Exam 2 Study Guide

Phoneme attainment: Customary age of production vs. age of mastery pg. 166

The term customary age of production describes the age by which 50% of children can produce a given sound in multiple positions in words in an adultlike way. The term age of mastery describes the age by which most children produce a sound in an adultlike manner.

PCFs, phonetically consistent forms or protowords pg. 160

The term phonetically consistent forms (PCFs) describes the idiosyncratic wordlike productions children use consistently and meaningfully but that do not approximate adult forms. As the term suggests, PCFs have a consistent sound structure, but children may use them to refer to more than a single referent. For example, the baby girl who uses the PCF "aaaah" to refer to water might also use this sound when requesting other objects or actions, such as when asking someone to pick her up or give her a toy. The first author's oldest son used the PCF "dah-dah" initially when he did not know a word or phrase he wanted to use. He later used this PCF in place of the phrase "I don't know" and then stopped using the PCF altogether around age 2.5 years, when he started using the phrase "I don't know" consistently. Although PCFs are not true words, they are important aspects of children's language development because, by using them, children learn the value of adopting a stable pronunciation for communicating in a particular situation.

Universal grammar pg. 111

-Abbreviated UG. The system of grammatical rules and constraints that are consistent among all world languages. UG, proposed by the linguist Noam Chomsky, is a nature-inspired theory of second language acquisition because it rests on an innate, species-specific module dedicated solely to language acquisition. See also critical period; language acquisition device. -Describes the system of grammatical rules and constraints consistent in all world languages. According to UG theory, children are born with a basic set of grammatical rules and categories that exist in all languages, and the input they receive sets parameters (options) to match those of their native language. In UG, the implicit knowledge children have about language is called linguistic competence, whereas the actual comprehension and production of language in specific situations is called linguistic performance. UG posits that children are born with linguistic competence and that mistakes and omissions in their speech indicate performance difficulties and not a lack of competence. The disconnect between children's performance and their grammatical competence may result from limitations in their processing capacities and other contextual factors that may mask competence.

Lois Bloom's intentionality model pg. 114

-According to the intentionality model, children's abilities in language, emotional expression, cognition, social interaction, and play develop in tandem. The child is responsible for driving language learning forward. This model differs from other interactionist theories that propose the child's environment or peers have the most influence in driving language development. In fact, in this model, children learn language when what they have in mind differs from what other individuals around them have in mind because they must express themselves to share this information. For example, a young girl cannot assume her mother will always know when she is thirsty and offer her a drink. Therefore, the girl must learn to express this intention with language. To acquire language, then, children must be intentional, they must take strides to engage in social interaction, and they must put forth effort to construct linguistic representations for the ideas they want to express and then act to express these ideas.

Imperative pointing vs. declarative pointing pg. 138

-An interesting fact is that infants are skilled in using multiple forms of pointing: -They use imperative pointing as requests to adults to retrieve objects for them. They begin to use this type of pointing at around age 10 months, for example, when they want someone to bring them a toy that is out of reach. -Declarative pointing involves a social process between an infant and an adult. Infants use declarative pointing to call an adult's attention to objects and to comment on objects. Research results indicate that children produce and understand declarative pointing later than imperative pointing. Furthermore, infants' production of declarative pointing, but not imperative pointing, is linked to their understanding of other people's intentions.

Skinner's nurture-inspired theory pg. 110

-B. F. Skinner (1904-1990) popularized the notion of behaviorism, according to which all learning is the result of operant conditioning. In operant conditioning, behaviors that are reinforced become strengthened, and behaviors that are punished become suppressed. To Skinner, language is not a special behavior; rather, it is a behavior like any other behavior humans can learn. Thus, Skinner's theory of language learning is essentially identical to his general learning theory in that it focuses on observable and measurable aspects of language (the behavior) children produce as they interact with the environment. -According to this language-development theory, children arrive at the task of language learning without innate knowledge; rather, environmental stimuli elicit verbal responses, or language, from children. Children then "learn" language as adults reinforce their verbalizations -Example: Eight-month-old Dresden would shriek loudly when he was hungry and wanted to be fed. Dresden's mother would grab his bottle and say; "You want your bottle? Baaaaah-ttle." On one occasion, Dresden imitated his mother by saying "ba." Dresden's mother was so excited at his attempt that she laughed and smiled as she fed Dresden his bottle, reinforcing Dresden's use of this "word." Dresden then began to say "ba" when he wanted his bottle, and Dresden's mother would retrieve it more quickly than when Dresden simply shrieked. Because Dresden's mother rewarded him quickly with a bottle each time he uttered "ba," Dresden eventually stopped shrieking and continued to say "ba" when he was hungry. Dresden's mother eventually began to accept only close approximations of the word bottle, including "ba-ba" and later "ba-bble" before she hurried to get a bottle.

Early vocalizations-reflexive sounds, control of phonation, expansion, canonical and advanced forms pg. 129, 132

