history 3 quiz

Modern times

"a 1936 comedy film by Charlie Chaplin that has his iconic Little Tramp character struggling to survive in the modern, industrialized world. The film is a comment on the desperate employment and fiscal conditions many people faced during the Great Depression, conditions created, in Chaplin's view, by the efficiencies of modern industrialization." (Wikipedia)

Ernest Hemingway

Ernest Hemingway fought in Italy in 1917. He later became a famous author who wrote "The Sun Also Rises" (about American expatriates in Europe) and "A Farewell to Arms." In the 1920's he became upset with the idealism of America versus the realism he saw in World War I. He was very distraught, and in 1961 he shot himself in the head.

Mein Kampf

"My Struggle"—a book written by Adolf Hitler during his imprisonment in 1923-1924, in which he set forth his beliefs and his goals for Germany.

george orwell

"Nationalism is power hunger tempered by self-deception."

National socialism

"Nazism" refers to the ideology and practices of the National Socialist German Workers' Party under Adolf Hitler, and the policies adopted by the dictatorial government of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945

Washington Conference

(1921) Conference of major powers to reduce naval armaments among Great Britain, Japan, France, Italy, and the United States.

Young Plan

(1929) Schedule that set limits to Germany's reparation payments and reduced the agreed-on time for occupation of the Ruhr.

Lebensraum

(German for "habitat" or literally "living space") served as a major motivation for Nazi Germany's territorial aggression. In his book Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler detailed his belief that the German people needed Lebensraum (for a Grossdeutschland, land, and raw materials), and that it should be taken in the East. It was the stated policy of the Nazis to kill, deport, Germanize or enslave the Polish, and later also Russian and other Slavic populations, and to repopulate the land with reinrassig Germanic peoples. The entire urban population was to be exterminated by starvation, thus creating an agricultural surplus to feed Germany and allowing their replacement by a German upper class.

appeasement

A policy of making concessions to an aggressor in the hopes of avoiding war. Associated with Neville Chamberlain's policy of making concessions to Adolf Hitler.

armistice

A state of peace agreed to between opponents so they can discuss peace terms

roaring 20's

A time of booming business, lots of new entertainment like Jazz Age music, and new technologies.

President Specifies Terms Basis For World Peace; Asks Justice For Alsace-Lorraine, Applauds Russia, Tells Germany She May Be An Equal But Not A Master

APPEALS TO GERMAN PEOPLE Wilson Declares We Must Know for Whom Their Rulers Speak READY TO FIGHT TO END Insists That Principle of Justice to All Nations Is Only Basis for Peace. DEMANDS FREEDOM OF SEAS Congress Cheers Utterance as Momentous Declaration of Entente War Aims. Special to The New York Times RELATED HEADLINES Text of President Wilson's Speech OTHER HEADLINES London Sees No Peace: Fierce Fighting Ahead Despite the Lloyd George Statement: Necessity Prompted by It: Solidification of Public Opinion by Removing Doubt Was Imperative: Teuton Press Hostile: Derisive Comment by German and Austrian Papers, Which Say Sword Will Force Peace. Trotzky Distrusts Allies: Thinks They Want Him to Give In to Berlin and Make Peace: Thus Helping Their Ends: Bolsheviki Will Fight, He Asserts, Unless Terms Desired Are Accepted by Teutons: Says Their Troops Rebel: Jump From Trains When Sent West -- Confirms Report of 25,000 Intrenched. Haig Victory Clearly Visibly Nearer: Says the Allies Have Discounted the Enemy's Gains Through Russia's Collapse: Weather His Chief Foe: Only That Prevented Complete Victory in Flanders -- Warm Welcome to Our Troops. German Press Say 'No' To Lloyd George: Talks Like a Conqueror, They Say -- Refuse to Take Speech as Peace Offer. Germans Starve by Hundreds; Vorwaerts Sees Catastrophe Germany Announces Extension of the Submarine Barred Zone Russia Seen On Verge Of Utter Collapse: Petrograd Faces Famine and Paralysis, While Anarchy Reigns in Provinces. Washington, Jan. 8 -- The terms upon which Germany may obtain peace were given to the American Congress for the benefit of the whole world by President Wilson today. With scant notice of his coming, notice barely sufficient to enable the Senate and the House to make the necessary arrangements for a joint session, the President appeared at the Capitol, and in an address, brief by comparison to the momentous issues discussed, enumerated the conditions for a cessation of hostilities, the rejection of which will place upon Germany the responsibility for the further bloodshed that must precede the final victory of the allied nations. President Wilson's address bore a striking resemblance to the speech made last Saturday by Mr. Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister, before the Trade Union Conference on Man Power in which he specified the war aims and peace conditions of the British Government. The diversions in the President's address from statements of the Prime Minister were for the most part more in the form than in the substance. But in the opinion of many of those who compared Mr. Wilson's address with the utterances of Mr. Lloyd George, the President was more definite in declaring that the wrong done to France though the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine must be righted and he differed from Mr. Lloyd George with regard to the Russian situation in that he held out to the Russian people an offer of assistance from America, and tendered sympathy for the aims that those now in control of the affairs of that perturbed country are seeking to achieve. Leaves No Doubt of Unity By the President's official utterances he has pledged this Government to the achievement of ends that affect Europe more intimately and deeply than the United States. No doubt was left in the minds of those who listened to the President's words that this Government has entered heart and soul into the cause of the Entente Allies, to fight for the objects for which they are fighting to free Europe from the menace of Prussianism, to take Alsace-Lorraine from German domination, to prevent Russia from becoming part of the German Empire, to see that Italy has restored to her those portions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire that are inhabited by a people who are Italian in heart and blood, to bring all the Polish peoples into a common Government, to restore Belgium, Serbia, and the small nations that have been devastated by Teuton hordes, to their own, to give the separate nationalities of Austria-Hungary, Turkey and the Balkan States the right to govern themselves as separate entities, to have Northern France restored to French control. And, in addition to these aims, the allied nations, in order to find a peace acceptable to them, must be assured of freedom of the seas, the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among the nations of the world, the reduction of armaments and an association of nations in a league to enforce peace. There must also be no secret agreements among nations that would threaten again the peace of the world. Immediately following the delivery of the President's address, there was a disposition manifest to refer to his outline of the conditions which Germany must accept before the war could end as a definition of peace terms. But in the official quarters best qualified to interpret the meaning of the President, it was declared that his statement must be taken as a definition of war aims. The President left no doubt that, unless Germany consented to enter into peace exchanges on the basis of the conditions set forth in his address, the United States and the Allies would fight on until the Central Powers realized that there could be no peace in any other way. "It was an outline of war aims, not a peace address," declared one official. Terms Clear and Definite Never before has President Wilson or any other spokesman for a nation at war with Germany made such a clear and definite exposition of the conditions upon which the war must be fought or put another way, the conditions upon which peace might be obtained. Until today the President had refrained from making any official expression whatever as to the views of the Washington Government concerning Alsace-Lorraine. Nor had he indicated how the Government felt toward the aspiration of Italy to regain the territory that Austria had obtained through the Treaty of Vienna. He had refrained also from expression of sentiment concerning the disposition of the German colonies which have been taken from her since the war began. But today he made clear that in these as in other questions that must be adjusted around the peace council table, the United States and the Allies are fighting to achieve common objects, and each has assumed its share of helping its partners to gain the ends that more immediately pertain to their welfare and future happiness and stability. Washington- that is, official and diplomatic Washington- was never more interested by any official utterance since the United States entered the war than by the words spoken by President Wilson in the hall of the House of Representatives today. No statement has come from any Administration source to give closer interpretation of any of his declarations. Those who are anxious to know whether the President delivered his definition of war aims with the knowledge and consent of the Allied Governments could obtain no satisfaction. Upon that point the State Department had no comment, but there was a very general opinion that exchanges had taken place between Washington, London, Paris, Rome, and possibly Tokyo and an agreement reached along general lines as to what the President should say. Counseled with Colonel House It is believed also that the speech of Mr. Lloyd George was not prepared until its substance or its text had been communicated to the capitals of the other Allies and their views obtained. The President is supposed to have begun the preparation of today's address last Saturday, the day that Mr. Lloyd George delivered his speech. Colonel E. M. House, the President's unofficial emissary and adviser in war matters, who returned recently from a mission to Europe which resulted in the establishment of an interallied war council, came to Washington on Saturday evening and has been the President's guest since. No inkling was given by the President that he contemplated delivering an address defining the war aims of America. Even some of those who ordinarily would have known of this work were apparently kept in the dark. The manuscript of the address was sent to the Government Printing Office last night, and copies of it were delivered at the White House this morning. When the Senate and the House assembled, Vice President Marshall and Speaker Clark had been notified that the President desired to address the two houses in joint session at 12 o'clock, and the half hour intervening after the hour of assembling was spent in putting through the necessary resolution for the joint meeting and the march of the Senators to the House wing of the Capitol. The President's statement was generally approved in Congress. Republicans were as enthusiastic as Democrats in endorsing the President's outline of the conditions for world peace. There was an under-current of private criticism over his statement with reference to Alsace-Lorraine on the ground that he was so specific that Germany might find this a stumbling block to peace overtures, but those who voiced this sentiment wished to be understood that they felt that the address was otherwise so commendable that it would be poor taste for them to find cause for dissent in this particular feature. Republican Fear Free Trade The only real outspoken criticism came from Republicans who saw in one of the war aims specified by the President a declaration that would commit the Allies and their enemies to the establishment of free trade for all the world for a basis of peace. This condition of war stated by the President in these words: "The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance." If this meant an acceptance of the principle of free trade that would permit Germany as well as other nations to dump their products in American ports and bring them into competition with American production, the Republicans, it was asserted, would enter a vigorous protest and would not consent to any peace that included such a condition. Generally, however, Congress gave hearty approval to practically everything that was said by the President. Cheers for Alsace-Lorraine Perhaps the most surprising evidence of responsiveness was given when the President referred to Alsace-Lorraine. He declared that "the wrong, done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine should be righted." Up to that time there had been hearty applause for several of the sentiments and war aims enunciated by Mr. Wilson. But when he referred to Alsace-Lorraine, floor and gallery made known its sympathy with this view in a way that left no doubt of the heartiest endorsement of the thing nearest to the heart of France. With more feeling than he had shown at any time in the delivery of his address today or in any other important utterance made to the Congress, the President began reading his declaration with reference to the lost French provinces. "All French territory," he said, "should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine --" But here he was obliged to pause. A great shout went up from the Senators and Representatives. The whole Congress came to its feet and continued to express its approval with shouts and hand clapping. The galleries too rose to the occasion and soon the House was in a turmoil of enthusiasm that showed the President how deeply the American people were interested in the realization of France's dearest hope. Demonstration for Russia The President had read a page and a half of his address before the enthusiasm, which grew in volume with each successive outburst, was manifested. A reference to Mr. Lloyd George's speech was greeted with a round of hand clapping. A minute later his expression of sympathy for the Russian people brought a longer demonstration of approval. It was apparent that the President's words struck home when he declared the intention of the Government to assist the Russians in realizing the ideals that they had set forth in their statement of peace terms to the German envoys at Brest-Litovsk. In this connection, it was noted by many Senators and Representatives that the President's expressions differed somewhat from the declaration made by Mr. Lloyd George with reference to Russia. The view of the British Prime Minister had been interpreted here as meaning that the British Ministry believed that Russia was lost to the Allies, and that no good could be accomplished by any further effort to bring that country back into the war on the side of the Allies. But according to the opinion most prevalent in Washington after the delivery of the President's address, the United States Government will use every endeavor to make the present Russian authority realize that its views are those of America and that this nation in fighting on is seeking to help Russia achieve the aims laid down at Brest-Litovsk. A view rather generally held among Senators and Representatives is that the President delivered his address today partly to encourage Russia to adhere to the principles proposed to the German Peace Commissioners and to understand that America and the other allied Governments would help her in every way. Means have already been taken by the Government to have copies of the President's address distributed in Russian, and it is felt in official circles that the heads of the Petrograd authority are bound to be impressed by the sympathy with Russian democratic ideals shown in Mr. Wilson's words. Back to the top of this page. Back to today's page. Go to another day. Front Page Image Provided by UMI

