons (Rossi, 1989). Also in this study, married men were more involved with their wives' kin than with their own. And maternal grandmothers and maternal aunts were cited twice as often as their counterparts on the paternal side of the family as the most important or loved relative. Another study revealed that mothers' intergenerational ties were more influential for grandparent-grandchild relationships than fathers' were (Monserud, 2008).

Stress and Personal Control in Midlife

Margie Lachman and her colleagues (2015) recently described how personal control changes when individuals move into middle age. In their view, middle age is a time when a person's sense of control is frequently challenged by many demands and responsibilities, as well as physical and cognitive aging. By contrast, young people are more likely to have a sense of invulnerability, an unrealistic view of their personal control, and a lack of awareness regarding the aging process. Many young people focus primarily on self-pursuits and don't need to worry much about taking responsibility for others. But in middle age, less attention is given to self-pursuits and more to responsibility for others, including family members who are younger and older than they are. According to Lachman and her colleagues (2015), how middle adulthood plays out is largely in one's own hands, which can be stressful as individuals are faced with taking on and juggling responsibilities in different areas of their lives. How Would You...? As a health-care professional, how would you convince a company that it should sponsor a stress-reduction program for its middle-aged employees? One study in which participants kept daily diaries over a one-week period found that both young and middle-aged adults had more stressful days than older adults (Almeida & Horn, 2004). In this study, although young adults experienced daily stressors more frequently than middle-aged adults did, middle-aged adults Page 359 experienced more "overload" stressors that involved juggling too many activities at once. In a recent study, healthy older adult women 63 to 93 years of age reported their daily experiences over the course of one week (Charles & others, 2010). In this study, the older the women were, the fewer stressors and less frequent negative emotions they reported. Also, in recent research, greater emotional reactivity to daily stressors was linked to increased risk of reporting a chronic physical health condition and anxiety/mood disorders 10 years later (Charles & others, 2013; Piazza & others, 2013). Developmental Changes in Perceived Personal Control To what extent do middle-aged adults perceive that they can control what happens to them? Researchers have found that on average a sense of personal control peaks in midlife and then declines (Lachman, 2006; Lachman, Agrigoroaei, & Hahn, 2016; Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015). Some aspects of personal control increase with age while others decrease (Lachman, Neupert, & Agrigoroaei, 2011). For example, middle-aged adults have a greater sense of control over their finances, work, and marriage than younger adults but less control over their sex life and their children (Lachman & Firth, 2004). And having a sense of control in middle age is one of the most important modifiable factors in delaying the onset of diseases in middle adulthood and reducing the frequency of diseases in late adulthood (Lachman, Neupert, & Agrigoroaei, 2011; Robinson & Lachman, 2017). Stress and Gender Women and men differ in the way they experience and respond to stressors (Taylor, 2015). Women are more vulnerable to social stressors such as those involving romance, family, and work. For example, women experience higher levels of stress when things go wrong in romantic and marital relationships. Women also are more likely than men to become depressed when they encounter stressful life events such as a divorce or the death of a friend. In one study of more than 2,800 adults 50 years and older in Taiwan, women were more susceptible to depressive symptoms when they felt constant stress from finances, increasing stress from jobs, and fluctuating stress in family relationships (Lin, Hsu, & Chang, 2011). How do women and men differ in the way they experience and respond to stressors? © Altrendo images/Getty Images When men face stress, they are likely to respond in a fight-or-flight manner—become aggressive, withdraw from social contact, or drink alcohol. By contrast, according to Shelley Taylor (2011a, b, c, 2015), when women experience stress, they are more likely to engage in a tend-and-befriend pattern, seeking social alliances with others, especially friends. Taylor argues that when women experience stress, their bodies produce elevated levels of the hormone oxytocin, which is linked to nurturing in animals.

Big Five factors of personality

A major study of adult personality development continues to be conducted by Paul Costa and Robert McCrae (1998; McCrae & Costa, 2006). They focus on what are called the Big Five factors of personality, which are openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism (emotional stability); these factors are described in Figure 3. (Notice that if you create an acronym from these factor names, you will get the word OCEAN.) A number of research studies point to these factors as important dimensions of personality (Hill & Roberts, 2016; McCrae, Gaines, & Wellington, 2013; Roberts & others, 2014). Openness Conscientiousness Extraversion Agreeableness Neuroticism (emotional stability) Imaginative or practical Interested in variety or routine Independent or conforming Organized or disorganized Careful or careless Disciplined or impulsive Sociable or retiring Fun-loving or somber Affectionate or reserved Softhearted or ruthless Trusting or suspicious Helpful or uncooperative Calm or anxious Secure or insecure Self-satisfied or self-pitying Figure 3 The Big Five Factors of Personality Each of the broad supertraits encompasses more narrow traits and characteristics. Use the acronym OCEAN to remember the Big Five personality factors (openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, neuroticism). Using their five-factor personality test, Costa and McCrae (1998, 2000) studied approximately one thousand college-educated men and women aged 20 to 96, assessing the same individuals over many years. Data collection began in the 1950s to mid-1960s and is ongoing. Costa and McCrae concluded that considerable stability exists across the adult years for the five personality factors. However, more recent research indicates greater developmental changes in the five personality factors in adulthood (Graham & Lachman, 2013). For example, a recent study found that emotional stability, extraversion, openness, and agreeableness were lower in early adulthood, peaked between 40 and 60 years of age, and decreased in late adulthood, while conscientiousness showed a continuous increase from early adulthood to late adulthood (Specht, Egloff, & Schukle, 2011). Most research studies find that the greatest changes in personality occur in early adulthood (Hill, Allemand, & Roberts, 2014; Hill & Roberts, 2016). Further evidence supporting the importance of the Big Five factors indicates that they are related to major aspects of a person's life such as health, intelligence, achievement, and relationships (Hampson & others, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016; McCrae, Gaines, & Wellington, 2013; Mike & others, 2015). The following research supports these links: Openness to experience. Individuals high on openness to experience are more likely have superior cognitive functioning, achievement, and IQ across the life span (Briley, Domiteaux, & Tucker-Drob, 2014), show creative achievement in the arts (Kaufman & others, 2016), and experience less negative affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016). Conscientiousness. Individuals high in conscientiousness have better health and less stress (Gartland & others, 2014), engage in superior problem-focused coping (Sesker & others, 2016), are more successful at accomplishing goals (McCabe & Fleeson, 2016), and have less cognitive decline as aging adults (Luchetti & others, 2016). Extraversion. Individuals high in extraversion are more likely than others to be satisfied in relationships (Toy, Nai, & Lee, 2016), show less negative affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016), and have a more positive sense of well-being in the future (Soto, 2015).Page 361 Agreeableness. People who are high in agreeableness are more likely to be generous and altruistic (Caprara & others, 2010), have more satisfying romantic relationships (Donnellan, Larsen-Rife, & Conger, 2005), and engage in more positive affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016). Neuroticism. People high in neuroticism are more likely to be more drug dependent (Valero & others, 2014), have a higher coronary heart disease risk (Lee & others, 2014), and have a lower sense of well-being 40 years later (Gale & others, 2013). Researchers increasingly are finding that optimism is linked to being healthier and living longer (Anthony, Kritz-Silverstein, & Barrett-Connor, 2016; Boelen, 2015). A recent study involving adults 50 years of age and older revealed that being optimistic and having an optimistic spouse were both associated with better health and physical functioning (Kim, Chopik, & Smith, 2014). Also, in a recent study of 40- to 85-year-olds, individuals who were prepared for physical losses but also had an optimistic outlook on the future had better physical functioning and a lower level of depressive symptoms than those who were unprepared and pessimistic (Wurm & Benyamini, 2014). In another recent study, a higher level of optimism following an acute coronary event was linked to engaging in more physical activity and having fewer cardiac readmissions (Huffman & others, 2016). And a recent research review concluded that the positive influence of optimism on outcomes for people with chronic diseases (such as cancer, cardiovascular disease, and respiratory disease) may reflect either or both of the following factors: (a) a direct effect on the neuroendocrine system and on immune system function; and (b) an indirect effect on health outcomes as a result of protective health behaviors, adaptive coping strategies, and enhanced positive mood (Avvenuti, Baiardini, & Giardini, 2016).