-By 5 months of age, infants learn that their noncry vocalizations elicit reactions from social partners, and such responsiveness on the part of caregivers facilitates infants' development of phonology and speech and further promotes their social interactional abilities -Reflexive (0-2 months). The first sounds infants produce are called reflexive sounds, which include sounds of discomfort and distress (crying, fussing) and vegetative sounds such as burping, coughing, and sneezing. Although infants have no control over the reflexive sounds they produce, adults often respond as if reflexes are true communication attempts. Parents ascribe communicative functions to even the earliest of infants' vocalizations. They ask infants questions such as "Why so much fussing?" to engage them in dialogue. Parents may even interpret infants' reflexive sounds out loud for them: "Oh, you're saying you want Mommy to hold you, aren't you?" Compared with nonparents, parents are usually more sensitive to infants' reflexive sounds and distress calls and report that they base their judgments about an infant's distress level on information they gain from the crying infant's face and voice. -Control of phonation (1-4 months). In the control of phonation stage, infants begin to produce cooing and gooing sounds. Such sounds consist mainly of vowel-like sounds (sounds that approximate vowels but would not be transcribed as adult vowels). Infants in this stage might also combine vowel-like segments with a consonant-like segment (e.g., "aaam"). Other sounds in the control of phonation stage include isolated consonant sounds such as nasalized sounds (i.e., airflow is directed through the nose), as well as "raspberries," trills, and clicks. When infants produce consonant-like sounds, they typically do so far back in the oral cavity (e.g., "goooo"). These early consonant sounds are easier for infants to produce than are sounds that require more precise manipulation of the tongue, lips, or teeth (e.g., /t/ and /f/). -Expansion (3-8 months). In the expansion stage, infants gain more control over the articulators and begin to produce isolated vowel sounds (those that would be transcribed as adult vowels), as well as vowel glides (e.g., "eeeey"). Infants also experiment with the loudness and pitch of their voices at this time, and they may squeal or produce a series of squeals. During this stage, infants may also use marginal babbling, an early type of babbling containing consonant-like and vowel-like sounds with prolonged transitions between the consonant and vowel sounds. -Basic canonical syllables (5-10 months). In this stage, infants begin to produce single consonant-vowel (C-V) syllables (e.g., "ba," "goo"). Canonical babbling also emerges in this stage, and it differs from earlier vocalizations in that the infant produces more than two C-V syllables in sequence. Babbling may be reduplicated or nonreduplicated. Reduplicated babbling consists of repeating C-V pairs, as in "ma ma ma," whereas nonreduplicated babbling (or variegated babbling) consists of nonrepeating C-V combinations, such as "da ma goo ga." In many cultures, infants prefer nasal sounds (/m/, /n/, and the final sound in sing) and stop sounds (/p/, /b/, /t/, /d/) in their variegated babbling, combining such sounds variously with vowels to produce long vocalized sequences. Infants in this stage also produce whispered vocalizations, C-V combinations followed by an isolated consonant ("ba—g") and disyllables, which consist of two C-V syllables separated by an audible gap (ba—ba). Often, parents view their children as beginning to talk when the children begin to babble because such syllable combinations resemble adult speech. Hearing infants are not the only babies to babble. Infants who are deaf, as well as infants who hear but have parents who are profoundly deaf, babble manually—using their hands. Just as the vocalizations of infants who hear speech mimic the specific rhythmic patterns that bind syllables, so do the hand movements of babies born to parents who are deaf. These infants' hand movements have a slower rhythm than that of ordinary gestures, and the infants produce these movements within a tightly restricted space in front of the body. -Advanced forms (9-18 months). In the more advanced stage of early vocalizations, infants begin to produce diphthongs, which are combinations of two vowel sounds within the same syllable, as in the combination of sounds in boy and the combination of sounds in fine. Infants also begin to produce more complex syllable forms, including single-syllable types such as V-C ("am") and C-C-V ("stee"), complex disyllables such as V-C-V ("abu"), and multisyllabic strings with and without varied stress intonation patterns ("odago"). Probably the most noticeable achievement in the advanced forms stage is jargon. Jargon is a special type of babbling containing at least two syllables and at least two different consonants and vowels, as well as varied stress or intonation patterns. Because infants using jargon incorporate stress and intonation patterns, you may think you are hearing questions, exclamations, and commands, even in the absence of recognizable words.

Caregiver responsiveness & know at least 4 of the 7 characteristics that are key indicators of caregiver responsiveness pg. 140-141; the Still Face experiment and what it tells us (video in class)

-Caregiver responsiveness describes caregivers' attention and sensitivity to infants' vocalizations and communicative attempts. Caregiver responsiveness helps teach infants that other people value their behaviors and communicative attempts. Caregivers who provide consistent, contingent, and appropriate responses to their infants' communicative attempts promote their children's ability and desire to sustain long periods of joint attention and increase their children's motivation to communicate. Research results show that mothers demonstrate remarkable consistency in identifying their infants' communicative acts during the second half of the first year, which may in turn promote even higher levels of responsiveness. Both the quality and the quantity of responsiveness by caregivers play a large role in early language development. More responsive maternal language input is linked—even more so than infants' own early communicative behaviors, such as vocalizations—to the time at which infants reach important language milestones, including saying their first word and producing two-word utterances -Characteristics of key indicators of caregiver responsiveness: •Waiting and listening. Parents wait expectantly for initiations, use a slow pace to allow for initiations, and listen to allow the child to complete messages. •Following the child's lead. When a child initiates either verbally or nonverbally, parents follow the child's lead by responding verbally to the initiation, using animation, and avoiding vague acknowledgments. •Joining in and playing. Parents build on their child's focus of interest and play without dominating. •Being face-to-face. Parents adjust their physical level by sitting on the floor, leaning forward to facilitate face-to-face interaction, and bending toward the child when they are above the child's level. •Using a variety of questions and labels. Parents encourage conversation by asking a variety of wh- questions (e.g., "Who?" "Where?" "Why?"), by using yes-no questions only to clarify messages and obtain information, by avoiding test and rhetorical questions, and by waiting expectantly for responses. •Encouraging turn taking. Parents wait expectantly for responses, balance the number and length of adult-to-child turns, and complete their children's sentences only when they are not yet combining words. •Expanding and extending. Parents expand and extend by repeating their children's words and using correct grammar or by adding another idea, and use comments and questions to inform, predict, imagine, explain, and talk about feelings.

Early foundations for language development- 4 essential experiences for infants to develop language (IDS, joint reference & attention, daily routines & caregiver responsiveness) pg. 134-141

-During infancy, the quality and quantity of the input infants receive, as well as the types of social interactions in which they engage, form important early foundations for language development. Some of the foundations that pave the way for later language development are infant-directed speech, joint reference and attention, the daily routines of infancy, and caregiver responsiveness. -Infant-directed speech (IDS)—also called motherese and baby talk—is the speech adults use in communicative situations with young language learners. -Joint Reference and Attention: Recall from Chapter 4, Vygotsky's social interactionist perspective on language development. According to Vygotsky, language development is a dynamic process that occurs within children's zone of proximal development (ZPD) as they interact socially with more advanced peers and adults. Adamson and Chance's account of infants' language development through social interactions also takes a social interactionist approach. These researchers proposed that infancy comprises three major developmental phases with respect to joint reference and attention: Phase 1: Attendance to social partners Phase 2: Emergence and coordination of joint attention Phase 3: Transition to language In each phase, adults view infants' interactions as meaningful through the lens of their culture. Furthermore, adults support infants' expressions in each phase until infants can independently master components of the social exchange.