The Manchester Guardian Dachau concentration camp Report on its organisation, routine and recent history | Punishment and ill-treatment of prisoners Monday January 1, 1934 The concentration camp at Dachau is often represented as a model of its kind.

The concentration camp at Dachau is often represented as a model of its kind. Thus the "Münchener Illustrierte Presse" of July 16 described it (with illustrations) as a kind of institute where politically misguided men are being trained to become good citizens. They are seen drilling and working in a way that suggests a healthy and a disciplined but not overstrenuous life. The truth is that this camp is in no sense a model, although it is no worse than many of the Hitlerite concentration camps. The following details of the organisation and routine have come into the possession of your correspondent:- The number of prisoners (according to the September list) is 2,200-2,400. Of these about fifty are intellectuals, a few are members of the middle class, without any political affiliations, fifty or sixty are Nazis, about sixty are Jews, about five hundred are Socialists, two are army officers (Catholics and members of the Bavarian People's party), there are several beggars and ordinary criminals, fifteen are non-German subjects, and the remainder are Communists. The overwhelming majority belong to the working class. The prisoners are organised in ten companies; a company, at full strength, has 270 men in five squads (Korporalschaften) of fifty-four men each. The First Company contains carpenters and artisans and has certain privileges. The Seventh Company is the "Strafkompanie" of "refractory" men. The First Squad of this company is made up of members of trade unions and of Socialist and Communist party officials; the Second Squad is made up of Jews. The prisoners are housed in ten barracks. Each squad has two tubs, six wash-basins, and two pails (flowing water is available, but the swimming-bath shown in the "Münchener Illustrierte Presse" is for the use of the Nazi guards only). All officials of the Communist party who refuse to give the political information the Nazis demand are sent to the cells ("Arrestzellen"). So are the prisoners who have committed offences such as making political remarks in their letters. The cells are of concrete, they have one barred window each (which can be darkened), they are damp, and without heating arrangements. One of the cells is totally dark. In September twenty-one new cells were built by the prisoners. Chains (with manacles - made by the prisoners in the camp forge - for wrists and ankles) are let into the walls. The sleeping accommodation consists of wooden planks without a blanket. A prisoner sentenced to detention ("Arrest") in one of these cells gets nothing to eat on the first day, then bread and water for three days, and a hot meal every fourth day. Those sentenced to "Mittelarrest," a milder form of detention, are allowed a straw sack to sleep on, while their cells are not darkened. Prisoners may be sentenced to detention for as much as three months. Besides detention in the cells there is corporal punishment. This consists of a flogging with an ox-hide thong that has a strip of steel, three to four millimetres wide, running along its whole length (these thongs are made by the prisoners). The blows - the number varies from twenty-five to seventy-five according to the sentence - are counted out by an S.S. man (Black Shirt). Two other S.S. men hold the prisoner down, one by the hands and the other by the head, round which a sack is wrapped, so that the prisoner's cries are stifled. Officials of the Socialist and Communist parties are usually beaten on arrival, without having committed any specific offence. Prisoners are sentenced to corporal punishment for very small offences, such as uttering Communist slogans like "Rot Front" ("Red Front"). On August 18 twenty-five men who had arrived on the previous day received twenty-five and seventy-five blows each on their bared bodies for no apparent reason, while their Nazi guards amused themselves with a radio set. As a further penalty prisoners may be forbidden to send or receive letters. They may also be put on half-rations. The working day is ten hours long (exclusive of meal times). In addition to the regular punishments there are special forms of arbitrary ill-treatment. Thus prisoners are sometimes beaten with wet towels. Sometimes they are bastinadoed until the soles of their feet are lacerated. Several S.A. men (Brown Shirts) who arrived in the camp on August 1 were bastinadoed as well as being maltreated in other ways. Two of them, Amuschel and Handschuck, died of their injuries. The Communist Fritz Schaper was so beaten that he was prostrate for eight weeks. On September 2 one of the Nazi guards broke a prisoner's jaw with a blow of his fist. On June 30 twenty prisoners were so beaten in the cellar under the kitchen that their cries could be heard by the other prisoners. Some prisoners have also been beaten with lengths of rubber hosepipe. Some have been burnt with cigarette ends and some have been put to what Americans call the "water torture". Amongst the prisoners who have received severe injuries are L. Buchmann, Georg Freischütz, and a journalist named Ewald Thunig. The Munich Communist Sepp Götz was killed after being so beaten that he could no longer stand. The student Wickelmeier was killed by a bullet. The Communist Fritz Dressel was beaten to death. Leonhard Hausmann, a municipal councillor, Lehrburger, Aron (a member of the Bamberg Reichsbanner) and Stenzel were killed. Willy Franz was killed in September - he was officially reported to have hanged himself, but the post-mortem showed no traces of hanging, while the face was stained with blood and the clothes blood-sodden. At the end of November the Communist official Buerk (from Memmingen) was killed. The total number of prisoners who have been killed or who have died of their injuries at Dachau cannot be far short of fifty. The names of nine persons who have actually maltreated or murdered prisoners are in the possession of your correspondent. One of the prisoners was a doctor named Katz, of Nuremberg. He was to have been released in October, but is alleged to have hanged himself just before. Until his death he treated the injured prisoners. His successor is a certain Muzner. Precautions are taken to prevent the facts about the camp from becoming known. The prisoners are told, under menaces, that they must always deny having been beaten. Two of them have been forced to write articles giving a favourable account of life in the camp, and their names are in the possession of your correspondent.

Volksgemeinschaft

The folk community. The Nazi slogan expressing the desire to create a classless, unified German society.

Little Entente

This alliance joined Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia against defeated and bitter Hungary. France was also closely associated with this alliance

peace of paris

This ended the Seven Years War/French and Indian war between Britain and her allies and France and her allies. The result was the acquisition of all land east of the Mississippi plus Canada for Britain, and the removal of the French from mainland North America.

economic dilemas

France was hardest hit by wartime destruction and billions of dolars in debt

Gestapo

German secret police

Thomas Mann

German writer concerned about the role of the artist in bourgeois society (1875-1955)

Treaty of Locarno

Germany, France, UK, and Belgium promised never to go to war again even though Germany wanted to be a great power again, Germany never recovered the territory lost in poland again. Confirmed western borders of the Weimer republic. they never confirmed eastern europe (poland- did not follow the 'rules' of self determination). Germany received a seat in the league as of 1926

Nazi soviet pact

Hitler and Joseph Stalin agreed not to attack each other but divided Poland for an easy win, but Germany didn't keep true to their word and attacked Stalin later

Jazz age

Name for the 1920s, because of the popularity of jazz-a new type of American music that combined African rhythms, blues, and ragtime

Vladimir Ilich Lenin - what is to be done (1902)

Selections from Vladimir Ilich Lenin, What is to be Done? (1902) Without a revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. This thought cannot be insisted upon too strongly at a time when the fashionable preaching of opportunism goes hand in hand with an infatuation for the narrowest forms of practical activity... Our Party is only in process of formation, its features are only just becoming outlined, and it is yet far from having settled accounts with other trends of revolutionary thought, which threaten to divert the movement from the correct path.... The national tasks of Russian Social-Democracy are such as have never confronted any other socialist party in the world.... The role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory.... 1. The systematic strikes [of the 1890s in St. Petersburg] represented the class struggle in embryo, but only in embryo. Taken by themselves, these strikes were simply trade union struggles, but not yet Social-Democratic struggles. They marked the awakening antagonisms between workers and employers, but the workers were not, and could not be, conscious of the irreconcilable antagonism of their interests to the whole of the modern political and social system, i.e., theirs was not yet Social-Democratic consciousness. In this sense, the strikes of the nineties despite of the enormous progress they represented as compared with [earlier] "revolts ," remained a purely spontaneous movement. We have said that there could not have been Social-Democratic consciousness among the workers. It could only be brought to them from without. The history of all countries shows that the working class, exclusively by its own effort, is able to develop only trade union consciousness, i.e., the conviction that it is necessary to combine in unions, fight the employers and strive to compel the government to pass necessary labour legislation, etc. The theory of socialism, however, grew out of the philosophic, historical and economic theories elaborated by educated representatives of the propertied classes, the intellectuals. By their social status, the founders of modern scientific socialism, Marx and Engels, themselves belonged to the bourgeois intelligentsia. In the very same way, in Russia, the theoretical doctrine of Social-Democracy arose quite independently of the spontaneous growth of the working-class movement, it arose as a natural and inevitable outcome of the development of thought among the revolutionary socialist intelligentsia... Hence, we had both the spontaneous awakening of the masses of the workers, the awakening to conscious life and conscious struggle, and a revolutionary youth, armed with the Social-Democratic theory, eager to come into contact with the workers... Since there can be no talk of an independent ideology formulated by the working masses themselves in the process of their movement, the only choice is--either bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle course (for humanity has not created a "third" ideology, and, moreover, in a society torn by class antagonisms there can never be a non-class or above-class ideology). Hence, to belittle the socialist ideology in any way, to turn away from it in the slightest degree means to strengthen bourgeois ideology. The political struggle of Social-Democracy is far more extensive and complex than the economic struggle of the workers against the employers and the government. Similarly (indeed for that reason), the organization of a revolutionary Social-Democratic party must inevitably be of a kind different from the organisation of the workers designed for this struggle. A workers' organization must in the first place be a trade organization; secondly, it must be as broad as possible; and thirdly, it must be as little clandestine as possible (here, and further on, of course, I have only autocratic Russia in mind). On the other hand, the organizations of revolutionaries must consist first, foremost and mainly of people who make revolutionary activity their profession (that is why I speak of organizations of revolutionaries, meaning revolutionary Social-Democrats). In view of this common feature of the members of such an organization, all distinctions as between workers and intellectuals, not to speak of distinctions of trade and profession, in both categories must be obliterated. Such an organization must of necessity be not too extensive and as secret as possible.... I assert: 1) that no revolutionary movement can endure without a stable organization of leaders maintaining continuity; 2) that the broader the popular mass drawn spontaneously drawn into the struggle, forming the basis of the movement and participating in it, the more urgent the need for such an organization, and the more solid this organization must be (for it is much easier for demagogues to side track the more backward sections of the masses); 3) that such an organization must consist chiefly of people professionally engaged in revolutionary activity; 4) that in an autocratic state, the more we confine the membership of such an organization to people who are professionally engaged in revolutionary activity and to have been professionally trained in the art of combatting the political police, the more difficult will it be to wipe out such an organization, and 5) the greater will be the number of people of the working class and of the other classes of society who will be able to join the movement and perform active work in it... Our worst sin with regard to organization is that by our amateurishness we have lowered the prestige of revolutionaries in Russia. A person who is flabby and shaky on questions of theory, who has a narrow outlook, who pleads the spontaneity of the masses as an excuse for his own sluggishness, who resembles a trade union secretary more than a spokesman of the people, who is unable to conceive of a broad and bold plan that would command the respect even of opponents, and who is inexperienced and clumsy in his own professional art - the art of combating the political police - why, such a man is not a revolutionary but a wretched amateur! Source: V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, (Moscow, 1964), v. 5, pp. 352-353, 354-355, 369-370, 374-375, 389, 452-453, 464. Translation revised and edited by Nathaniel Knight 6/09/00