Adult Stage Theories

A number of adult stage theories have been proposed and have contributed to the view that midlife brings a crisis in development. Two prominent theories that define stages of adult development are Erik Erikson's life-span view and Daniel Levinson's seasons of a man's life. How Would You...? As an educator, how would you describe ways in which the profession of teaching might establish generativity for someone in middle adulthood? Erikson's Stage of Generativity Versus Stagnation Erikson (1968) proposed that middle-aged adults face a significant issue—generativity versus stagnation, which is the name Erikson gave to the seventh stage in his life-span theory. Generativity encompasses adults' desire to leave legacies of themselves to the next generation. Through these legacies adults achieve a kind of immortality. By contrast, stagnation (sometimes called "self-absorption") develops when individuals sense that they have done little or nothing for the next generation. Generative adults commit themselves to the continuation and improvement of society as a whole through their connection to the next generation. Generative adults develop a positive legacy of the self and then offer it as a gift to the next generation (Hofer & others, 2016; Tabuchi & others, 2015). Middle-aged adults can achieve generativity in a number of ways (Kotre, 1984). Through biological generativity, adults have offspring. Through parental generativity, adults nurture and guide children. Through work generativity, adults develop skills that are passed down to others. And through cultural generativity, adults create, renovate, or conserve some aspect of culture that ultimately survives.Page 356 How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you advise a middle-aged woman who never had children and now fears she has little opportunity to leave a legacy to the next generation? Through generativity, adults promote and guide the next generation by parenting, teaching, leading, and doing things that benefit the community (Pratt & others, 2008). One of the participants in a study of aging said: "From twenty to thirty I learned how to get along with my wife. From thirty to forty I learned how to be a success at my job, and at forty to fifty I worried less about myself and more about the children" (Vaillant, 2002, p. 114). Does research support Erikson's theory that generativity is an important dimension of middle age? Yes, it does (Newton & Stewart, 2012). In one study, Carol Ryff (1984) examined the views of women and men at different ages and found that middle-aged adults especially were concerned about generativity. In a longitudinal study of Smith College women, the desire for generativity increased as the participants aged from their thirties to their fifties (Stewart, Ostrove, & Helson, 2001). In another study, generativity was strongly linked to middle-aged adults' positive social engagement in contexts such as family life and community activities (Cox & others, 2010). And in a recent study of males, achievement of generativity in middle age was related to better health in late adulthood (Landes & others, 2014). Levinson's Seasons of a Man's Life In The Seasons of a Man's Life, clinical psychologist Daniel Levinson (1978) reported the results of extensive interviews with 40 middle-aged men. The interviews were conducted with hourly workers, business executives, academic biologists, and novelists. Levinson bolstered his conclusions with information from the biographies of famous men and the development of memorable characters in literature. Although Levinson's major interest focused on midlife change in men, he described a number of stages and transitions during the period from 17 to 65 years of age, as shown in Figure 1. Levinson emphasizes that developmental tasks must be mastered at each stage. The figure presents three main stages, or periods, of adult development, according to Levinson. Important milestones for each stage are listed. Figure 1 Levinson's Periods of Adult Development According to Levinson, adulthood for men has three main stages, which are surrounded by transition periods. Specific tasks and challenges are associated with each stage. (Top) © Amos Morgan/Getty Images RF; (middle) © Stockbyte/Getty Images RF; (bottom) © image100 Ltd RF Access the text alternative for Figure 1. At the end of one's teens, according to Levinson, a transition from dependence to independence should occur. This transition is marked by the formation of a dream—an image of the kind of life the youth wants to have, especially in terms of a career and marriage. Levinson sees the twenties as a novice phase of adult development. It is a time of reasonably free experimentation and of testing the dream in the real world. In early adulthood, the two major tasks to be mastered are exploring the possibilities for adult living and developing a stable life structure. From about age 28 to 33, the man goes through a transition period in which he must face the more serious question of determining his goals. During his thirties, he usually focuses on family and career development. In the later years of this period, he enters a phase of Becoming Page 357One's Own Man (or BOOM, as Levinson calls it). By age 40, he has reached a stable point in his career, has outgrown his earlier, more tenuous attempts at learning to become an adult, and now must look forward to the kind of life he will lead as a middle-aged adult. According to Levinson, the transition to middle adulthood lasts about five years (ages 40 to 45) and requires the adult male to come to grips with four major conflicts that have existed in his life since adolescence: (1) being young versus being old, (2) being destructive versus being constructive, (3) being masculine versus being feminine, and (4) being attached to others versus being separated from them. Seventy to 80 percent of the men Levinson interviewed found the midlife transition tumultuous and psychologically painful, as many aspects of their lives came into question. According to Levinson, the success of the midlife transition rests on how effectively the individual reduces the polarities and accepts each of them as an integral part of his being. Because Levinson interviewed middle-aged males, we can consider the data about middle adulthood more valid than the data about early adulthood. When individuals are asked to remember information about earlier parts of their lives, they may distort and forget things. The original Levinson data included no females, although Levinson (1996) reported that his stages, transitions, and the crisis of middle age apply to females as well as males. Levinson's work included no statistical analysis. However, the quality and quantity of the Levinson biographies make them outstanding examples of the clinical tradition. How Pervasive Are Midlife Crises? Levinson (1978) views midlife as a crisis, believing that the middle-aged adult is suspended between the past and the future, trying to cope with this gap that threatens life's continuity. George Vaillant (1977) has a different view. Vaillant's study—called the "Grant Study"—involved men who were in their early thirties and in their late forties who initially had been interviewed as undergraduates at Harvard University. He concludes that just as adolescence is a time for detecting parental flaws and discovering the truth about childhood, the forties are a decade of reassessing and recording the truth about adolescence and adulthood. However, whereas Levinson sees midlife as a crisis, Vaillant maintains that only a minority of adults experience a midlife crisis. © John Simmons/Alamy RF Today, adult development experts are virtually unanimous in their belief that midlife crises have been exaggerated (Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015). Further, happiness and positive affect have an upward trajectory from early adulthood to late adulthood (Carstensen, 2015; Sims, Hogan, & Carstensen, 2015).