Tomasello's usage based theory pg. 115-116

-Engaging in social interactions is undoubtedly a strong impetus for attending to and learning language. Prelinguistic infants provide substantial evidence for this claim. You have probably experienced a situation similar to this scenario: While two women were talking, the 8-month-old daughter of one of them began to interject some babbling sounds into the conversation as if to indicate that she, too, wanted to take part in the social exchange. Usage-based theories of language acquisition, emphasize the social nature of language as an impetus for furthering children's language abilities, contending that children learn language because they have reason to talk. Tomasello's usage-based theory of language development is based on evidence concerning the emergence of intentionality during the first year of life. For example, in their first year, infants engage in periods of sustained joint attention with other individuals, actively direct the attention of other people to objects and events, and begin to use communicative intentions to achieve various ends. Usage-based theories suggest children's knowledge of language form and meaning emerges from their use of language, during which they induce patterns of form and meaning. A critical premise of this theory is the child's skills in intention reading. Intention reading, which emerges during infancy, refers to the child's ability to recognize the intentions and mental states of other people, corresponding to the increasing capacity of the infant to engage communicatively with other persons. As a child becomes aware of others' intentions, he or she begins to actively manipulate them—for example, by drawing his or her mother's attention to an object of interest. As children repeatedly and increasingly use their awareness of social conventions to engage with other people, their more general language abilities emerge.

What infant directed speech (IDS) is also called pg. 135)

-Infant-directed speech (IDS)—also called motherese and baby talk—is the speech adults use in communicative situations with young language learners. IDS falls within the broader umbrella of child-directed speech (CDS) but it specifies that the recipient of speech is an infant. IDS has several distinctive paralinguistic, syntactic, and discourse characteristics. In fact, IDS is distinguishable from CDS, meaning adults talk differently to infants than they do to older children. Paralinguistic features of IDS, or those that describe the manner of speech outside the -Infant-directed speech (IDS)—also called motherese and baby talk—is the speech adults use in communicative situations with young language learners.linguistic information, include a high overall pitch, exaggerated pitch contours, and slower tempos than those of adult-directed speech. Syntactic characteristics of IDS include a shorter mean length of utterance (MLU), or the number of morphemes in an utterance; fewer subordinate clauses; and more content words and fewer function words. Discourse features of IDS include more repetition and more questions than in ADS.

Approaches to studying language comprehension pg. 105-106

-Language comprehension studies specifically tap into what children understand about language, and with the assistance of some creative research paradigms, experts can measure children's language comprehension even before children speak their first word. -In studying comprehension, researchers try to estimate what children or adults understand rather than produce. -For prelinguistic infants, researchers generally use visual fixation (looking time) on a stimulus as a measure of language comprehension. For example, a researcher can determine whether an infant knows the words mommy and daddy by placing pictures of the infant's mother and father side by side and asking the infant to look at either "mommy" or "daddy." -For older children, researchers can use pointing as a measure of language comprehension instead. For instance, the researcher may present a word or sentence and ask the child to select from an array of pictures the one that matches the word or sentence. -Alternatively, researchers may ask children to act out a series of sentences with toy props. For instance, to assess children's comprehension of the semantic roles agent and recipient, the researcher could provide the child with a toy dog and a toy cat; say "The dog is pulling the cat's tail"; and instruct the child to act out the scenario with the dog and cat props. Likewise, to test a child's comprehension of passive sentences, a researcher could give the child a set of farm animals and ask the child to show the sentence, The horse is being kicked by the cow.

Approaches to studying language production pg. 101-105)

-Language production studies help inform practitioners of children's ability to use language expressively. In these studies, researchers examine children's emergent form, content, and use capabilities. Such studies may involve: -Normative Research, in which experts compile data from multiple individuals on a certain aspect of language development and from these data determine and chart the ages (or grades) by which children typically meet certain milestones. -In observational studies, researchers examine children's language use in naturalistic or semistructured contexts, usually by using a tape recorder or another audio recording device to capture children's language for a certain period. In naturalistic settings, the researcher does not manipulate the context. In semistructured settings, researchers manipulate the environment in which they are observing children's language form, content, and use. -In observational studies, researchers typically record children's language for a certain period, after which they transcribe the language and analyze it for specific properties or qualities. -Experimental studies differ from observational studies in that the researcher actively manipulates variables of interest. One classic experimental design for language production studies involves manipulating the context in which, or the conditions under which children experience new words and examining how children's production of these words varies by context. -Experimental studies of language production vary widely and may examine many aspects of production, including vocabulary, morphology, syntax, phonology, and pragmatics. Researchers are inventive in designing experiments to assess children's production abilities in these various areas. In some studies, researchers may use pseudowords (nonsense words) to assess children's morphological skills or vocabulary skills. Pseudowords allow control over children's previous experience with words; because these words are invented, researchers can assume children have no experience with them. -Language production studies may also require children to repeat sentences so researchers can determine whether they have a grasp of certain grammatical structures. For example, an examiner may ask a child to repeat the sentence, She is going to the party. A child who has not yet mastered the auxiliary verb is will likely omit it ("She going to the party") and not produce an exact repetition of the sentence. Researchers may also ask children to correct erroneous sentences as another way to gauge their ability to produce more complex grammatical structures.

Vygotsky's nurture-inspired social-interactionist theory including zone of proximal development (ZPD) pg.113

-Lev Vygotsky stressed the importance of social interaction for children's language development. Vygotsky contended that all concepts are introduced first in the context of social interaction (the social plane); then, with time, these concepts are internalized to the psychological plane. Social interaction between an infant and other, more capable persons (parents, siblings, teachers, etc.) is a critical mechanism for children's language acquisition. Vygotsky viewed language as a uniquely human ability that exists independent of general cognition starting at about age 2 years: He believed prior to this time, general cognition and language are intertwined, but at about age 2 years, these two processes begin to develop as separate (albeit interrelated) capabilities. -Zone of Proximal Development: Abbreviated ZPD. A concept in Vygotskian theory that describes the difference between a child's actual developmental level (determined through independent problem solving) and his or her potential developmental level (determined through problem solving in collaboration with a more competent adult or peer). -The ZPD concept characterizes development dynamically by describing abilities in children that are in the process of maturing rather than by focusing solely on abilities that have already matured. Consider this example: Lori and her 4-year-old son, Alexander, are having a conversation about rhyming words in a storybook. Without assistance from Lori, Alexander cannot produce rhymes. For instance, she asks him, "What is a word that rhymes with cat?" and receives no response. However, when Lori provides Alexander with support, by telling him three words that rhyme with cat (bat, fat, mat), he can produce a rhyming word (rat). You might ask whether Alexander can actually recognize rhymes. On the one hand, he cannot do so independently; on the other hand, with some help from his mother, he can complete the task. From a Vygotskian perspective, examining what children can do with mediated assistance from others is necessary for identifying maturing capabilities, which provides an important window into development. Vygotsky's position is that as children learn language through social interactions, their general cognitive abilities are subsequently propelled forward.