Ernst Roehm

Was the Chief of Staff of the SA and a leading figure in the early history of the party. After the Nazis came to power, he expected the SA to be turned into a Nazi 'People's Army', but his idea was opposed by Hitler and regular army. He was murdered in the blood purge, known and the 'Night of Long Knives', in June 1934.

National socialist german workers party

What is Nazi short for?

A fireside chat

What's a chat from Roosevelt on the radio

Marie Stopes

Wrote Married Love, claimed that the secret to married love is the mutual orgasm. Women's sexual satisfaction seen as important for the first time. She gave advice on marriage, sex, and birth control.

guernica

a Spanish town that was brutally bombed and was full of innocent civilians it was supposed to encourage fear, Picasso painted a famous painting capturing Guernica

rise to power

When Adolf Hitler walked into the presidential office of Paul von Hindenburg to become chancellor, the Old Gentleman was so annoyed he would hardly look at him. He had been kept waiting while Hitler and conservative leader Alfred Hugenberg argued over Hitler's demand for new elections. It was the final argument in what had been a huge tangled web of political infighting and backstabbing that finally resulted in Adolf Hitler becoming Chancellor of Germany. Germany was a nation that in its history had little experience or interest in democracy. In January 1933, Adolf Hitler took the reins of a 14-year-old German democratic republic which in the minds of many had long outlived its usefulness. By this time, the economic pressures of the Great Depression combined with the indecisive, self-serving nature of its elected politicians had brought government in Germany to a complete standstill. The people were without jobs, without food, quite afraid and desperate for relief. Now, the man who had spent his entire political career denouncing and attempting to destroy the Republic, was its leader. Around noon on January 30th, Hitler was sworn in. "I will employ my strength for the welfare of the German people, protect the Constitution and laws of the German people, conscientiously discharge the duties imposed on me, and conduct my affairs of office impartially and with justice to everyone," swore Adolf Hitler. Chancellor Hitler chats with Göring as Papen and other Cabinet members look on. Behind Papen is Hugenberg who had nearly ruined the whole day for Hitler. Below: Nazi stormtroopers parade through the Brandenburg Gate to celebrate the dawn of a new era. Below: Hitler in the spotlight gazing at the cheering throngs. Below: Close-up of both Hitler and Göring acknowledging the cheering crowd. But by this time, that oath had been repeatedly broken by previous chancellors out of desperation and also out of personal ambition. Chancellors Schleicher and Papen had seriously suggested to Hindenburg the idea of replacing the republic itself with a military dictatorship to solve the crisis of political stagnation. He had turned them both down. When a teary-eyed Adolf Hitler emerged from the presidential palace as the new chancellor, he was cheered by Nazis and their supporters who believed in him, not the constitution or the republic. "We've done it!" Hitler had jubilantly shouted to them. He was to preside over a cabinet that contained, including himself, only 3 Nazis out of 11 posts. Hermann Göring was Minister without Portfolio and Minister of the Interior of Prussia. Nazi, Wilhelm Frick, was Minister of the Interior. The small number of Nazis in the cabinet was planned to help keep Hitler in check. Franz von Papen was vice-chancellor. Hindenburg had promised him that Hitler would only be received in the office of the president if accompanied by Papen. This was another way to keep Hitler in check. In fact, Papen had every intention of using the conservative majority in the cabinet along with his own political skills to run the government himself. "Within two months we will have pushed Hitler so far in the corner that he'll squeak," Papen boasted to a political colleague. Papen and many non-Nazis thought having Hitler as chancellor was to their advantage. Conservative members of the former aristocratic ruling class desired an end to the republic and a return to an authoritarian government that would restore Germany to glory and bring back their old privileges. They wanted to go back to the days of the Kaiser. For them, putting Hitler in power was just the first step toward achieving that goal. They knew it was likely he would wreck the republic. Then once the republic was abolished, they could put in someone of their own choosing, perhaps even a descendant of the Kaiser. Big bankers and industrialists, including Krupp and I. G. Farben, had lobbied Hindenburg and schemed behind the scenes on behalf of Hitler because they were convinced he would be good for business. He promised to be for free enterprise and keep down Communism and the trade union movements. The military also placed its bet on Hitler, believing his repeated promises to tear up the Treaty of Versailles and expand the Army and bring back its former glory. They all had one thing in common - they underestimated Hitler. On the evening of January 30th, just about every member of the SA and SS turned out in uniform to celebrate the new Führer-Chancellor, Adolf Hitler. Carrying torches and singing the Hörst Wessel song, they were cheered by thousands as they marched through the Brandenburg gate and along the Wilhelmstrasse to the presidential palace. Cops on the beat who used to give them trouble now wore swastika armbands and smiled at them. Everywhere was heard the rhythmic pounding beats of jackboots, drums and blaring military parade music. They saluted Hindenburg as he looked out from a window of the presidential palace. Then they waited at the chancellery for Hitler in a scene carefully staged by Joseph Goebbels. A sea of hand held burning torches cast flickering light on red and gold Nazi banners amid the slow beating of drums in anticipation of seeing the Führer. Men, women and children along with the SA and SS waited. He kept them waiting, letting the tension rise. All over Germany, people listened to this on the radio, waiting, and hearing the throngs calling for their Führer. When he appeared in the beam of a spotlight, Hitler was greeted with an outpouring of worshipful adulation unlike anything ever seen before in Germany. Bismarck, Frederick the Great, the Kaiser, had not seen this. "Heil! Sieg Heil!," (Hail! Hail Victory!) went the chorus of those who believed the hour of deliverance had come in the form of this man now gazing down at them. "It is almost like a dream - a fairytale. The new [Third] Reich has been born. Fourteen years of work have been crowned with victory. The German revolution has begun!" Joseph Goebbels wrote in his diary that night. Meanwhile, an old comrade of Hitler's sent a telegram to President Hindenburg regarding his new chancellor. Former General Erich Ludendorff had once supported Hitler and had even participated in the failed Beer Hall Putsch in 1923. "By appointing Hitler Chancellor of the Reich you have handed over our sacred German Fatherland to one of the greatest demagogues of all time. I prophesy to you this evil man will plunge our Reich into the abyss and will inflict immeasurable woe on our nation. Future generations will curse you in your grave for this action," the telegram from Ludendorff stated. Within weeks, Hitler would be absolute dictator of Germany and would set in motion a chain of events resulting in the Second World War and the eventual deaths of nearly 50 million humans through that war and through deliberate extermination. To begin, Hitler would see the German democratic republic go down in flames, literally. In February 1933, the Nazis hatched a plan to burn the Reichstag building and end democracy once and for all.

Lousy

before war meant lice infest - but after applied to anything bad

1961

berin wall erected

1962

cubam missle crises

1959

fidel castro comes to power in cuba

mustafa kemal

1881 - 1938, father of modern turkey, known as (Ataturk) let Turkey through an intensive period of reform that sought to eliminate vestiges of the Ottoman past and orient Turkey even more towards the West.

istanbul

1930 name changed from constantinopel

Great Depression

(HH) , starting with collapse of the US stock market in 1929, period of worldwide economic stagnation and depression. Heavy borrowing by European nations from USA during WW1 contributed to instability in European economies. Sharp declines in income and production as buying and selling slowed down. Widespread unemployment, countries raised tariffs to protect their industries. America stopped investing in Europe. Lead to loss of confidence that economies were self adjusting, HH was blamed for it

Truman doctrine

(HT) , 1947, President Truman's policy of providing economic and military aid to any country threatened by communism or totalitarian ideology, mainly helped Greece and Turkey

The doctrine of fascism Benito Mussolini (1932)