= Success =

= Studying =

contemporary life-events approach

Age-related stages represent one major way to examine adult personality development. A second major way to conceptualize adult personality development is to focus on life events (Blonski & others, 2016; Leggett, Burgard, & Zivin, 2016; Schwarzer & Luszczynska, 2013). In the early version of the life-events approach, life events were viewed as taxing circumstances for individuals, forcing them to change their personality (Holmes & Rahe, 1967). Such events as the death of a spouse, divorce, marriage, and so on were believed to involve varying degrees of stress and therefore likely to influence the individual's development. A recent study found that stressful life events were associated with cardiovascular disease in middle-aged women (Kershaw & others, 2014). And a recent meta-analysis found an association between stressful life events and autoimmune diseases such as arthritis and psoriasis (Porcelli & others, 2016). Today's life-events approach is more sophisticated. The contemporary life-events approach emphasizes that how life events influence the Page 358 individual's development depends not only on the life event itself but also on mediating factors (physical health, family supports, for example), the individual's adaptation to the life event (appraisal of the threat, coping strategies, for example), the life-stage context, and the sociohistorical context (see Figure 2). For example, if individuals are in poor health and have little family support, life events are likely to be more stressful. Whatever the context or mediating variables, however, one individual may perceive a life event as highly stressful, whereas another individual may perceive the same event as a challenge. Image details. Figure 2 A Contemporary Life-Events Framework for Interpreting Adult Developmental Change According to the contemporary life-events approach, the influence of a life event depends on the event itself, on mediating variables, on the life-stage and sociohistorical context, and on the individual's appraisal of the event and coping strategies. Access the text alternative for Figure 2. Although the life-events approach is a valuable addition to understanding adult development, it has its drawbacks. One significant drawback is that the life-events approach places too much emphasis on change. Another drawback is its failure to recognize that our daily experiences may be the primary sources of stress in our lives (Hamilton & Julian, 2014; Keles & others, 2016). Enduring a boring but tense job, staying in an unsatisfying marriage, or living in poverty do not show up on scales of major life events. Yet the everyday pounding we take from these living conditions can add up to a highly stressful life and eventually lead to illness (McIntosh, Gillanders, & Rodgers, 2010). A recent study found that stressful daily hassles were linked to increased anxiety and decreased physical well-being (Falconier & others, 2015).

empty nest syndrome

An important event in a family is the launching of a child into adult life. Parents face new adjustments as a result of the child's absence. College students usually think that their parents suffer from their absence. In fact, parents who live vicariously through their children might experience the empty nest syndrome, which includes a decline in marital satisfaction after children leave the home. For most parents, however, marital satisfaction does not decline after children have left home. Rather, for most parents marital satisfaction increases during the years after child rearing has ended (Fingerman & Baker, 2006). With their children gone, marital partners have more time to pursue careers and other interests and more time for each other. One study revealed that the transition to an empty nest increased marital satisfaction and that this improvement was linked to an increase in the quality of time—but not the quantity of time—spent with partners (Gorchoff, John, & Helson, 2008). In today's uncertain economic climate, the refilling of the empty nest is becoming a common occurrence as adult children return to the family home after several years of college, after graduating from college, or to save money after taking a full-time job (Merrill, 2009). Young adults also may move back in with their parents after an unsuccessful career or a divorce. And some individuals don't leave home at all until their middle to late twenties because they cannot financially support themselves. Numerous labels have been applied to these young adults who return to their parents' homes to live, including "boomerang kids" and "B2B" (or Back-to-Bedroom) (Furman, 2005). The middle generation has always provided support for the younger generation, even after the nest is bare. Through loans and monetary gifts for education, and Page 365 through emotional support, the middle generation has helped the younger generation. Adult children appreciate the financial and emotional support their parents provide at a time when they often feel considerable stress about their career, work, and lifestyle. And parents feel good that they can provide this support.