Chomsky's nature inspired theory pg.111

-Noam Chomsky (1965) popularized the term universal grammar (UG), which describes the system of grammatical rules and constraints consistent in all world languages. Chomsky postulated that language acquisition depends on an innate, species-specific module dedicated to language and not to other forms of learning. Chomsky theorized the existence of one language module, called the language acquisition device. -According to UG theory, children are born with a basic set of grammatical rules and categories that exist in all languages, and the input they receive sets parameters (options) to match those of their native language. In UG, the implicit knowledge children have about language is called linguistic competence, whereas the actual comprehension and production of language in specific situations is called linguistic performance. UG posits that children are born with linguistic competence and that mistakes and omissions in their speech indicate performance difficulties and not a lack of competence. The disconnect between children's performance and their grammatical competence may result from limitations in their processing capacities and other contextual factors that may mask competence

Difference between nurture inspired (empiricist) theories of language development and nature-inspired (nativist) theories of language development pg. 107-110

-Nurture-inspired theories are often called empiricist theories, and they rest on the notion that humans gain all knowledge through experience. The extreme empiricist position is that an infant arrives in the world as a "blank slate," with no innate language abilities. -Nature-inspired theories, also called nativist theories, generally hold that much knowledge is innate and genetically transmitted rather than learned by experience. The extreme nativist position is that an individual's underlying language system is in place at birth and children use this system to extract rules about their native language apart from other cognitive abilities. -Interactionist theories acknowledge that language develops through the interaction between nature-related and nurture-related factors.

Piaget's nurture-inspired cognitive theory and Piaget's cognitive stages pg.113-114

-One important element of Piaget's work is his emphasis on stages of learning and development. Piaget hypothesized a series of cognitive stages children experience and emphasized that achievements in one stage must occur before a child can move on to the next stage. -Piaget did not believe language to be a domain-specific ability, but rather a domain-general ability that closely follows children's general cognitive development. His perspective on the subservience of language to cognition has been referred to as the cognition hypothesis because certain cognitive achievements must be in place for language achievements to emerge. In essence, Piaget did not view language as a special faculty but as an ability that reflects developments in other areas of growth, such as perceptive, cognitive, and social processes. He viewed language as following the same stages he proposed for general cognitive development. Piaget viewed children as active agents in constructing their understanding of language. According to Piaget, children are egocentric and developmentally predisposed to view the world from only their perspective. For this reason, conversations between young children are essentially collective monologues, in which each child produces a monologue but cannot respond contingently or take turns with each other. -According to Piagetian theory, children do not replace egocentric speech with true dialogue until they develop the ability to see others' perspectives. This contention supports the idea that cognitive development gives way to language achievements.

Features and characteristics of infant-directed speech pg. 135-136

-Paralinguistic features of IDS, or those that describe the manner of speech outside the linguistic information, include a high overall pitch, exaggerated pitch contours, and slower tempos than those of adult-directed speech). Syntactic characteristics of IDS include a shorter mean length of utterance (MLU), or the number of morphemes in an utterance; fewer subordinate clauses; and more content words and fewer function words. Discourse features of IDS include more repetition and more questions than in ADS.

Language acquisition device (LAD) pg. 111

-Professor of linguistics Noam Chomsky's innate, species-specific module dedicated to language and not other forms of learning.

Word learning: Category formation: Hierarchical structure of categories-superordinate, basic, subordinate pg. 128-129

-Research results support the idea that object category formation is hierarchical and includes three levels: superordinate, subordinate, and basic. -The superordinate level is the uppermost level in a category hierarchy. Superordinate terms describe the most general concept in a particular category and include words such as food, furniture, and clothing. Superordinate terms are among the later words children acquire. Children cannot successfully categorize words at the superordinate level until preschool age unless they have multiple exemplars on which to base their judgment about the appropriate superordinate category. For example, to understand grapes are part of the category fruit, the child would need to see that other fruits (e.g., oranges, bananas) are part of the same category. -The subordinate level is the lowest level in a category hierarchy. Subordinate terms describe specific concepts in a category. For example, garbanzo, pinto, and kidney are subordinate terms for different types of beans. The basic level lies in the center of a category hierarchy. -Basic-level terms describe general concepts in a category, including words such as apple, chair, and shirt. Infants' first categories are basic-level categories, just as their first words are basic-level words. -Although the vocalizations infants produce while they are babbling or using jargon may sound like short words or syllables, such vocalizations are not considered true words because they are not referential, nor do they convey meaning. Rather, at this stage, infants are still experimenting with the sounds of their native language.

Approaches to studying speech perception -head turn preference, non-nutritive sucking (HAS or NNS) pg. 100-101 and pg. 151-152

-Researchers using these procedures take advantage of natural human reflexes (orientation to sound in the case of the head-turn preference procedure and sucking in the case of the HAS procedure) to learn about how people perceive speech -High-Amplitude Non-nutritive Sucking: Researchers use the high-amplitude nonnutritive sucking procedure to determine whether infants have a priori preferences for certain sound stimuli over others. Because young infants cannot speak, point, or otherwise directly indicate what they think about speech sounds, researchers use an infant's natural sucking reflex as an indirect way to learn about his or her speech-processing abilities. In this procedure, a nonnutritive pacifier is connected to a computer. The infant sucks on the pacifier as he or she listens to audio stimuli played on a loudspeaker. The computer delivers a particular sound stimulus each time the infant sucks on the pacifier. This stimulus reinforces the infant's sucking behavior within the first 2 or 3 min of the study. As the audio stimulus reinforces the behavior, the infant becomes conditioned and sucks more frequently when he or she likes the sound and sucks less often when he or she does not like or is bored with the sound. Some researchers have used this procedure to determine, for example, that 2-month-olds can distinguish between their native language and a foreign language. Other researchers have determined that infants of the same age can retain information about speech sounds they hear for brief intervals