(This article, co-written by Giovanni Gentile, is considered to be the most complete articulation of Mussolini's political views. This is the only complete official translation we know of on the web, copied directly from an official Fascist government publication of 1935, Fascism Doctrine and Institutions, by Benito Mussolini, Ardita Publishers, Rome, pages 7-42. This translation includes all the footnotes from the original.) Subtitles in article have been put in by us to make the article more readable. NOTE: BRIEF STATEMENT OF PUBLICATIONS PRINCIPLES The World Future Fund serves as a source of documentary material, reading lists and internet links from different points of view that we believe have historical significance. The publication of this material is in no way whatsoever an endorsement of these viewpoints by the World Future Fund, unless explicitly stated by us. As our web site makes very clear, we are totally opposed to ideas such as racism, religious intolerance and communism. However, in order to combat such evils, it is necessary to understand them by means of the study of key documentary material. For a more detailed statement of our publications standards click here. Like all sound political conceptions, Fascism is action and it is thought; action in which doctrine is immanent, and doctrine arising from a given system of historical forces in which it is inserted, and working on them from within (1). It has therefore a form correlated to contingencies of time and space; but it has also an ideal content which makes it an expression of truth in the higher region of the history of thought (2). There is no way of exercising a spiritual influence in the world as a human will dominating the will of others, unless one has a conception both of the transient and the specific reality on which that action is to be exercised, and of the permanent and universal reality in which the transient dwells and has its being. To know men one must know man; and to know man one must be acquainted with reality and its laws. There can be no conception of the State which is not fundamentally a conception of life: philosophy or intuition, system of ideas evolving within the framework of logic or concentrated in a vision or a faith, but always, at least potentially, an organic conception of the world. SPIRITUAL VIEW OF LIFE Thus many of the practical expressions of Fascism such as party organization, system of education, and discipline can only be understood when considered in relation to its general attitude toward life. A spiritual attitude (3). Fascism sees in the world not only those superficial, material aspects in which man appears as an individual, standing by himself, self-centered, subject to natural law, which instinctively urges him toward a life of selfish momentary pleasure; it sees not only the individual but the nation and the country; individuals and generations bound together by a moral law, with common traditions and a mission which suppressing the instinct for life closed in a brief circle of pleasure, builds up a higher life, founded on duty, a life free from the limitations of time and space, in which the individual, by self-sacrifice, the renunciation of self-interest, by death itself, can achieve that purely spiritual existence in which his value as a man consists. The conception is therefore a spiritual one, arising from the general reaction of the century against the materialistic positivism of the XIXth century. Anti-positivistic but positive; neither skeptical nor agnostic; neither pessimistic nor supinely optimistic as are, generally speaking, the doctrines (all negative) which place the center of life outside man; whereas, by the exercise of his free will, man can and must create his own world. Fascism wants man to be active and to engage in action with all his energies; it wants him to be manfully aware of the difficulties besetting him and ready to face them. It conceives of life as a struggle in which it behooves a man to win for himself a really worthy place, first of all by fitting himself (physically, morally, intellectually) to become the implement required for winning it. As for the individual, so for the nation, and so for mankind (4). Hence the high value of culture in all its forms (artistic, religious, scientific) (5) and the outstanding importance of education. Hence also the essential value of work, by which man subjugates nature and creates the human world (economic, political, ethical, and intellectual). This positive conception of life is obviously an ethical one. It invests the whole field of reality as well as the human activities which master it. No action is exempt from moral judgment; no activity can be despoiled of the value which a moral purpose confers on all things. Therefore life, as conceived of by the Fascist, is serious, austere, and religious; all its manifestations are poised in a world sustained by moral forces and subject to spiritual responsibilities. The Fascist disdains an "easy" life (6). The Fascist conception of life is a religious one (7), in which man is viewed in his immanent relation to a higher law, endowed with an objective will transcending the individual and raising him to conscious membership of a spiritual society. "Those who perceive nothing beyond opportunistic considerations in the religious policy of the Fascist regime fail to realize that Fascism is not only a system of government but also and above all a system of thought. THE IMPORTANCE OF TRADITION In the Fascist conception of history, man is man only by virtue of the spiritual process to which he contributes as a member of the family, the social group, the nation, and in function of history to which all nations bring their contribution. Hence the great value of tradition in records, in language, in customs, in the rules of social life (8). Outside history man is a nonentity. REJECTION OF INDIVIDUALISM AND THE IMPORTANCE OF THE STATE Fascism is therefore opposed to all individualistic abstractions based on eighteenth century materialism; and it is opposed to all Jacobinistic utopias and innovations. It does not believe in the possibility of "happiness" on earth as conceived by the economistic literature of the XVIIIth century, and it therefore rejects the theological notion that at some future time the human family will secure a final settlement of all its difficulties. This notion runs counter to experience which teaches that life is in continual flux and in process of evolution. In politics Fascism aims at realism; in practice it desires to deal only with those problems which are the spontaneous product of historic conditions and which find or suggest their own solutions (9). Only by entering in to the process of reality and taking possession of the forces at work within it, can man act on man and on nature (10). Anti-individualistic, the Fascist conception of life stresses the importance of the State and accepts the individual only in so far as his interests coincide with those of the State, which stands for the conscience and the universal, will of man as a historic entity (11). It is opposed to classical liberalism which arose as a reaction to absolutism and exhausted its historical function when the State became the expression of the conscience and will of the people. Liberalism denied the State in the name of the individual; Fascism reasserts the rights of the State as expressing the real essence of the individual (12). And if liberty is to he the attribute of living men and not of abstract dummies invented by individualistic liberalism, then Fascism stands for liberty, and for the only liberty worth having, the liberty of the State and of the individual within the State (13). The Fascist conception of the State is all embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism, is totalitarian, and the Fascist State - a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values - interprets, develops, and potentates the whole life of a people (14). No individuals or groups (political parties, cultural associations, economic unions, social classes) outside the State (15). Fascism is therefore opposed to Socialism to which unity within the State (which amalgamates classes into a single economic and ethical reality) is unknown, and which sees in history nothing but the class struggle. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But when brought within the orbit of the State, Fascism recognizes the real needs which gave rise to socialism and trade unionism, giving them due weight in the guild or corporative system in which divergent interests are coordinated and harmonized in the unity of the State (16). Grouped according to their several interests, individuals form classes; they form trade-unions when organized according to their several economic activities; but first and foremost they form the State, which is no mere matter of numbers, the suns of the individuals forming the majority. Fascism is therefore opposed to that form of democracy which equates a nation to the majority, lowering it to the level of the largest number (17); but it is the purest form of democracy if the nation be considered as it should be from the point of view of quality rather than quantity, as an idea, the mightiest because the most ethical, the most coherent, the truest, expressing itself in a people as the conscience and will of the few, if not, indeed, of one, and ending to express itself in the conscience and the will of the mass, of the whole group ethnically molded by natural and historical conditions into a nation, advancing, as one conscience and one will, along the self same line of development and spiritual formation (18). Not a race, nor a geographically defined region, but a people, historically perpetuating itself; a multitude unified by an idea and imbued with the will to live, the will to power, self-consciousness, personality (19). In so far as it is embodied in a State, this higher personality becomes a nation. It is not the nation which generates the State; that is an antiquated naturalistic concept which afforded a basis for XIXth century publicity in favor of national governments. Rather is it the State which creates the nation, conferring volition and therefore real life on a people made aware of their moral unity. The right to national independence does not arise from any merely literary and idealistic form of self-consciousness; still less from a more or less passive and unconscious de facto situation, but from an active, self-conscious, political will expressing itself in action and ready to prove its rights. It arises, in short, from the existence, at least in fieri, of a State. Indeed, it is the State which, as the expression of a universal ethical will, creates the right to national independence (20). A nation, as expressed in the State, is a living, ethical entity only in so far as it is active. Inactivity is death. Therefore the State is not only Authority which governs and confers legal form and spiritual value on individual wills, but it is also Power which makes its will felt and respected beyond its own frontiers, thus affording practical proof of the universal character of the decisions necessary to ensure its development. This implies organization and expansion, potential if not actual. Thus the State equates itself to the will of man, whose development cannot he checked by obstacles and which, by achieving self-expression, demonstrates its infinity (21). FASCIST STATE AS A SPIRITUAL FORCE The Fascist State, as a higher and more powerful expression of personality, is a force, but a spiritual one. It sums up all the manifestations of the moral and intellectual life of man. Its functions cannot therefore be limited to those of enforcing order and keeping the peace, as the liberal doctrine had it. It is no mere mechanical device for defining the sphere within which the individual may duly exercise his supposed rights. The Fascist State is an inwardly accepted standard and rule of conduct, a discipline of the whole person; it permeates the will no less than the intellect. It stands for a principle which becomes the central motive of man as a member of civilized society, sinking deep down into his personality; it dwells in the heart of the man of action and of the thinker, of the artist and of the man of science: soul of the soul (22). Fascism, in short, is not only a law-giver and a founder of institutions, but an educator and a promoter of spiritual life. It aims at refashioning not only the forms of life but their content - man, his character, and his faith. To achieve this propose it enforces discipline and uses authority, entering into the soul and ruling with undisputed sway. Therefore it has chosen as its emblem the Lictor's rods, the symbol of unity, strength, and justice. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DOCTRINE - EVOLUTION FROM SOCIALISM When in the now distant March of 1919, speaking through the columns of the Popolo d'Italia I summoned to Milan the surviving interventionists who had intervened, and who had followed me ever since the foundation of the Fasci of revolutionary action in January 1915, I had in mind no specific doctrinal program. The only doctrine of which I had practical experience was that of socialism, from until the winter of 1914 - nearly a decade. My experience was that both of a follower and a leader but it was not doctrinal experience. My doctrine during that period had been the doctrine of action. A uniform, universally accepted doctrine of Socialism had not existed since 1905, when the revisionist movement, headed by Bernstein, arose in Germany, countered by the formation, in the see-saw of tendencies, of a left revolutionary movement which in Italy never quitted the field of phrases, whereas, in the case of Russian socialism, it became the prelude to Bolshevism. Reformism, revolutionism, centrism, the very echo of that terminology is dead, while in the great river of Fascism one can trace currents which had their source in Sorel, Peguy, Lagardelle of the Movement Socialists, and in the cohort of Italian syndicalist who from 1904 to 1914 brought a new note into the Italian socialist environment - previously emasculated and chloroformed by fornicating with Giolitti's party - a note sounded in Olivetti's Pagine Libere, Orano's Lupa, Enrico Leone's Divenirs Socials. When the war ended in 1919 Socialism, as a doctrine, was already dead; it continued to exist only as a grudge, especially in Italy where its only chance lay in inciting to reprisals against the men who had willed the war and who were to be made to pay for it. The Popolo d'Italia described itself in its subtitle as the daily organ of fighters and producers. The word producer was already the expression of a mental trend. Fascism was not the nursling of a doctrine previously drafted at a desk; it was born of the need of action, and was action; it was not a party but, in the first two years, an anti-party and a movement. The name I gave the organization fixed its character. Yet if anyone cares to reread the now crumpled sheets of those days giving an account of the meeting at which the Italian Fasci di combattimento were founded, he will find not a doctrine but a series of pointers, forecasts, hints which, when freed from the inevitable matrix of contingencies, were to develop in a few years time into a series of doctrinal positions entitling Fascism to rank as a political doctrine differing from all others, past or present. "If the bourgeoisie - I then said - believe that they have found in us their lightening-conductors, they arc mistaken. We must go towards the people... We wish the working classes to accustom themselves to the responsibilities of management so that they may realize that it is no easy matter to run a business... We