The Empty Nest and Its Refilling

An important event in a family is the launching of a child into adult life. Parents face new adjustments as a result of the child's absence. College students usually think that their parents suffer from their absence. In fact, parents who live vicariously through their children might experience the empty nest syndrome, which includes a decline in marital satisfaction after children leave the home. For most parents, however, marital satisfaction does not decline after children have left home. Rather, for most parents marital satisfaction increases during the years after child rearing has ended (Fingerman & Baker, 2006). With their children gone, marital partners have more time to pursue careers and other interests and more time for each other. One study revealed that the transition to an empty nest increased marital satisfaction and that this improvement was linked to an increase in the quality of time—but not the quantity of time—spent with partners (Gorchoff, John, & Helson, 2008). In today's uncertain economic climate, the refilling of the empty nest is becoming a common occurrence as adult children return to the family home after several years of college, after graduating from college, or to save money after taking a full-time job (Merrill, 2009). Young adults also may move back in with their parents after an unsuccessful career or a divorce. And some individuals don't leave home at all until their middle to late twenties because they cannot financially support themselves. Numerous labels have been applied to these young adults who return to their parents' homes to live, including "boomerang kids" and "B2B" (or Back-to-Bedroom) (Furman, 2005). The middle generation has always provided support for the younger generation, even after the nest is bare. Through loans and monetary gifts for education, and Page 365 through emotional support, the middle generation has helped the younger generation. Adult children appreciate the financial and emotional support their parents provide at a time when they often feel considerable stress about their career, work, and lifestyle. And parents feel good that they can provide this support. What are some strategies that can help parents and their young adult children get along better? © Tom Grill/Corbis RF However, as with most family living arrangements, there are both pluses and minuses when adult children live with their parents. One of the most common complaints voiced by both adult children and their parents is a loss of privacy. The adult children complain that their parents restrict their independence, cramp their sex lives, reduce their rock music listening, and treat them as children rather than adults. Parents often complain that their quiet home has become noisy, that they stay up late worrying until their adult children come home, that meals are difficult to plan because of conflicting schedules, that their relationship as a married couple has been invaded, and that they have to shoulder too much responsibility for their adult children. In sum, when adult children return home to live, it causes a disequilibrium in family life that requires considerable adaptation on the part of parents and their adult children. How Would You...? As a psychologist, how would you counsel parents of adult children who return to the family home for a few years following their college graduation? When adult children ask to return home to live, parents and their adult children should agree on the conditions and expectations beforehand. For example, they might discuss and agree on whether the young adults will pay rent, wash their own clothes, cook their own meals, do any household chores, pay their phone bills, come and go as they please, be sexually active or drink alcohol at home, and so on. If these conditions aren't negotiated at the beginning, conflict often results because the expectations of parents and young adult children will likely be violated.

generativity

Erikson (1968) proposed that middle-aged adults face a significant issue—generativity versus stagnation, which is the name Erikson gave to the seventh stage in his life-span theory. Generativity encompasses adults' desire to leave legacies of themselves to the next generation. Through these legacies adults achieve a kind of immortality. By contrast, stagnation (sometimes called "self-absorption") develops when individuals sense that they have done little or nothing for the next generation. Generative adults commit themselves to the continuation and improvement of society as a whole through their connection to the next generation. Generative adults develop a positive legacy of the self and then offer it as a gift to the next generation (Hofer & others, 2016; Tabuchi & others, 2015). Middle-aged adults can achieve generativity in a number of ways (Kotre, 1984). Through biological generativity, adults have offspring. Through parental generativity, adults nurture and guide children. Through work generativity, adults develop skills that are passed down to others. And through cultural generativity, adults create, renovate, or conserve some aspect of culture that ultimately survives.Page 356 How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you advise a middle-aged woman who never had children and now fears she has little opportunity to leave a legacy to the next generation? Through generativity, adults promote and guide the next generation by parenting, teaching, leading, and doing things that benefit the community (Pratt & others, 2008). One of the participants in a study of aging said: "From twenty to thirty I learned how to get along with my wife. From thirty to forty I learned how to be a success at my job, and at forty to fifty I worried less about myself and more about the children" (Vaillant, 2002, p. 114). Does research support Erikson's theory that generativity is an important dimension of middle age? Yes, it does (Newton & Stewart, 2012). In one study, Carol Ryff (1984) examined the views of women and men at different ages and found that middle-aged adults especially were concerned about generativity. In a longitudinal study of Smith College women, the desire for generativity increased as the participants aged from their thirties to their fifties (Stewart, Ostrove, & Helson, 2001). In another study, generativity was strongly linked to middle-aged adults' positive social engagement in contexts such as family life and community activities (Cox & others, 2010). And in a recent study of males, achievement of generativity in middle age was related to better health in late adulthood (Landes & others, 2014).

stagnation

Erikson (1968) proposed that middle-aged adults face a significant issue—generativity versus stagnation, which is the name Erikson gave to the seventh stage in his life-span theory. Generativity encompasses adults' desire to leave legacies of themselves to the next generation. Through these legacies adults achieve a kind of immortality. By contrast, stagnation (sometimes called "self-absorption") develops when individuals sense that they have done little or nothing for the next generation. Generative adults commit themselves to the continuation and improvement of society as a whole through their connection to the next generation. Generative adults develop a positive legacy of the self and then offer it as a gift to the next generation (Hofer & others, 2016; Tabuchi & others, 2015). Middle-aged adults can achieve generativity in a number of ways (Kotre, 1984). Through biological generativity, adults have offspring. Through parental generativity, adults nurture and guide children. Through work generativity, adults develop skills that are passed down to others. And through cultural generativity, adults create, renovate, or conserve some aspect of culture that ultimately survives.Page 356 How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you advise a middle-aged woman who never had children and now fears she has little opportunity to leave a legacy to the next generation? Through generativity, adults promote and guide the next generation by parenting, teaching, leading, and doing things that benefit the community (Pratt & others, 2008). One of the participants in a study of aging said: "From twenty to thirty I learned how to get along with my wife. From thirty to forty I learned how to be a success at my job, and at forty to fifty I worried less about myself and more about the children" (Vaillant, 2002, p. 114). Does research support Erikson's theory that generativity is an important dimension of middle age? Yes, it does (Newton & Stewart, 2012). In one study, Carol Ryff (1984) examined the views of women and men at different ages and found that middle-aged adults especially were concerned about generativity. In a longitudinal study of Smith College women, the desire for generativity increased as the participants aged from their thirties to their fifties (Stewart, Ostrove, & Helson, 2001). In another study, generativity was strongly linked to middle-aged adults' positive social engagement in contexts such as family life and community activities (Cox & others, 2010). And in a recent study of males, achievement of generativity in middle age was related to better health in late adulthood (Landes & others, 2014).