Egocentric speech pg. 114

-Speech that describes the worldview from only the speaker's perspective. Self-centered speech. One of the earliest forms of speech; a precursor to true dialogue

Infant speech perception- prosodic regularities and how they help an infant segment the speech stream pg. 123-124

-The prosodic characteristics of speech include the frequency, or pitch, of sounds (e.g., a low-pitched hum vs. a high-pitched squeal); the duration, or length, of sounds; and the intensity, or loudness, of sounds. Combinations of these prosodic characteristics produce distinguishable stress and intonation patterns that infants can detect. Stress is the prominence placed on certain syllables of multisyllabic words. For example, the first syllable of the word over is stressed, whereas the second syllable of the word above is stressed. Intonation, like stress, is the prominence placed on certain syllables, but it also applies to entire phrases and sentences. For instance, compare the patterns you hear in the following two sentences: "You like sardines." "Do you like sardines?" Notice the first sentence, a declarative sentence, ends in a falling intonation, whereas the second sentence, an interrogative, ends in a rising intonation. -How do infants use prosodic regularities to segment the speech stream? One way is by becoming familiar with the dominant stress patterns of their native language. Infants learning English hear many more strong-weak (over) stress patterns in bisyllabic words than they hear weak-strong (above) stress patterns. By age 9 months, infants learning English prefer to listen to words containing strong-weak stress patterns. A preference for the dominant stress pattern of their native language can help infants begin to isolate words in continuous speech. For example, infants learning English who hear phrases such as "barking doggie," "smiling baby," or "yellow flower" would be more likely to parse the bisyllabic words within those phrases correctly as barking/doggie, smiling/baby, and yellow/flower and would be less likely to parse the words incorrectly as kingdo, lingba, or llowflo. Coupled with their ability to engage in statistical learning, infants who notice the common stress patterns in their native language learn over time where likely word boundaries occur in running speech.

Genetic epistemology- what that is pg. 114

-The study of the development of knowledge. French psychologist Jean Piaget is known for his theories on genetic epistemology.

Syntactic bootstrapping and semantic bootstrapping. Be able to give examples and recognize examples pg.111-113

-You may have heard some people refer to bootstrapping their way to a particular accomplishment. This term means the individual accomplished a goal by personal effort or with minimal outside assistance. The bootstrap idiom is derived from the process of pulling a boot on with only the assistance of the small loop sewn to the top, back portion of the boot. -Syntactic Bootstrapping: The process by which children use the syntactic frames surrounding unknown verbs to successfully constrain the possible interpretations of the verbs. This theory is a nature-inspired account of language development focused specifically on syntactic development. -For example, the extralinguistic context surrounding the request, "Are you bringing me the remote control?" might prompt a child to interpret the verb in the sentence to mean "hold," "carry," "walk," or "bring." Therefore, children probably use additional linguistic information—particularly the syntax of the sentence—as they learn the meanings of new verbs. -In the preceding example, information about the meaning of bring is available in the syntax in which bring appears. In this example, an indirect object (me) and then a direct object (remote control) follow the word bring, which suggests bring is a verb of transfer (because transfer involves both the thing transferred and the person to whom it is transferred). Therefore, the meanings of hold, carry, and walk would not be good candidates. Syntactic bootstrapping is a nature-inspired language-development theory because it proposes children arrive at the task of language learning with knowledge of syntactic categories and use this knowledge to understand the meanings of words that fill various positions in sentences. -Semantic Bootstrapping: The process by which children deduce grammatical structures by using word meanings they acquire by observing events around them. -Semantic bootstrapping uses the bootstrap metaphor to illustrate how children acquire particular linguistic concepts with minimal outside assistance. However, the difference lies in what children bootstrap. With semantic bootstrapping, children deduce grammatical structures by using word meanings they acquire from observing events around them (Pinker, 1984). After children acquire a large, diverse lexicon from their observations of objects and events in the world, they use correspondences between semantics and syntax to determine the syntactic category to which each word belongs. For example, once a child learns bird describes a solid object, he or she may infer bird is a count noun. Later, when the child understands the determiner a, he or she may infer other words that include the determiner a (a watch, a clock) are also count nouns.

Basic research as use-inspired based research. pg. 98

-concentrates on building connections between theory and practice. -addresses useful applications of research findings. For example, use-inspired basic research in language development might explore how and when children acquire particular language abilities to inform interventions for children lagging in language growth.

Developmental timeline age `1-3 pg. 164-165 (do not need to know specific ages but what is achieved developmentally 1-2 and 2-3 in form, content, use)

1st word : 12 months 50 words : 20 months 100 words : 22 months 200 words : 24 months but understand about 500.

Developmental timeline for phonology, semantics, pragmatics up to 12 months pg. 133-134

5 distinct levels of early vocalization development: Reflexive (0-2 months) Control of phonation (1-4 months) Expansion (3-8 months) Canonical syllables (5-10 months) Advanced forms (9-18 months) Reflexive: vegetative sounds (soughing burping, etc), discomfort/distress sounds (fussy, crying) Control of phonation: may have some control when interacting (cooing, nasal sounds) Expansion: expansion of the sounds they produce (squeeling, raspberries, experimenting with sounds when interacting with others) margional babbling? Canonical: babbling. Duplicated, variegated.. Advanced forms: combination of consonant like and vowel like sounds.

10 infant/preverbal language functions pg. 144

Although infants are not chatterboxes, they spend much of their time listening, observing, and learning how the people around them use language to communicate. Even before infants utter their first word, they are eager to communicate. Infants who are communicating intentionally (usually by age 8 months) use a of preverbal language functions, including the following: •Attention seeking to self. Infants tug on an adult's clothing to gain his or her attention. •Attention seeking to events, objects, or other people. Infants point to things in their environment to draw attention to them. •Requesting objects. Infants use imperative pointing to indicate they would like to have an object. •Requesting action. Infants hand objects to an adult when they would like the adult to do something with the objects. •Requesting information. Infants may point to an object to have an adult provide a label for it or to give other information about the object. •Greeting. Infants wave "hi" and "bye-bye" to other people. •Transferring. Infants may give a toy they were playing with to another person. •Protesting or rejecting. Infants may cry to protest when someone takes away a toy they were playing with or may push an object away to reject it. •Responding or acknowledging. Infants may respond to other people and acknowledge their communicative attempts by smiling or laughing. •Informing. Infants may inform other people when something is wrong—for example, by pointing to a broken wheel on a toy truck. each citation for accuracy before use.