will fight both technical and spiritual rear-guirdism... Now that the succession of the regime is open we must not be fainthearted. We must rush forward; if the present regime is to be superseded we must take its place. The right of succession is ours, for we urged the country to enter the war and we led it to victory... The existing forms of political representation cannot satisfy us; we want direst representation of the several interests... It may be objected that this program implies a return to the guilds (corporazioni). No matter!. I therefore hope this assembly will accept the economic claims advanced by national syndicalism ... Is it not strange that from the very first day, at Piazza San Sepolcro, the word "guild" (corporazione) was pronounced, a word which, as the Revolution developed, was to express one of the basic legislative and social creations of the regime? The years preceding the march on Rome cover a period during which the need of action forbade delay and careful doctrinal elaborations. Fighting was going on in the towns and villages. There were discussions but... there was something more sacred and more important... death... Fascists knew how to die. A doctrine - fully elaborated, divided up into chapters and paragraphs with annotations, may have been lacking, but it was replaced by something far more decisive, - by a faith. All the same, if with the help of books, articles, resolutions passed at congresses, major and minor speeches, anyone should care to revive the memory of those days, he will find, provided he knows how to seek and select, that the doctrinal foundations were laid while the battle was still raging. Indeed, it was during those years that Fascist thought armed, refined itself, and proceeded ahead with its organization. The problems of the individual and the State; the problems of authority and liberty; political, social, and more especially national problems were discussed; the conflict with liberal, democratic, socialistic, Masonic doctrines and with those of the Partito Popolare, was carried on at the same time as the punitive expeditions. Nevertheless, the lack of a formal system was used by disingenuous adversaries as an argument for proclaiming Fascism incapable of elaborating a doctrine at the very time when that doctrine was being formulated - no matter how tumultuously, - first, as is the case with all new ideas, in the guise of violent dogmatic negations; then in the more positive guise of constructive theories, subsequently incorporated, in 1926, 1927, and 1928, in the laws and institutions of the regime. Fascism is now clearly defined not only as a regime but as a doctrine. This means that Fascism, exercising its critical faculties on itself and on others, has studied from its own special standpoint and judged by its own standards all the problems affecting the material and intellectual interests now causing such grave anxiety to the nations of the world, and is ready to deal with them by its own policies. REJECTION OF PACIFISM First of all, as regards the future development of mankind, and quite apart from all present political considerations. Fascism does not, generally speaking, believe in the possibility or utility of perpetual peace. It therefore discards pacifism as a cloak for cowardly supine renunciation in contradistinction to self-sacrifice. War alone keys up all human energies to their maximum tension and sets the seal of nobility on those peoples who have the courage to face it. All other tests are substitutes which never place a man face to face with himself before the alternative of life or death. Therefore all doctrines which postulate peace at all costs are incompatible with Fascism. Equally foreign to the spirit of Fascism, even if accepted as useful in meeting special political situations -- are all internationalistic or League superstructures which, as history shows, crumble to the ground whenever the heart of nations is deeply stirred by sentimental, idealistic or practical considerations. Fascism carries this anti-pacifistic attitude into the life of the individual. " I don't care a damn „ (me ne frego) - the proud motto of the fighting squads scrawled by a wounded man on his bandages, is not only an act of philosophic stoicism, it sums up a doctrine which is not merely political: it is evidence of a fighting spirit which accepts all risks. It signifies new style of Italian life. The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both near bye and far off, present and future. The population policy of the regime is the consequence of these premises. The Fascist loves his neighbor, but the word neighbor does not stand for some vague and unseizable conception. Love of one's neighbor does not exclude necessary educational severity; still less does it exclude differentiation and rank. Fascism will have nothing to do with universal embraces; as a member of the community of nations it looks other peoples straight in the eyes; it is vigilant and on its guard; it follows others in all their manifestations and notes any changes in their interests; and it does not allow itself to be deceived by mutable and fallacious appearances. REJECTION OF MARXISM Such a conception of life makes Fascism the resolute negation of the doctrine underlying so-called scientific and Marxian socialism, the doctrine of historic materialism which would explain the history of mankind in terms of the class struggle and by changes in the processes and instruments of production, to the exclusion of all else. That the vicissitudes of economic life - discoveries of raw materials, new technical processes, and scientific inventions - have their importance, no one denies; but that they suffice to explain human history to the exclusion of other factors is absurd. Fascism believes now and always in sanctity and heroism, that is to say in acts in which no economic motive - remote or immediate - is at work. Having denied historic materialism, which sees in men mere puppets on the surface of history, appearing and disappearing on the crest of the waves while in the depths the real directing forces move and work, Fascism also denies the immutable and irreparable character of the class struggle which is the natural outcome of this economic conception of history; above all it denies that the class struggle is the preponderating agent in social transformations. Having thus struck a blow at socialism in the two main points of its doctrine, all that remains of it is the sentimental aspiration, old as humanity itself-toward social relations in which the sufferings and sorrows of the humbler folk will be alleviated. But here again Fascism rejects the economic interpretation of felicity as something to be secured socialistically, almost automatically, at a given stage of economic evolution when all will be assured a maximum of material comfort. Fascism denies the materialistic conception of happiness as a possibility, and abandons it to the economists of the mid-eighteenth century. This means that Fascism denies the equation: well-being = happiness, which sees in men mere animals, content when they can feed and fatten, thus reducing them to a vegetative existence pure and simple. REJECTION OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AS A SHAM AND A FRAUD After socialism, Fascism trains its guns on the whole block of democratic ideologies, and rejects both their premises and their practical applications and implements. Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determining factor in human society; it denies the right of numbers to govern by means of periodical consultations; it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent inequality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and extrinsic device as universal suffrage. Democratic regimes may be described as those under which the people are, from time to time, deluded into the belief that they exercise sovereignty, while all the time real sovereignty resides in and is exercised by other and sometimes irresponsible and secret forces. Democracy is a kingless regime infested by many kings who are sometimes more exclusive, tyrannical, and destructive than one, even if he be a tyrant. This explains why Fascism - although, for contingent reasons, it was republican in tendency prior to 1922 - abandoned that stand before the March on Rome, convinced that the form of government is no longer a matter of preeminent importance, and because the study of past and present monarchies and past and present republics shows that neither monarchy nor republic can be judged sub specie aeternitatis, but that each stands for a form of government expressing the political evolution, the history, the traditions, and the psychology of a given country. Fascism has outgrown the dilemma: monarchy v. republic, over which democratic regimes too long dallied, attributing all insufficiencies to the former and proning the latter as a regime of perfection, whereas experience teaches that some republics are inherently reactionary and absolutist while some monarchies accept the most daring political and social experiments. In one of his philosophic Meditations Renan - who had prefascist intuitions remarks, "Reason and science are the products of mankind, but it is chimerical to seek reason directly for the people and through the people. It is not essential to the existence of reason that all should be familiar with it; and even if all had to be initiated, this could not be achieved through democracy which seems fated to lead to the extinction of all arduous forms of culture and all highest forms of learning. The maxim that society exists only for the well-being and freedom of the individuals composing it does not seem to be in conformity with nature's plans, which care only for the species and seem ready to sacrifice the individual. It is much to be feared that the last word of democracy thus understood (and let me hasten to add that it is susceptible of a different interpretation) would be a form of society in which a degenerate mass would have no thought beyond that of enjoying the ignoble pleasures of the vulgar." REJECTION OF EGALITARIANISM In rejecting democracy, Fascism rejects the absurd conventional lie of political equalitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite progress. DEFINITION OF FASCISM AS REAL DEMOCRACY But if democracy be understood as meaning a regime in which the masses are not driven back to the margin of the State, and then the writer of these pages has already defined Fascism as an organized, centralized, authoritarian democracy. REJECTION OF ECONOMIC LIBERALISM - ADMIRATION OF BISMARCK Fascism is definitely and absolutely opposed to the doctrines of liberalism, both in the political and the economic sphere. The importance of liberalism in the XIXth century should not be exaggerated for present day polemical purposes, nor should we make of one of the many doctrines which flourished in that century a religion for mankind for the present and for all time to come. Liberalism really flourished for fifteen years only. It arose in 1830 as a reaction to the Holy Alliance which tried to force Europe to recede further back than 1789; it touched its zenith in 1848 when even Pius IXth was a liberal. Its decline began immediately after that year. If 1848 was a year of light and poetry, 1849 was a year of darkness and tragedy. The Roman Republic was killed by a sister republic, that of France. In that same year Marx, in his famous Communist Manifesto, launched the gospel of socialism. In 1851 Napoleon III made his illiberal coup d'etat and ruled France until 1870 when he was turned out by a popular rising following one of the severest military defeats known to history. The victor was Bismarck who never even knew the whereabouts of liberalism and its prophets. It is symptomatic that throughout the XIXth century the religion of liberalism was completely unknown to so highly civilized a people as the Germans but for one parenthesis which has been described as the "ridiculous parliament of Frankfort " which lasted just one season. Germany attained her national unity outside liberalism and in opposition to liberalism, a doctrine which seems foreign to the German temperament, essentially monarchical, whereas liberalism is the historic and logical anteroom to anarchy. The three stages in the making of German unity were the three wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870, led by such "liberals" as Moltke and Bismarck. And in the upbuilding of Italian unity liberalism played a very minor part when compared to the contribution made by Mazzini and Garibaldi who were not liberals. But for the intervention of the illiberal Napoleon III we should not have had Lombardy, and without that of the illiberal Bismarck at Sadowa and at Sedan very probably we should not have had Venetia in 1866 and in 1870 we should not have entered Rome. The years going from 1870 to 1915 cover a period which marked, even in the opinion of the high priests of the new creed, the twilight of their religion, attacked by decadentism in literature and by activism in practice. Activism: that is to say nationalism, futurism, fascism. rengten The liberal century, after piling up innumerable Gordian Knots, tried to cut them with the sword of the world war. Never has any religion claimed so cruel a sacrifice. Were the Gods of liberalism thirsting for blood? Now liberalism is preparing to close the doors of its temples, deserted by the peoples who feel that the agnosticism it professed in the sphere of economics and the indifferentism of which it has given proof in the sphere of politics and morals, would lead the world to ruin in the future as they have done in the past. This explains why all the political experiments of our day are anti-liberal, and it is supremely ridiculous to endeavor on this account to put them outside the pale of history, as though history were a preserve set aside for liberalism and its adepts; as though liberalism were the last word in civilization beyond which no one can go. THE FASCIST TOTALITARIAN VISION OF THE FUTURE The Fascist negation of socialism, democracy, liberalism, should not, however, be interpreted as implying a desire to drive the world backwards to positions occupied prior to 1789, a year commonly referred to as that which opened the demo-liberal century. History does not travel backwards. The Fascist doctrine has not taken De Maistre as its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is of the past, and so is ecclesiolatry. Dead and done for are feudal privileges and the division of society into closed, uncommunicating castes. Neither has the Fascist conception of authority anything in common with that of a police ridden State. A party governing a nation "totalitarianly" is a new departure in history. There are no points of reference nor of comparison. From beneath the ruins of liberal, socialist, and democratic doctrines, Fascism extracts those elements which are still vital. It preserves what may be described as "the acquired facts" of history; it rejects all else. That is to say, it rejects the idea of a doctrine suited to all times and to all people. Granted that the XIXth century was the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy, this does not mean that the XXth century must also be the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy. Political doctrines pass; nations remain. We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the " right ", a Fascist century. If the XIXth century was the century of the individual (liberalism implies individualism) we are free to believe that this is the "collective" century, and therefore the century of the State. It is quite logical for a new doctrine to make use of the still vital elements of other