Sibling Relationships and Friendships

Sibling relationships persist over the entire life span for most adults (Whiteman, McHale, & Soli, 2011). Eighty-five percent of today's adults have at least one living sibling. Sibling relationships in adulthood may be extremely close, apathetic, or highly rivalrous (Bedford, 2009). The majority of sibling relationships in adulthood are close (Cicirelli, 2009). Those siblings who are psychologically close to each other in adulthood tended to be that way in childhood. It is rare for sibling closeness to develop for the first time in adulthood (Dunn, 1984). A recent study revealed that adult siblings often provide practical and emotional support to each other (Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008). Another study revealed that men who had poor sibling relationships in childhood were more likely to develop depression by age 50 than men who had more positive sibling relationships as children (Waldinger, Vaillant, & Orav, 2007). Friendships continue to be important in middle adulthood just as they were in early adulthood. It takes time to develop intimate friendships, so friendships that have endured over the adult years are often deeper than those that have just been formed in middle adulthood.

The Life-Events Approach

The Life-Events Approach Age-related stages represent one major way to examine adult personality development. A second major way to conceptualize adult personality development is to focus on life events (Blonski & others, 2016; Leggett, Burgard, & Zivin, 2016; Schwarzer & Luszczynska, 2013). In the early version of the life-events approach, life events were viewed as taxing circumstances for individuals, forcing them to change their personality (Holmes & Rahe, 1967). Such events as the death of a spouse, divorce, marriage, and so on were believed to involve varying degrees of stress and therefore likely to influence the individual's development. A recent study found that stressful life events were associated with cardiovascular disease in middle-aged women (Kershaw & others, 2014). And a recent meta-analysis found an association between stressful life events and autoimmune diseases such as arthritis and psoriasis (Porcelli & others, 2016). Today's life-events approach is more sophisticated. The contemporary life-events approach emphasizes that how life events influence the Page 358 individual's development depends not only on the life event itself but also on mediating factors (physical health, family supports, for example), the individual's adaptation to the life event (appraisal of the threat, coping strategies, for example), the life-stage context, and the sociohistorical context (see Figure 2). For example, if individuals are in poor health and have little family support, life events are likely to be more stressful. Whatever the context or mediating variables, however, one individual may perceive a life event as highly stressful, whereas another individual may perceive the same event as a challenge. Image details. Figure 2 A Contemporary Life-Events Framework for Interpreting Adult Developmental Change According to the contemporary life-events approach, the influence of a life event depends on the event itself, on mediating variables, on the life-stage and sociohistorical context, and on the individual's appraisal of the event and coping strategies. Access the text alternative for Figure 2. Although the life-events approach is a valuable addition to understanding adult development, it has its drawbacks. One significant drawback is that the life-events approach places too much emphasis on change. Another drawback is its failure to recognize that our daily experiences may be the primary sources of stress in our lives (Hamilton & Julian, 2014; Keles & others, 2016). Enduring a boring but tense job, staying in an unsatisfying marriage, or living in poverty do not show up on scales of major life events. Yet the everyday pounding we take from these living conditions can add up to a highly stressful life and eventually lead to illness (McIntosh, Gillanders, & Rodgers, 2010). A recent study found that stressful daily hassles were linked to increased anxiety and decreased physical well-being (Falconier & others, 2015).

Grandparenting

The increase in longevity is influencing the nature of grandparenting (Monserud, 2011). In 1900 only 4 percent of 10-year-old children had four living grandparents, but by 2000 that figure had risen to more than 40 percent. And in 1990 only about Page 366 20 percent of people 30 years of age had living grandparents, a figure that is projected to increase to 80 percent in 2020 (Hagestad & Uhlenberg, 2007). Further increases in longevity are likely to support this trend in the future, although the current trend toward delayed childbearing is likely to undermine it. Grandparent Roles Grandparents play important roles in the lives of many grandchildren (Bol & Kalmijn, 2016; Choi, Sprang, & Eslinger, 2016; Di Gessa, Glaser, & Tinker, 2016). Many adults become grandparents for the first time during middle age. Researchers have consistently found that grandmothers have more contact with grandchildren than do grandfathers (Watson, Randolph, & Lyons, 2005). Perhaps women tend to define their role as grandmothers as part of their responsibility for maintaining ties between family members across generations. Men may have fewer expectations about the grandfather role and see it as more voluntary. What are some changes that are occurring in grandparents' roles? © KidStock/Getty Images RF How Would You...? As a human development and family studies professional, how would you educate parents about the mutual benefits of grandparents being actively involved in children's lives? In 2014, 10 percent (7.4 million) of children in the United States lived with at least one grandparent, a dramatic increase since 1981 when 4.7 million children were living with at least one grandparent (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). Divorce, adolescent pregnancies, and drug use by parents are the main reasons that grandparents are thrust back into the "parenting" role they thought they had shed. One study revealed that grandparent involvement was linked with better adjustment when it occurred in single-parent and stepparent families than in two-parent biological families (Attar-Schwartz & others, 2009). Grandparents who are full-time caregivers for grandchildren are at elevated risk for health problems, depression, and stress (Silverstein, 2009). A recent review concluded that grandparents raising grandchildren are especially at risk for developing depression (Hadfield, 2014). Caring for grandchildren is linked with these problems in part because full-time grandparent caregivers are often characterized by low-income, minority status and by not being married (Minkler & Fuller-Thompson, 2005). Grandparents who are part-time caregivers are less likely to have the negative health portrait that full-time grandparent caregivers have. In a recent study of part-time grandparent caregivers, few negative effects on grandparents were found (Hughes & others, 2007). As divorce and remarriage have become more common, a special concern of grandparents is visitation privileges with their grandchildren. In the last 10 to 15 years, more states have passed laws giving grandparents the right to petition a court for visitation privileges with their grandchildren, even if a parent objects. Whether such forced visitation rights for grandparents are in the child's best interest is still being debated.