Difference between basic research and applied research. pg. 97-99

Basic research: -AKA theoretical research. -Focuses on primarily generating and refining the existing knowledge base. -To further basic understanding about language as a human phenomenon. -Advances the fundamental understanding of human learning and development. -In this type of research, experts develop, test, and refine theories about language development. When the outcomes of basic research consistently confirm a theory, the theory becomes an accepted explanatory principle Applied research: -Focuses on addressing specific problems in society and to inform practices relevant to language development. -test different approaches and practices that pertain to real-world settings. -Applied research contributes to specific societal needs by testing the viability of certain practices and approaches -provides particularly valuable information for parents and professionals with a vested interest in ensuring the language achievements of children, adolescents, and adults.

Fast mapping and slow mapping pg. 177-178

Fast Mapping: Have you ever used a fairly complex word in front of a toddler and later, to your amazement, heard the toddler use that word? As you undoubtedly know, toddlers' ability to pick up words after only a few incidental exposures, or even a single exposure, is remarkable. This ability is termed fast mapping because of the brief exposure to the novel word and its referent, for which children form a lexical representation. As one example, a toddler might quickly learn that his parents exclaim "uh oh!" when he drops something on the floor from his high chair. After just a few exposures to that word, the toddler might himself exclaim "uh oh!" when he drops a toy or a piece of food on the floor.

What first words usually refer to pg. 160

First words usually refer to salient people and objects in babies' everyday lives, such as mama, dada, doggie, kitty, and the like.

3 criteria for a first true word pg. 160

For a vocalization to be a true word, it must meet three important criteria. First, the baby must produce the word with a clear purpose. For example, when baby Zander holds up a book while saying the word book, he has the clear purpose of referring to the book. However, when his mom, Lori, wants to show her son's feat to a group of friends by prompting Zander, "Say book," the resulting utterance would be considered a direct imitation or repetition rather than a true word. Second, a true word must have recognizable pronunciation similar to the adult form of the word. According to some estimates, even 18-month-old children's pronunciations are only 25% intelligible; however, a true word should be a close approximation of the adult form, and other people should be able to recognize it as such. Thus, a baby girl's "wawa" for water is close enough to the adult form of the word that it would meet one of the criteria for a true word. In contrast, if a child produces the word water as "aaaah"—even consistently and while clearly using this sound to request a drink—this vocalization would not be a true word because it does not closely approximate the adult form. Third, a true word is a word a child uses consistently and extends beyond the original context. The baby girl who said "wawa" could be expected to use this word not only when asking for a drink of water but also when seeing her dog drinking from his water dish—and possibly even when splashing around in the bathtub.

3 characteristics of a lexical entry pg. 159

For each word babies learn, they create an entry in their lexicon, or mental dictionary. A lexical entry contains a series of symbols that compose the word, the sound of the word, the meaning of the word, and its part of speech.

Referential gestures vs deictic gestures pg. 160-161

Gesture use precedes spoken language as children transition from the prelinguistic stage to the one-word stage of language development and then from the one-word stage to the two-word stage. As an illustration, children who are beginning to transition from the prelinguistic stage to the one-word stage use referential gestures, such as holding a fist to the ear to indicate telephone, pretending to go to sleep, or waving the hand to indicate bye-bye. A referential gesture is one that indicates a precise referent and has stable meaning across different contexts. Deictic gestures (pointing, showing, giving) are gestures whose meanings change depending on the context. As an example of a deictic gesture, an infant might point to a bottle and make a grabbing motion with his hand when he would like to drink his milk, and he might later point to a toy that he dropped from his high chair while making the same grabbing motion; the same gesture has two different meanings in these two contexts. The more advanced gestural form, referential gestures, shares some of the properties of first true words, and their use signals an impending transition from prelinguistic to linguistic communication.

Detection of non-native differences pg. 125

Infants' ability to notice fine phonetic detail is not limited to their native language. In the first year, they can distinguish among the sounds of all world languages, an ability older children and adults lack. As infants develop and become attuned to the sounds they hear regularly, their ability to distinguish nonnative phonemic contrasts diminishes. For example, up to about 6 months of age, infants learning English can distinguish between two different sounds in the Hindi language that would both sound like "da" to older English-speaking children and adults. Being able to perceive fine phonetic contrasts is crucial, because infants must be prepared to distinguish between sounds that are meaningful in whichever language or languages they encounter regularly in their community. The process by which infants start to focus more on perceptual differences that are relevant to them (such as the difference between two native phonemes) and focus less on perceptual differences that are not relevant to them, or that they encounter less often (such as the difference between two nonnative phonemes), is called perceptual narrowing. Perceptual narrowing is not limited to speech sounds. In fact, infants experience perceptual narrowing with regard to abilities such as face perception (the ability to discriminate between faces the infant does not encounter regularly) and the perception of musical rhythm (the ability to discriminate between musical rhythms not present in one's culture). Some researchers suggest that because perceptual narrowing occurs over the second half of the first year of life in areas other than the perception of speech sounds, the ability to distinguish nonnative contrasts is likely a domain-general process and not a domain-specific process or one that applies only to language learning.

Jargon pg. 132, 134 Video on jargon watched in class-characteristics of child's vocalizations

Jargon is a special type of babbling containing at least two syllables and at least two different consonants and vowels, as well as varied stress or intonation patterns. Because infants using jargon incorporate stress and intonation patterns, you may think you are hearing questions, exclamations, and commands, even in the absence of recognizable words. Although the vocalizations infants produce while they are babbling or using jargon may sound like short words or syllables, such vocalizations are not considered true words because they are not referential, nor do they convey meaning. Rather, at this stage, infants are still experimenting with the sounds of their native language.