doctrines. No doctrine was ever born quite new and bright and unheard of. No doctrine can boast absolute originality. It is always connected, it only historically, with those which preceded it and those which will follow it. Thus the scientific socialism of Marx links up to the utopian socialism of the Fouriers, the Owens, the Saint-Simons ; thus the liberalism of the XIXth century traces its origin back to the illuministic movement of the XVIIIth, and the doctrines of democracy to those of the Encyclopaedists. All doctrines aim at directing the activities of men towards a given objective; but these activities in their turn react on the doctrine, modifying and adjusting it to new needs, or outstripping it. A doctrine must therefore be a vital act and not a verbal display. Hence the pragmatic strain in Fascism, it's will to power, its will to live, its attitude toward violence, and its value. THE ABSOLUTE PRIMACY OF THE STATE The keystone of the Fascist doctrine is its conception of the State, of its essence, its functions, and its aims. For Fascism the State is absolute, individuals and groups relative. Individuals and groups are admissible in so far as they come within the State. Instead of directing the game and guiding the material and moral progress of the community, the liberal State restricts its activities to recording results. The Fascist State is wide awake and has a will of its own. For this reason it can be described as " ethical ". At the first quinquennial assembly of the regime, in 1929, I said "The Fascist State is not a night watchman, solicitous only of the personal safety of the citizens; not is it organized exclusively for the purpose of guarantying a certain degree of material prosperity and relatively peaceful conditions of life, a board of directors would do as much. Neither is it exclusively political, divorced from practical realities and holding itself aloof from the multifarious activities of the citizens and the nation. The State, as conceived and realized by Fascism, is a spiritual and ethical entity for securing the political, juridical, and economic organization of the nation, an organization which in its origin and growth is a manifestation of the spirit. The State guarantees the internal and external safety of the country, but it also safeguards and transmits the spirit of the people, elaborated down the ages in its language, its customs, its faith. The State is not only the present; it is also the past and above all the future. Transcending the individual's brief spell of life, the State stands for the immanent conscience of the nation. The forms in which it finds expression change, but the need for it remains. The State educates the citizens to civism, makes them aware of their mission, urges them to unity; its justice harmonizes their divergent interests; it transmits to future generations the conquests of the mind in the fields of science, art, law, human solidarity; it leads men up from primitive tribal life to that highest manifestation of human power, imperial rule. The State hands down to future generations the memory of those who laid down their lives to ensure its safety or to obey its laws; it sets up as examples and records for future ages the names of the captains who enlarged its territory and of the men of genius who have made it famous. Whenever respect for the State declines and the disintegrating and centrifugal tendencies of individuals and groups prevail, nations are headed for decay". Since 1929 economic and political development have everywhere emphasized these truths. The importance of the State is rapidly growing. The so-called crisis can only be settled by State action and within the orbit of the State. Where are the shades of the Jules Simons who, in the early days of liberalism proclaimed that the "State should endeavor to render itself useless and prepare to hand in its resignation "? Or of the MacCullochs who, in the second half of last century, urged that the State should desist from governing too much? And what of the English Bentham who considered that all industry asked of government was to be left alone, and of the German Humbolt who expressed the opinion that the best government was a lazy " one? What would they say now to the unceasing, inevitable, and urgently requested interventions of government in business? It is true that the second generation of economists was less uncompromising in this respect than the first, and that even Adam Smith left the door ajar - however cautiously - for government intervention in business. If liberalism spells individualism, Fascism spells government. The Fascist State is, however, a unique and original creation. It is not reactionary but revolutionary, for it anticipates the solution of certain universal problems which have been raised elsewhere, in the political field by the splitting up of parties, the usurpation of power by parliaments, the irresponsibility of assemblies; in the economic field by the increasingly numerous and important functions discharged by trade unions and trade associations with their disputes and ententes, affecting both capital and labor; in the ethical field by the need felt for order, discipline, obedience to the moral dictates of patriotism. Fascism desires the State to be strong and organic, based on broad foundations of popular support. The Fascist State lays claim to rule in the economic field no less than in others; it makes its action felt throughout the length and breadth of the country by means of its corporative, social, and educational institutions, and all the political, economic, and spiritual forces of the nation, organized in their respective associations, circulate within the State. A State based on millions of individuals who recognize its authority, feel its action, and are ready to serve its ends is not the tyrannical state of a mediaeval lordling. It has nothing in common with the despotic States existing prior to or subsequent to 1789. Far from crushing the individual, the Fascist State multiplies his energies, just as in a regiment a soldier is not diminished but multiplied by the number of his fellow soldiers. The Fascist State organizes the nation, but it leaves the individual adequate elbow room. It has curtailed useless or harmful liberties while preserving those which are essential. In such matters the individual cannot be the judge, but the State only. The Fascist State is not indifferent to religious phenomena in general nor does it maintain an attitude of indifference to Roman Catholicism, the special, positive religion of Italians. The State has not got a theology but it has a moral code. The Fascist State sees in religion one of the deepest of spiritual manifestations and for this reason it not only respects religion but defends and protects it. The Fascist State does not attempt, as did Robespierre at the height of the revolutionary delirium of the Convention, to set up a "god" of its own; nor does it vainly seek, as does Bolshevism, to efface God from the soul of man. Fascism respects the God of ascetics, saints, and heroes, and it also respects God as conceived by the ingenuous and primitive heart of the people, the God to whom their prayers are raised. The Fascist State expresses the will to exercise power and to command. Here the Roman tradition is embodied in a conception of strength. Imperial power, as understood by the Fascist doctrine, is not only territorial, or military, or commercial; it is also spiritual and ethical. An imperial nation, that is to say a nation a which directly or indirectly is a leader of others, can exist without the need of conquering a single square mile of territory. Fascism sees in the imperialistic spirit -- i.e. in the tendency of nations to expand - a manifestation of their vitality. In the opposite tendency, which would limit their interests to the home country, it sees a symptom of decadence. Peoples who rise or rearise are imperialistic; renunciation is characteristic of dying peoples. The Fascist doctrine is that best suited to the tendencies and feelings of a people which, like the Italian, after lying fallow during centuries of foreign servitude, are now reasserting itself in the world. But imperialism implies discipline, the coordination of efforts, a deep sense of duty and a spirit of self-sacrifice. This explains many aspects of the practical activity of the regime, and the direction taken by many of the forces of the State, as also the severity which has to be exercised towards those who would oppose this spontaneous and inevitable movement of XXth century Italy by agitating outgrown ideologies of the XIXth century, ideologies rejected wherever great experiments in political and social transformations are being dared. Never before have the peoples thirsted for authority, direction, order, as they do now. If each age has its doctrine, then innumerable symptoms indicate that the doctrine of our age is the Fascist. That it is vital is shown by the fact that it has aroused a faith; that this faith has conquered souls is shown by the fact that Fascism can point to its fallen heroes and its martyrs. Fascism has now acquired throughout the world that universally which belongs to all doctrines which by achieving self-expression represent a moment in the history of human thought. APPENDIX FOOTNOTES 1. Philosophic conception (1) If Fascism does not wish to die or, worse still, commit suicide, it must now provide itself with a doctrine. Yet this shall not and must not be a robe of Nessus clinging to us for all eternity, for tomorrow is some thing mysterious and unforeseen. This doctrine shall be a norm to guide political and individual action in our daily life. I who have I dictated this doctrine, am the first to realize that the modest tables of our laws and program the theoretical and practical guidance of Fascism should be revised, corrected, enlarged, developed, because already in parts they have suffered injury at the hand of time. I believe the essence and fundamentals of the doctrine are still to be found in the postulates which throughout two years have acted as a call to arms for the recruits of Italian Fascism. However, in taking those first fundamental assumptions for a starting point, we must proceed to carry our program into a vaster field. Italian Fascists, one and all, should cooperate in this task, one of vital importance to Fascism, and more especially those who belong to regions where with and without agreement peaceful coexistence has been achieved between two antagonistic movements. The word I am about to use is a great one, but indeed I do wish that during the two months which are still to elapse before our National Assembly meets, the philosophy of Fascism could be created. Milan is already contributing with the first Fascist school of propaganda. It is not merely a question of gathering elements for a program, to be used as a solid foundation for the constitution of a party which must inevitably arise from the Fascist movement; it is also a question of denying the silly tale that Fascism is all made up of violent men. In point of fact among Fascists there are many men who belong to the restless but meditative class. The new course taken by Fascist activity will in no way diminish the fighting spirit typical of Fascism. To furnish the mind with doctrines and creeds does not mean to disarm, rather it signifies to strengthen our power of action, and make us ever more conscious of our work. Soldiers who fight fully conscious of the cause make the best of warriors. Fascism takes for its own the twofold device of Mazzini : Thought and Action u. (Letter to Michele Bianchi, written on August 27, 1921, for the opening of the School of Fascist Culture and Propaganda in Milan, in Messaggi e Proclami, Milano, Libreria d'Italia, 1929, P. 39). Fascists must be placed in contact with one another; their activity must be an activity of doctrine, an activity of the spirit and of thought. Had our adversaries been present at our meeting, they would have been convinced that Fascism is not only action, but thought as well (Speech before the National Council of the Fascist Party, August 8, 1924, in La Nuova Politica dell'Italia, Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 267). (2) Today I hold that Fascism as an idea, a doctrine, a realization, is universal; it is Italian in its particular institutions, but it is universal in the spirit, nor could it be otherwise. The spirit is universal by reason of its nature. Therefore anyone may foresee a Fascist Europe. Drawing inspiration for her institutions from the doctrine and practice of Fascism; Europe , in other words, giving a Fascist turn to the solution of problems which beset the modern State, the Twentieth Century State which is very different from the States existing before 1789, and the States formed immediately after. Today Fascism fills universal requirements; Fascism solves the threefold problem of relations between State and individual, between State and associations, between associations and organized associations. (Message for the year 1 October 27, 1930, in Discorsi del 1930, Milano, Alpes, 1931, p. 211). 2. Spiritualized conception (3) This political process is flanked by a philosophic process. If it be true that matter was on the altars for one century, today it is the spirit which takes its place. All manifestations peculiar to the democratic spirit are consequently repudiated: easygoingness, improvisation, the lack of a personal sense of responsibility, the exaltation of numbers and of that mysterious divinity called n The People a. All creations of the spirit starting with that religious are coming to the fore, and nobody dare keep up the attitude of anticlericalism which, for several decades, was a favorite with Democracy in the Western world. By saying that God is returning, we mean that spiritual values are returning. (Da the parte va it mondo, in Tempi della Rivoluzione Fascista, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 34). There is a field reserved more to meditation upon the supreme ends of life than to a research of these ends. Consequently science starts from experience, but breaks out fatally into philosophy and, in my opinion, philosophy alone can enlighten science and lead to the universal idea. (To the Congress of Science at Bologna , October 31, 19,26, in Discorsidel 1926. Milano, Alpes, 1927, p. 268). In order to understand the Fascist movement one must first appreciate the underlying spiritual phenomenon in all its vastness and depth. The manifestations of the movement have been of a powerful and decisive nature, but one should go further. In point of fact Italian Fascism has not only been a political revolt against weak and incapable governments who had allowed State authority to decay and were threatening to arrest the progress of the country, but also a spiritual revolt against old ideas which had corrupted the sacred principles of religion, of faith, of country. Fascism, therefore, has been a revolt of the people. (Message to the British people; January 5, 1924, in Messaggi e Proclami, Milano, Libreria d' Italia, 1929, p. 107). 