CLOSE RELATIONSHIPS

There is a consensus among middle-aged Americans that a major component of well-being involves positive relationships with others, especially parents, spouse, and offspring (Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015). To begin our examination of midlife relationships, let's explore love and marriage in middle-aged adults.

Love and Marriage at Midlife

Two major forms of love are romantic love and affectionate love. The fires of romantic love burn strongly in early adulthood. Affectionate, or companionate, love increases during middle adulthood. That is, physical attraction, romance, and passion are more important in new relationships, especially those begun in early adulthood. Security, loyalty, and mutual emotional interest become more important as relationships mature, especially in middle adulthood. One study revealed that marital satisfaction increased in middle age (Gorchoff, John, & Helson, 2008). Even some marriages that were difficult and rocky during early adulthood become more stable during middle adulthood. Although the partners may have lived through a great deal of turmoil, they eventually discover a deep and solid foundation on which to anchor their relationship. In middle adulthood, the partners may have fewer financial worries, less housework and chores, and more time with each other. Middle-aged partners are more likely to view their marriage as positive if they engage in mutual activities. Also, a recent study found that middle-aged married individuals had a lower likelihood of work-related health limitations (Lo, Cheng, & Simpson, 2016). And another recent study of middle-aged adults revealed that positive marital quality was linked to better health for both spouses (Choi, Yorgason, & Johnson, 2016). What characterizes marriage in middle adulthood? © Digital Vision/Getty Images RF Most individuals in midlife who are married voice considerable satisfaction with being married. In a large-scale study of individuals in middle adulthood, 72 percent of those who were married said their marriage was either "excellent" or "very good" (Brim, 1999). Possibly by middle age, many of the worst marriages already have dissolved. A longitudinal study of African American and non-Latino White men who were initially assessed when they were 51 to 62 years of age and then followed for 18 years found that the longevity gap that favors non-Latino White men was linked to their higher rate of marriage (Su, Stimpson, & Wilson, 2015). What are some ways that divorce might be more positive or more negative in middle adulthood than in early adulthood? © Stock4B/Getty Images What trends characterize divorce in U.S. middle-aged adults? In 2014, individuals 50 to 64 years of age were twice as likely to become divorced as their counterparts in 1990 (Brown & Lin, 2013). What accounts for this increase? One explanation is the changing view of women, who initiate approximately 60 percent of the divorces after 40 years of age. Compared with earlier decades, divorce has less stigma for women and they are more likely to leave an unhappy marriage. Also compared with earlier decades, more women are employed and are less dependent on their husband's income. Another explanation involves the increase in remarriages, in which the divorce rate is 2½ times as high as it is for those in first marriages. How Would You...? As a social worker, how would you describe the different reasons for divorce in young and middle-aged couples? Divorce in middle adulthood may be a more positive experience in some ways, more negative in others, than divorce in early adulthood (Pudrovska, 2009). On the one hand, for mature individuals, the perils of divorce can be fewer and less intense than for younger individuals. They have more resources, and they can use this time as an opportunity to simplify their lives by disposing of possessions, such as a large home, which they no longer need. Their children are adults and may be able to cope with their parents' divorce more effectively than they would have been able to do in childhood or adolescence. The partners may have gained a better understanding Page 364 of themselves and may be searching for changes that could include the end to an unhappy marriage. On the other hand, the emotional and time commitment to marriage that has existed for so many years may not be lightly given up. Many midlife individuals perceive a divorce as failing in the best years of their lives. The divorcer might see the situation as an escape from an untenable relationship, but the divorced partner usually sees it as betrayal, the ending of a relationship that had been built up over many years and that involved a great deal of commitment and trust. In sum, divorce in midlife may have positive outcomes for some individuals and negative outcomes for others (Pudrovska, 2009). A recent study found that women who became divorced at 40 to 59 years of age reported being more lonely following the divorce than men who became divorced during this age period (Nicolaisen & Thorsen, 2014). A recent study, though, revealed that the life satisfaction of middle-aged women in low-quality marriages increased after they became divorced (Bourassa, Sbarra, & Whisman, 2015). A survey by AARP (2004) of 1,148 40- to 79-year-olds who were divorced at least once in their forties, fifties, or sixties found that staying married because of their children was by far the main reason many people took a long time to become divorced. Despite the worry and stress involved in going through a divorce, three in four of the divorcees said they had made the right decision to dissolve their marriage and reported a positive outlook on life. Sixty-six percent of the divorced women said they had initiated the divorce, compared with only 41 percent of the divorced men. The divorced women were much more afraid of having financial problems (44 percent) than the divorced men were (11 percent). Following are the main reasons that middle-aged and older adults cited for their divorce: Main Causes for Women Main Causes for Men Verbal, physical, or emotional abuse (23 percent) Alcohol or drug abuse (18 percent) Cheating (17 percent) No obvious problems, just fell out of love (17 percent) Cheating (14 percent) Different values, lifestyles (14 percent)