Difference between early talkers and late talkers pg. 147

Late talkers are children who exhibit early delays in their expressive (rather than receptive) language development. Although there is no clinical diagnosis for being a late talker, one common definition considers children to be late talkers if they produce fewer than 50 words by age 2. Zubrick, Taylor, Rice, and Slegers (2007) estimate that about 13.4% of the general population are late talkers (and they mention this figure is consistent with prior research estimating prevalence rates to be 10%-20%). These researchers also report that males are about three times more likely to be late talkers than females, and infants who are born earlier than 37 weeks' gestation, or who are less than 85% of their optimum birth weight are about twice as likely to be late talkers than infants without such neurobiological issues. Late talkers are of concern to parents and clinicians. Being a late talker does not necessarily mean a child will have a language delay or impairment; however, it can be an important predictor of being diagnosed with a delay or impairment at a later age. Many late talkers can achieve normal language levels by age 3 or 4 years. However, they may still exhibit delays in subtle aspects of language development, and perform at significantly lower levels on measures of verbal short-term memory, sentence formulation, word retrieval, auditory processing of complex information, and elaborated verbal expression than their age-matched, typically developing peers at ages 6, 7, and 8 years. Early talkers are children who are ahead of their peers in expressive language use. Bates and colleagues (1995) defined early talkers as children between ages 11 and 21 months who score in the top 10% for vocabulary production for their age on the MacArthur-Bates CDI. Whereas children developing language typically produce an average of 200 words at 21 months, early talkers produce an average of 475 words. Although few studies on early talkers have been conducted, research results suggest these children have an advantage over their age-matched, typically developing peers on measures of vocabulary, grammar, and verbal reasoning throughout early childhood.

Disciplines that study language development pg.96

Linguistics -Focuses on human mind and behavior and the changes that occur in humans as they age. Psycholinguistics -Focuses on aspects of human language including phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. (Linguistic) Anthropology -Focuses on the relationship between language and culture, social use of language, language variation across time and space. Speech-Language Pathology -Focuses on the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of speech language disorder. Education -Focuses on the aspects of teaching and learning. Sociology -Focuses on the aspects of society such as cultural norms, expectations, and contexts.

Milestones for speech and language development in infancy pg. 155

Milestones for speech and language development BIRTH TO 3 MONTHS Reacts to loud sounds? Calms down or smiles when spoken to?Recognizes your voice and calms down if crying? When feeding, starts or stops sucking in response to sound? Coos and makes pleasure sounds? Has a special way of crying for different needs? Smiles when he or she sees you? 4 TO 6 MONTHS Follows sounds with his or her eyes? Responds to changes in the tone of your voice? Notices toys that make sounds? Pays attention to music? Babbles in a speech-like way and uses many different sounds, including sounds that begin with p, b, and m? Laughs? Babbles when excited or unhappy? Makes gurgling sounds when alone or playing with you? 7 MONTHS TO 1 YEAR Enjoys playing peek-a-boo and pat-a-cake? Turns and looks in the direction of sounds? Listens when spoken to? Understands words for common items such as "cup," "shoe," or "juice"? Responds to requests ("Come here")? Babbles using long and short groups of sounds ("tata, upup, bibibi")? Babbles to get and keep attention? Communicates using gestures such as waving or holding up arms? Has one or two words ("Hi," "dog," "Dada," or "Mama") by first birthday?

Mirror neurons and gestures pg. 162

Mirror neurons, a type of visuomotor neurons (related both to vision and to muscular movement), activate when people perform actions (including communicative actions) and when they observe other people perform actions. Evidence for a mirror neuron system in humans comes from neurophysiological and brain- imaging studies such as those discussed in Chapter 3. Some researchers have proposed mirror neurons are responsible for the evolution of gestures and language in humans. For example, Rizzolatti and Craighero (2004) proposed that hand-arm gestures and speech share a common neural substrate. They cited evidence from transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) studies—which involve noninvasive electrical stimulation of the nervous system—showing that when adults read and produce spontaneous speech, the excitability of the hand motor cortex increases in the left hemisphere of the brain. Furthermore, this activation is absent in the leg motor area and in the right hemisphere of the brain. So, could humans' earliest ancestors have communicated primarily through hand gestures, and does evidence of this system remain with people today? If so, a good reason may exist for why gesture use (either alone or accompanying speech) continues throughout the preschool years, the school-age years, and adulthood as a means of communication and a way to enhance communication. Future advances in neuroscience will undoubtedly continue to shed light on this theory.

Overextension, underextension and overlap pg. 179-178

Overextension, or overgeneralization, is the process by which children use words in an overly general manner. Toddlers make three major kinds of overextensions: categorical, analogical, and relational. Toddlers make categorical overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words in the same category. For example, if a child learns the word dog and then calls all four-legged animals "dog," he or she is making a categorical overextension. Another example would be if a child learned the word milk and called all liquids "milk." Toddlers make analogical overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words that are perceptually similar. For example, a child may learn the word ball and then call other round objects (e.g., the moon, an orange) "ball" as well. The second author (L. J.) witnessed another example of this type of overextension as used by her then 2-year-old son Griffin. He picked up a hanger from the floor of her closet, held it up, and exclaimed "umbrella!" At first blush, this seems a bit strange (as are many things toddlers do), but it makes perfect sense from a word-learning perspective, because hangers do look a bit like umbrellas from a perceptual perspective. Toddlers make relational overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words that are semantically or thematically related. For instance, Dillon may use the word flower to refer to a watering can that he sees his mother use to water flowers. He may use the same word to refer to flowerpots his mother uses to house the flowers. Toddlers overgeneralize about one-third of all new words on the basis of categorical, analogical, and relational similarities (Rescorla, 1980). However, even more common than overextensions are underextensions. When toddlers learn new words, they use these words cautiously and conservatively at first. This process, whereby toddlers use words to refer to only a subset of possible referents, is called underextension. When a toddler girl uses the word book only when referring to the hardcover books in her collection (and not to her parents' paperback books), or when she uses the word bottle to refer only to her baby bottle (and not to glass bottles or plastic water bottles), she is engaging in underextension.

Key features of video of 2 year old signing (in class video) length of signed phrases, examples of what she signed

The child could produce about 3 word utterance (signs) at a time.

Theory of Mind (TOM) pg. 162-163 & video watched in class

Theory of mind (ToM) as the ability to understand one's own mental or emotional state, to understand that others also have mental or emotional states, and to realize that others' mental and emotional states, beliefs, intentions, and perspectives differ from one's own. One common measure of ToM development is a false-belief task (of which there are a number of variations). False-belief tasks assess whether children demonstrate understanding that another's beliefs can differ from one's own beliefs. As one example, an experimenter hides an object in front of the child being assessed and another observer (e.g., the experimenter hides a toy in a box in plain sight of the child and the observer). After the observer leaves the room, the experimenter moves the object to a different location that the child knows about but the original observer does not know about (e.g., the experimenter removes the toy from inside the box and places it under a couch). The experimenter then asks the child where the observer will think the object is. Children who have developed ToM indicate the observer will think the object is in its original hiding place (e.g., inside the box), whereas children who have not yet developed ToM indicate the observer will think the object is in the new hiding place (e.g., under the couch), demonstrating they are unable to take the perspective of the observer who presumably would not know the object had been moved.