3. Positive conception of life as a struggle (4) Struggle is at the origin of all things, for life is full of contrasts: there is love and hatred, white and black, day and night, good and evil; and until these contrasts achieve balance, struggle fatefully remains at the root of human nature. However, it is good for it to be so. Today we can indulge in wars, economic battles, conflicts of ideas, but if a day came to pass when struggle ceased to exist, that day would be tinged with melancholy; it would be a day of ruin, the day of ending. But thaver discloses new horizons. By attempting to restore calm, peace, tranquility, or. A would be fighting the tendencies of the present period of dynamism. Ore must be prepared for other struggles and for other surprises. Peace will only come when people surrender to a Christian dream of universal brotherhood, when they can hold out hands across the ocean and over the mountains. Personally I do not believe very much in these idealisms, but I do not exclude them for I exclude nothing. (At the Politeama Rossetti, Trieste, September 20, 1920 in Discorsi Politici, Milano, Stab. Tipografico del « Popolo d' Italia » , 1921, p. 107). (5) For me the honor of nations consists in the contribution they have severally made to human civilization. (E. Ludwig, Talks with Mussolini, London, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 199) 4. Ethical conception I called the organization Fasci Italiani Di Combatimento. This hard metallic name compromised the whole program of Fascism as I dreamed it. Comrades, this is still our program: fight. Life for the Fascist is a continuous, ceaseless fight, which we accept with ease, with great courage, with the necessary intrepidity. (On the VIIth anniversary of the Foundation of the Fasci, March 28, 1926, in Discorsi del 1926, Milano, Alpes, 7, p.98 You touch the core of Fascist philosophy. When recently a Finnish philosopher asked me to expound to him the significance of Fascism in one sentence, I wrote in German: ((We are against the "easy life"! (E. Ludwig: Talks with Mussolini, London, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 190). 5. Religious conception (7) If Fascism were not a creed, how could it endow its followers with courage and stoicism only a creed which has soared to the heights of religion can inspire such words as passed the lips, now lifeless alas, of Federico Florio. (Legami di Sangue, in Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 256). 6. Historical and realistic conception (8) Tradition certainly is one of the greatest spiritual forces of a people, inasmuch as it is a successive and constant creation of their soul. (Breve Preludio, in Tempi della Rivoluzione Fascista, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 13) (9) Our temperament leads us to appraise the concrete aspect of problems, rather than their ideological or mystical sublimation. Therefore we easily regain our balance. (Aspetti del Dramma, in Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 86). Our battle is an ungrateful one, yet it is a beautiful battle since it compels us to count only upon our own forces. Revealed truths we have torn to shreds, dogmas we have spat upon, we have rejected all theories of paradise, we have baffled charlatans white, red, black charlatans who placed miraculous drugs on the market to give a happiness n to mankind. We do not believe in program, in plans, in saints or apostles, above all we believe not in happiness, in salvation, in the Promised Land. (Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 223). We do not believe in a single solution, be it economical, political or moral, a linear solution of the problems of life, because of illustrious choristers from all the sacristies life is not linear and can never be reduced to a segment traced by primordial needs. (Navigare necesse, in Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 233). (10) We are not and do not wish to be motionless mummies, with faces perpetually turned towards the same horizon, nor do we wish to shut ourselves up within the narrow hedges of subversive bigotry, where formulas, like prayers of a professed religion, are muttered mechanically. We are men, living men, who wish to give our contribution, however 'modest, to the creation of history. (Audacia, in Diu turna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p.233) We uphold moral and traditional values which Socialism neglects or despises; but, above all, Fascism has a horror of anything implying an arbitrary mortgage on the mysterious future. (Dopo due anni, in Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 242). In spite of the theories of conservation and renovation, of tradition and progress expounded by the right and the left, we do not cling desperately to the past as to a last board of salvation: yet we do not dash headlong into the seductive mists of the future. (Breve preludio, in Diuturna, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 14) Negation, eternal immobility, mean damnation. I am all for motion. I am, one who marches on (E. Ludwig, Talks with Mussolini, Lot Jon, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 203). 7. The individual and liberty (11) We were the first to state, in the face of demo liberal individualism, that the individual exists only in so far as he is within the State and subjected to the requirements of the state and that, as civilization assumes aspects which grow more and more complicated, individual freedom becomes more and more restricted. (To the General staff Conference of Fascism, in Discorsi del 1929, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 280). The sense of the state grows within the consciousness of Italians, for they feel that the state alone is the irreplaceable safeguard of their unit and independence; that the state alone represents continuity into the future of their stock and their history. (Message on the VIIth all anniversary, October 25, 1929, Discorsi del 1929, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 300). If, in the course of the past eight years, we have made such astounding progress, you may well think suppose and foresee that in the course of the next fifty or eighty years the onward trend of Italy, of this Italy we feel to be so powerful, so full of vital fluid, will really be grandiose. It will be so especially if concord lasts among citizens, if the State continues to be sole arbitrator in political and social conflicts, if all remains within the state and nothing outside the State, because it is impossible to conceive any individual existing outside the State unless he be a savage whose home is in the solitude of she sandy desert. (Speech before the Senate, May 12, 1928, in Discorsi del 1928, Milano, Alpes, 1929, p. 109). Fascism has restored to the State its sovereign functions by claiming its absolute ethical meaning, against the egotism of classes and categories; to the Government of the state, which was reduced to a mere instrument of electoral assemblies, it has restored dignity, as representing the personality of the state and its power of Empire. It has rescued State administration from the weight of factions and party interests (To the council of state, December 22, 1928, in Discorsi Del 1928, Milano, Alpes, 1929 p.328). (12) Let no one think of denying the moral character of Fascism. For I should be ashamed to speak from this tribune if I did not feel that I represent the moral and spiritual powers of the state. What would the state be if it did not possess a spirit of its own, and a morality of its own, which lend power to the laws in virtue of which the state is obeyed by its citizens? The Fascist state claims its ethical character: it is Catholic but above all it is Fascist, in fact it is exclusively and essentially Fascist. Catholicism completes Fascism, and this we openly declare, but let no one think they can turn the tables on us, under cover of metaphysics or philosophy. (To the Chamber of Deputies, May 13, 1929, in Discorsi del 1929, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 182). A State which is fully aware of its mission and represents a people which are marching on; a state which necessarily transforms the people even in their physical aspect. In order to be something more than a mere administrator, the State must utter great words, expound great ideas and place great problems before this people (Di scorsi del 1929, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 183). (13) The concept of freedom is not absolute because nothing is ever absolute in life. Freedom is not a right, it is a duty. It is not a gift, it is a conquest; it is not equality, it is a privilege. The concept of freedom changes with the passing of time. There is a freedom in times of peace which is not the freedom of times of war. There is a freedom in times of prosperity which is not a freedom to be allowed in times of poverty. (Fifth anniversary of the foundation of the Fasci di Combattimento, March 24, 1924, in La nuova politica dell'Italia, vol. III, Milano, Alpes, 1925, p. 30). In our state the individual is not deprived of freedom. In fact, he has greater liberty than an isolated man, because the state protects him and he is part of the State. Isolated man is without defence. (E. Ludwig, Talks with Mussolini, London, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 129). (14) Today we may tell the world of the creation of the powerful united State of Italy, ranging from the Alps to Sicily; this State is expressed by a well-organized, centralized, unitarian democracy, where people circulate at case. Indeed, gentlemen, you admit the people into the citadel of the State and the people will defend it, if you close them out, the people will assault it. (speech before the Chamber of Deputies, May 26, 1927, in Discorsi del 1927, Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 159). In the Fascist regime the unity of classes, the political, social and coral unity of the Italian people is realized within the state, and only within the Fascist state. (speech before the Chamber of Deputies, December 9, 1928, in Discorsi del 1928, Milano, Alpes, 1929, p. 333). 8. Conception of a corporative state (15) We have created the united state of Italy remember that since the Empire Italy had not been a united state. Here I wish to reaffirm solemnly our doctrine of the State. Here I wish to reaffirm with no weaker energy, the formula I expounded at the scala in Milan everything in the state, nothing against the State, nothing outside the state. (speech before the Chamber of Deputies, May 26, 1927, Discorsi del 1927, Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 157). (16) We are, in other words, a state which controls all forces acting in nature. We control political forces, we control moral forces we control economic forces, therefore we are a full-blown Corporative state. We stand for a new principle in the world, we stand for sheer, categorical, definitive antithesis to the world of democracy, plutocracy, free-masonry, to the world which still abides by the fundamental principles laid down in 1789. (Speech before the new National Directory of the Party, April 7, 1926, in Discorsi del 1926, Milano, Alpes, 1927, p. 120). The Ministry of Corporations is not a bureaucratic organ, nor does it wish to exercise the functions of syndical organizations which are necessarily independent, since they aim at organizing, selecting and improving the members of syndicates. The Ministry of Corporations is an institution in virtue of which, in the centre and outside, integral corporation becomes an accomplished fact, where balance is achieved between interests and forces of the economic world. Such a glance is only possible within the sphere of the state, because the state alone transcends the contrasting interests of groups and individuals, in view of co-coordinating them to achieve higher aims. The achievement of these aims is speeded up by the fact that all economic organizations, acknowledged, safeguarded and supported by the Corporative State, exist within the orbit of Fascism; in other terms they accept the conception of Fascism in theory and in practice. (speech at the opening of the Ministry of Corporations, July 31, 1926, in Discorsi del 1926, Milano, Alpes, 1927, p. 250). We have constituted a Corporative and Fascist state, the state of national society, a State which concentrates, controls, harmonizes and tempers the interests of all social classes, which are thereby protected in equal measure. Whereas, during the years of demo-liberal regime, labour looked with diffidence upon the state, was, in fact, outside the State and against the state, and considered the state an enemy of every day and every hour, there is not one working Italian today who does not seek a place in his Corporation or federation, who does not wish to be a living atom of that great, immense, living organization which is the national Corporate State of Fascism. (On the Fourth Anniversary of the March on Rome, October 28, 1926, in Discorsi del 1926, Milano, Alpes, 1927, p. 340). 9. Democracy (17) The war was revolutionary, in the sense that with streams of blood it did away with the century of Democracy, the century of number, the century of majorities and of quantities. (Da che parte va il Mondo, in Tempi della Rivoluzione Fascista, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 37) (18) Cf. note 13. (19) Race: it is a feeling and not a reality; 95 %, a feeling. (E. Ludwig, Talks with Mussolini, London, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 75). 10. Conception of the state (20) A nation exists inasmuch as it is a people. A people rise inasmuch as they are numerous, hard working and well regulated. Power is the outcome of this threefold principle. (To the General Assembly of the Party, March lo, 1929, in Discorsi del 1929, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 24). Fascism does not deny the State; Fascism maintains that a civic society, national or imperial, cannot be conceived unless in the form of a State (Stab, anti-Slato, Fascismo, in Tempi della Rivoluzione Fascista, Milano, Alpes, 1930, p. 94). For us the Nation is mainly spirit and not only territory. There are States which owned immense territories and yet left no trace in the history of mankind. Neither is it a question of number, because there have been, in history, small, microscopic States, which left immortal, imperishable documents in art and philosophy. The greatness of a nation is the compound of all these virtues and conditions. A nation is great when the power of the spirit is translated into reality. (Speech at Naples, October 24, 1922, in Discorsi della Rivoluzione, Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 103). We wish to unity the nation within the sovereign State, which is above everyone rid can afford to be against everyone, since it represents the moral continuity of the nation in history. Without the State there is no nation. There are, merely. human aggregations. subject to all the disintegration's which history may inflict upon them. (Speech before the National Council of the Fascist Party, August 8, 1924, in La Nuova Politica dell'Italia, vol. III; Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 269). 11. Dynamic reality (21) I believe that if a people wish to live, they should develop a will to power, otherwise they vegetate, live miserably and become prey to a stronger people, in whom this will to power is developed to a higher degree. (Speech to the Senate, May 28, 1926). (22) It is Fascism which has refashioned the character of the Italians, removing impurity from our souls, tempering us to all sacrifices, restoring the true aspect of strength and beauty to our Italian face. (Speech delivered at Pisa , May 25, 1926, in Discorsi del 1926, Milano, Alpes, 1927, p. 193). It is not out of place to illustrate the intrinsic character and profound significance of the Fascist Levy. It is not merely a ceremony, but a very important stage in the system of education and integral preparation of Italian men which the Fascist revolution considers one of the fundamental duties of the State: fundamental indeed, for if the State does not fulfill this duty or in any way accepts to place it under discussion, the State merely and simply forfeits its right to exist. (Speech before the Chamber of Deputies, May 28, 1928, in Discorsi del 1928, Milano, Alpes, 1929, p. 68).