Longitudinal Studies

We examine three longitudinal studies to help us understand the extent to which there is stability or change in adult personality development: Costa and McCrae's Baltimore Study, the Berkeley Longitudinal Studies, and Vaillant's studies.Page 360 Costa and McCrae's Baltimore Study A major study of adult personality development continues to be conducted by Paul Costa and Robert McCrae (1998; McCrae & Costa, 2006). They focus on what are called the Big Five factors of personality, which are openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism (emotional stability); these factors are described in Figure 3. (Notice that if you create an acronym from these factor names, you will get the word OCEAN.) A number of research studies point to these factors as important dimensions of personality (Hill & Roberts, 2016; McCrae, Gaines, & Wellington, 2013; Roberts & others, 2014). Openness Conscientiousness Extraversion Agreeableness Neuroticism (emotional stability) Imaginative or practical Interested in variety or routine Independent or conforming Organized or disorganized Careful or careless Disciplined or impulsive Sociable or retiring Fun-loving or somber Affectionate or reserved Softhearted or ruthless Trusting or suspicious Helpful or uncooperative Calm or anxious Secure or insecure Self-satisfied or self-pitying Figure 3 The Big Five Factors of Personality Each of the broad supertraits encompasses more narrow traits and characteristics. Use the acronym OCEAN to remember the Big Five personality factors (openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, neuroticism). Using their five-factor personality test, Costa and McCrae (1998, 2000) studied approximately one thousand college-educated men and women aged 20 to 96, assessing the same individuals over many years. Data collection began in the 1950s to mid-1960s and is ongoing. Costa and McCrae concluded that considerable stability exists across the adult years for the five personality factors. However, more recent research indicates greater developmental changes in the five personality factors in adulthood (Graham & Lachman, 2013). For example, a recent study found that emotional stability, extraversion, openness, and agreeableness were lower in early adulthood, peaked between 40 and 60 years of age, and decreased in late adulthood, while conscientiousness showed a continuous increase from early adulthood to late adulthood (Specht, Egloff, & Schukle, 2011). Most research studies find that the greatest changes in personality occur in early adulthood (Hill, Allemand, & Roberts, 2014; Hill & Roberts, 2016). Further evidence supporting the importance of the Big Five factors indicates that they are related to major aspects of a person's life such as health, intelligence, achievement, and relationships (Hampson & others, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016; McCrae, Gaines, & Wellington, 2013; Mike & others, 2015). The following research supports these links: Openness to experience. Individuals high on openness to experience are more likely have superior cognitive functioning, achievement, and IQ across the life span (Briley, Domiteaux, & Tucker-Drob, 2014), show creative achievement in the arts (Kaufman & others, 2016), and experience less negative affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016). Conscientiousness. Individuals high in conscientiousness have better health and less stress (Gartland & others, 2014), engage in superior problem-focused coping (Sesker & others, 2016), are more successful at accomplishing goals (McCabe & Fleeson, 2016), and have less cognitive decline as aging adults (Luchetti & others, 2016). Extraversion. Individuals high in extraversion are more likely than others to be satisfied in relationships (Toy, Nai, & Lee, 2016), show less negative affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016), and have a more positive sense of well-being in the future (Soto, 2015).Page 361 Agreeableness. People who are high in agreeableness are more likely to be generous and altruistic (Caprara & others, 2010), have more satisfying romantic relationships (Donnellan, Larsen-Rife, & Conger, 2005), and engage in more positive affect to stressors (Leger & others, 2016). Neuroticism. People high in neuroticism are more likely to be more drug dependent (Valero & others, 2014), have a higher coronary heart disease risk (Lee & others, 2014), and have a lower sense of well-being 40 years later (Gale & others, 2013). Researchers increasingly are finding that optimism is linked to being healthier and living longer (Anthony, Kritz-Silverstein, & Barrett-Connor, 2016; Boelen, 2015). A recent study involving adults 50 years of age and older revealed that being optimistic and having an optimistic spouse were both associated with better health and physical functioning (Kim, Chopik, & Smith, 2014). Also, in a recent study of 40- to 85-year-olds, individuals who were prepared for physical losses but also had an optimistic outlook on the future had better physical functioning and a lower level of depressive symptoms than those who were unprepared and pessimistic (Wurm & Benyamini, 2014). In another recent study, a higher level of optimism following an acute coronary event was linked to engaging in more physical activity and having fewer cardiac readmissions (Huffman & others, 2016). And a recent research review concluded that the positive influence of optimism on outcomes for people with chronic diseases (such as cancer, cardiovascular disease, and respiratory disease) may reflect either or both of the following factors: (a) a direct effect on the neuroendocrine system and on immune system function; and (b) an indirect effect on health outcomes as a result of protective health behaviors, adaptive coping strategies, and enhanced positive mood (Avvenuti, Baiardini, & Giardini, 2016). Berkeley Longitudinal Studies In the Berkeley Longitudinal Studies, more than 500 children and their parents were initially studied in the late 1920s and early 1930s. The book Present and Past in Middle Life (Eichorn & others, 1981) profiles these individuals as they became middle-aged. The results from early adolescence through a portion of midlife did not support either extreme in the debate over whether personality is characterized by stability or change. Some characteristics were more stable than others, however. The most stable characteristics were the degree to which individuals were intellectually oriented, self-confident, and open to new experiences. The characteristics that changed the most included the extent to which the individuals were nurturant or hostile and whether they had strong or weak self-control. George Vaillant's Studies Longitudinal studies by George Vaillant explore a question that differs somewhat from the studies described so far: Does personality at middle age predict what a person's life will be like in late adulthood? Vaillant (2002) has conducted three longitudinal studies of adult development and aging: (1) a sample of 268 socially advantaged Harvard graduates born about 1920 (called the Grant Study); (2) a sample of 456 socially disadvantaged inner-city men born about 1930; and (3) a sample of 90 middle-SES, intellectually gifted women born about 1910. These individuals have been assessed numerous times (in most cases, every two years), beginning in the 1920s to 1940s and continuing today for those still living. The main assessments involve extensive interviews with the participants, their parents, and teachers. Vaillant categorized 75- to 80-year-olds as "happy-well," "sad-sick," or "dead." He used data collected from these individuals when they were 50 years of age to predict which categories they were likely to end up in at 75 to 80 years of age. Alcohol abuse and smoking at age 50 were the best predictors of which individuals would be dead at 75 to 80 years of age. Other factors at age 50 were linked with being in the "happy-well" category at 75 to 80 years of age: getting regular exercise, avoiding being overweight, being well-educated, having a stable marriage, being Page 362 future-oriented, being thankful and forgiving, empathizing with others, being active with other people, and having good coping skills. How Would You...? As a health-care professional, how would you use the results of Vaillant's research to advise a middle-aged adult patient who abuses alcohol and smokes? Wealth and income at age 50 were not linked with being in the "happy-well" category at 75 to 80 years of age. Generativity in middle age (defined in this study as "taking care of the next generation") was more strongly related than intimacy to whether individuals would have an enduring and happy marriage at 75 to 80 years of age (Vaillant, 2002). The results for one of Vaillant's studies, the Grant Study of Harvard men, indicated that when individuals at 50 years of age were not heavy smokers, did not abuse alcohol, had a stable marriage, exercised, maintained a normal weight, and had good coping skills, they were more likely to be alive and happy at 75 to 80 years of age.