3 types of overextension pg. 179

Toddlers make categorical overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words in the same category. For example, if a child learns the word dog and then calls all four-legged animals "dog," he or she is making a categorical overextension. Another example would be if a child learned the word milk and called all liquids "milk." Toddlers make analogical overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words that are perceptually similar. For example, a child may learn the word ball and then call other round objects (e.g., the moon, an orange) "ball" as well. The second author (L. J.) witnessed another example of this type of overextension as used by her then 2-year-old son Griffin. He picked up a hanger from the floor of her closet, held it up, and exclaimed "umbrella!" At first blush, this seems a bit strange (as are many things toddlers do), but it makes perfect sense from a word-learning perspective, because hangers do look a bit like umbrellas from a perceptual perspective. Toddlers make relational overextensions when they extend a word they know to other words that are semantically or thematically related. For instance, Dillon may use the word flower to refer to a watering can that he sees his mother use to water flowers. He may use the same word to refer to flowerpots his mother uses to house the flowers.

Calculating MLU pg. 173

We can calculate MLU by counting the total number of morphemes in a sample of 50-100 spontaneous utterances and then dividing that number by the total number of utterances: MLU= Total number of morphemes divided by Total number of utterances. There are additional conventions for counting morphemes (see Brown, 1973 for the complete set of rules), including the following: Do not count fillers, such as umm or oh; count proper names, compound words (e.g., birthday) and ritualized reduplications (e.g., choo choo) as a single word; count catenatives (e.g., gonna, wanna) as a single word, but count auxiliaries (e.g., is, have) as separate morphemes.

Joint engagement -what it is pg. 163

active coordination of attention between objects and social partners children who use joint engagement demonstrate higher scores on false-belief tasks in the preschool years (between 42 and 66 months of age). This research suggests that as toddlers observe a social partner's actions and reactions to shared objects during periods of coordinated joint engagement and as they talk about shared objects during symbol-infused joint engagement, they learn vital information about other's mental states, which is crucial for theory of mind development.

Evidence-based practice - what it is and why it is important pg. 95 & 119-120

evidence-based practice (EBP) involves integrating theoretical knowledge with scientific inquiry to inform decision making. Practitioners incorporate the principles of EBP to inform their everyday decision making in a variety of fields; this chapter focuses on the fields of education and speech-language pathology and audiology, as they are most relevant to the field of language development. Within school settings, professionals must regularly make decisions about how best to teach children. For example, administrators and curriculum specialists must decide which curricula to adopt (e.g., a first-grade reading curriculum that relies heavily on computer games and technology versus a first-grade reading curriculum that does not incorporate technology), and teachers must decide what kinds of instructional practices to implement within their classrooms (e.g., whether or not to place students in small groups based on their ability level). Because the field of education has increasingly emphasized the importance of identifying and adopting scientifically-based or evidence-based curricula, programs, and practices, many commercial products have responded by claiming to be "evidence-based," "theoretically-driven," "field-tested," "scientifically-proven," or "research-based." Education professionals thus face the challenge of distinguishing between those curricula, programs, and practices that are truly evidence-based and those whose claims are largely or completely unfounded. The U.S. Department of Education's Institute of Education Sciences (IES) is one organization that provides guidance to education professionals on how to evaluate curricula, programs, and practices to determine the extent to which they are evidence-based (see U.S. Department of Education, 2003). For example, IES describes how professionals can evaluate whether an intervention they are considering for adoption is backed by "strong" evidence of effectiveness. IES considers evidence to be strong when it is from two or more well-designed and well-implemented randomized controlled trials (studies that randomly assign participants to an intervention or control group to measure the intervention's effects) conducted in typical school settings. There are a number of resources on the Web that education professionals can consult to help guide their decision-making. One example is the IES What Works Clearinghouse (WWC) Web site (http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/wwc/). The WWC Web site evaluates the quality of research evidence for education curricula, programs, and practices in a number of areas (e.g., beginning reading, English learners). As another example, the Campbell Collaboration (C2) Web site (http://www.campbellcollaboration.org) prepares, maintains, and disseminates reviews of research evidence in the areas of education, crime and justice, and social welfare. With regard to speech-language pathology and audiology, professionals routinely make clinical decisions about the kinds of interventions and practices they will implement to improve the speech, language, and hearing abilities of the children they work with. The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) provides a position statement that describes how professionals should incorporate the principles of EBP in their clinical decision-making by integrating high-quality research evidence with client preferences and values and with their own experience as practitioners (ASHA, 2005). As with the IES guidelines for EBP, ASHA recommends that professionals evaluate the quality of evidence before incorporating such evidence in their decision-making. ASHA further emphasizes five additional areas to consider in making clinical decisions: (a) integrating the needs, values, abilities, preferences, and interests of individuals and their families with research evidence; (b) acquiring and maintaining the knowledge and skills necessary to provide high-quality services; (c) identifying informative and cost-effective screening and diagnostic tools in accordance with the EBP literature; (d) identifying effective clinical protocols for prevention, treatment, and enhancement in accordance with the EBP literature; and (e) continually monitoring and incorporating new high-quality research evidence that has implications for practice. Another resource for clinical professionals is the Cochrane Collaboration (http://www.cochrane.org), which provides systematic reviews of research evidence in the area of health care interventions. Another example is ASHA's National Center for Evidence-Based Practice in Communication Disorders (N-CEP) Compendium of EBP Guidelines and Systematic Reviews. This compendium includes guidelines and systematic reviews in more than 100 topic areas, such as pragmatics and written language, to help guide clinical decision-making.

Receptive vs. expressive lexicons pg. 179

receptive lexicon is the words children comprehend. expressive lexicon is the words children produce.

Semantic relations of two word utterances. Know the main combinations for two word utterances, be able to recognize and give examples (powerpoint)

subject + action action + object subject + objectaction + locationentity + location possessor + possession entity +attribute nominationrecurrencenegation