Conclusions

What can be concluded about stability and change in personality development during the adult years? Avshalom Caspi and Brent Roberts (2001) concluded that the evidence does not support the view that personality traits become completely fixed at a certain age in adulthood. However, they argue that change is typically limited, and in some cases the changes in personality are small. They also say that age is positively related to stability and that stability peaks in the fifties and sixties. That is, people show greater stability in their personality when they reach midlife than when they were younger adults (Hill & Roberts, 2016; Nye & others, 2016). These findings support what is called a cumulative personality model of development, which states that with time and age, people become more adept at interacting with their environment in ways that promote stability of personality. This does not mean that change is absent throughout midlife. Ample evidence shows that social contexts, new experiences, and sociohistorical changes can affect personality development (Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015; Mroczek, Spiro, & Griffin, 2006). However, Caspi and Roberts (2001) concluded that as people get older, stability increasingly outweighs change. In general, changes in personality traits across adulthood also occur in a positive direction. Over time, "people become more confident, warm, responsible, and calm" (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008, p. 33). Such positive changes equate with becoming more socially mature. In sum, recent research contradicts the old view that stability in personality begins to set in at about 30 years of age (Donnellan, Hill, & Roberts, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016). Although there are some consistent developmental changes in the personality traits of large numbers of people, at the individual level people can show unique patterns of personality traits—and these patterns often reflect life experiences related to themes of their particular developmental period (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). For example, researchers have found that individuals who are in a stable marriage and on a solid career track become more socially dominant, conscientious, and emotionally stable as they go through early adulthood (Roberts & Wood, 2006). And, for some of these individuals, there is greater change in their personality traits than for other individuals (McAdams & Olson, 2010).

cumulative personality model

What can be concluded about stability and change in personality development during the adult years? Avshalom Caspi and Brent Roberts (2001) concluded that the evidence does not support the view that personality traits become completely fixed at a certain age in adulthood. However, they argue that change is typically limited, and in some cases the changes in personality are small. They also say that age is positively related to stability and that stability peaks in the fifties and sixties. That is, people show greater stability in their personality when they reach midlife than when they were younger adults (Hill & Roberts, 2016; Nye & others, 2016). These findings support what is called a cumulative personality model of development, which states that with time and age, people become more adept at interacting with their environment in ways that promote stability of personality. This does not mean that change is absent throughout midlife. Ample evidence shows that social contexts, new experiences, and sociohistorical changes can affect personality development (Lachman, Teshale, & Agrigoroaei, 2015; Mroczek, Spiro, & Griffin, 2006). However, Caspi and Roberts (2001) concluded that as people get older, stability increasingly outweighs change. In general, changes in personality traits across adulthood also occur in a positive direction. Over time, "people become more confident, warm, responsible, and calm" (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008, p. 33). Such positive changes equate with becoming more socially mature. In sum, recent research contradicts the old view that stability in personality begins to set in at about 30 years of age (Donnellan, Hill, & Roberts, 2015; Hill & Roberts, 2016). Although there are some consistent developmental changes in the personality traits of large numbers of people, at the individual level people can show unique patterns of personality traits—and these patterns often reflect life experiences related to themes of their particular developmental period (Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). For example, researchers have found that individuals who are in a stable marriage and on a solid career track become more socially dominant, conscientious, and emotionally stable as they go through early adulthood (Roberts & Wood, 2006). And, for some of these individuals, there is greater change in their personality traits than for other individuals (McAdams & Olson, 2010).

PERSONALITY THEORIES and Development

What is the best way to conceptualize middle age? Is it a stage or a crisis? How extensively is middle age influenced by life events? Do middle-aged adults experience stress differently from younger and older adults? Is personality linked with contexts such as the point in history in which individuals go through midlife, their culture, and their gender?

fight-or-flight

When men face stress, they are likely to respond in a fight-or-flight manner—become aggressive, withdraw from social contact, or drink alcohol. By contrast, according to Shelley Taylor (2011a, b, c, 2015), when women experience stress, they are more likely to engage in a tend-and-befriend pattern, seeking social alliances with others, especially friends. Taylor argues that when women experience stress, their bodies produce elevated levels of the hormone oxytocin, which is linked to nurturing in animals.

tend-and-befriend

Women and men differ in the way they experience and respond to stressors (Taylor, 2015). Women are more vulnerable to social stressors such as those involving romance, family, and work. For example, women experience higher levels of stress when things go wrong in romantic and marital relationships. Women also are more likely than men to become depressed when they encounter stressful life events such as a divorce or the death of a friend. In one study of more than 2,800 adults 50 years and older in Taiwan, women were more susceptible to depressive symptoms when they felt constant stress from finances, increasing stress from jobs, and fluctuating stress in family relationships (Lin, Hsu, & Chang, 2011). How do women and men differ in the way they experience and respond to stressors? © Altrendo images/Getty Images When men face stress, they are likely to respond in a fight-or-flight manner—become aggressive, withdraw from social contact, or drink alcohol. By contrast, according to Shelley Taylor (2011a, b, c, 2015), when women experience stress, they are more likely to engage in a tend-and-befriend pattern, seeking social alliances with others, especially friends. Taylor argues that when women experience stress, their bodies produce elevated levels of the hormone oxytocin, which is linked to nurturing in animals.