Rome-berlin axis

1936; close cooperation between Italy and Germany, and soon Japan joined; resulted from Hitler; who had supported Ethiopia and Italy, he overcame Mussolini's lingering doubts about the Nazis.

ramsey mcdonald

1st Labor Prime minister of England - represented political strength of workers

cold war

A conflict that was between the US and the Soviet Union. The nations never directly confronted each other on the battlefield but deadly threats went on for years.

rape of nanjing

Japanese attack on Chinese capital from 1937-1938 when Japanese aggressorts slaughtered 100,000 civilians and raped thousands of women in order to gain control of China

purges

Joseph Stalin's policy of exiling or killing millions of his opponents in the Soviet Union.

1949

west and easter germany formed NATO formed soviet bloc establishes council for mutual economic assistance (comeocon - ussr tests it sfirst nuclear weapon

Woman suffrage

women voted into parliment

Indochinese communist party

founded by Ho Chi Minh

representative government collapsed

hitler and mussolini were able to mobilize vast support

1950-1953

korean war

1956

krushchev denounces stalin in secret speech to communist party congress hungarians revolt unsuccessfully against soviet domination

German government printed tillions of marksto support the workersand to pay i

own war debts wtih practically worhtless currency

1948-1949

soviet troops blockade berlin - us airlifts provisions

1953

stalin dies

1947

truamn doctorine anounces americna commitment to contain communism US Marshall Plan provides massive aid to rebuild europe

1955

ussr and easter bloc coutnries form miliatary alliance the warsaw pact

1945-199

ussr estalishes satelite states in eastern europe

Hitler's 3 components

1. Racial purity and the racial superiority of Germans, with strong antisemitism Racial Nationalism: Nazism included racial theory denigrating 'non-Aryan; the Aryan Superiority Myth, stressed: the superiority of the Aryan, its destiny as the Master Race to rule the world over other races; - Hitler preached nationalistic superiority, a racially "pure" Germany; German racial superiority basic tenet of National Socialism. & Germany/Aryan supremacy the goal of unrelenting struggle. Slavic untermenschen. *Nazis came to believe that Aryan destiny as master race, was meant by nature to rule over the rest of the earth, and entitled to take others' land=Lebensraum - Hitler condemned the Jews, exploiting antisemitic feelings that had prevailed in Europe for centuries." (http://fcit.coedu.usf.edu/holocaust/timeline/nazirise.htm) Nazism included a violent hatred of Jews, which it blamed for all of the problems of Germany=scapegoat theory of politics, individualism versus the national community. (theories of Chamberlain & Alfred Rosenberg). - "Hitler encouraged national pride, militarism, a commitment to the Volk; 2. Nationalism, with the goal of extending German power & influence Nazism also provided for extreme nationalism which called for the unification of all German-speaking peoples into a single empire. The economy envisioned for the state was a form of corporative state socialism, although members of the party who were leftists (and would generally support such an economic system over private enterprise) were purged from the party in 1934. 3. The leadership principle, which required unquestioning obedience to Hitler Nazism included the centralization of decision-making by, and loyalty to, a single leader -submission of all decisions to the supreme leader (Fuhrer) Adolf Hitler *having a totalitarian state.

Ho Chi Minh

1950s and 60s; communist leader of North Vietnam; used geurilla warfare to fight anti-comunist, American-funded attacks under the Truman Doctrine; brilliant strategy drew out war and made it unwinnable.

Rene' clair

A master of the silent film who continued to make irrational and fanciful films into the sound era who delighted in physical movement and comic fancy, which demonstrated similarities in different things. Director of Entr'acte, The Italian Straw Hat, Le Million, and Under the Roofs of Paris (Sous les toits de Paris)

Dawes Plan

A plan to revive the German economy, the United States loans Germany money which then can pay reparations to England and France, who can then pay back their loans from the U.S. This circular flow of money was a success.1924

Kellog-briand Pact

A pledge by 15 nations to never threaten war in international relations, effectively outlawing war in general. This pact was enacted to keep Europe and the U.S. safe by announcing to never declare war on each other, which was effective in theory, but never had provisions in case of a violation, and by 1941, many of these countries had violated it. powerless when it came to war

Maria Remarques

Al's quiet on the western front were banned

Popular front

An alliance between the Communists, the Socialists, and the Radicals formed for the May 1936 French elections. It was largely successful, increasing the Communists in parliament from 10 to 72, and the Socials up to 146, making them the largest party in France.

The Blue Angel

Another full-length feature film that was shown IN AMERICA. It starred Marlene Dietrich and was one of the first films with sound.

German kaiser refused to raise taxxes, especially on the rich to pay for the war

During 1921 the french occupied several cities in the Ruhr ul a settlement was reached

Joseph stalin

Bolshevik revolutionary, head of the Soviet Communists after 1924, and dictator of the Soviet Union from 1928 to 1953. He led the Soviet Union with an iron fist, using Five-Year Plans to increase industrial production and terror to crush opposition

Ottoman empire

Centered in Constantinople, the Turkish imperial state that conquered large amounts of land in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Balkans, and fell after World War I.

The great dictator

Charle Chaplin's film satirizing of Adolf Hitler in 1940.

Pope Pius XI

Church leader during WWII; surrounded and questioned

75 years on, executed Reichstag arsonist finally wins pardon Kate Connolly in Berlin Saturday January 12, 2008

Saturday January 12, 2008 An unemployed Dutch bricklayer who was made a scapegoat for one of the defining moments of 20th-century German history has been pardoned for his crime 75 years later. Marinus van der Lubbe, 24, was beheaded after being convicted of setting fire to the Reichstag, an event Hitler used as a pretext to suspend civil liberties and establish a dictatorship. But Van de Lubbe's conviction has been overturned by the federal prosecutor, Monika Harms, after a lawyer in Berlin alerted her to the fact that he had yet to be exonerated under a law passed in 1998. The law allowed pardons for people convicted of crimes under the Nazis, based on the concept that Nazi law "went against the basic ideas of justice". But the exoneration is only symbolic and will not lead to compensation for Van de Lubbe's heirs. Police arrested Van der Lubbe in the burning building, and he is said to have confessed that he started the fire in order to encourage a workers' uprising against the rise of the Nazis. However, historians remain divided over the event. The Nazis said it was a communist plot and used the fire in propaganda. Most modern historians are in agreement that Van der Lubbe was involved in the fire, but whether he acted alone or with accomplices is still open to debate. Following the attack in February 1933, which gutted the Reichstag and was a key event in the establishment of Nazi Germany, the Communist party was banned and Nazi opponents were brutally suppressed. In one night 1,500 communist functionaries were arrested. When he was alerted to the news of the fire, which took place shortly after he had taken power, Adolf Hitler called it a "sign from heaven" that a communist putsch was about to be launched. The day after the fire the Reichstag fire decree was signed into law, which led to the suspension of civil liberties and the banning of many newspapers and other publications hostile to the Nazis. Van der Lubbe, who had moved to Germany to pursue his political beliefs, went on trial in Leipzig in 1933 along with four others, charged with arson and attempting to overthrow the government. But only Van der Lubbe was convicted. He was executed in January 1934. The full pardon follows a decades-long legal process by Van der Lubbe's heirs to rehabilitate him. In 1967 a Berlin court bizarrely changed the sentence to an eight-year prison term. In 1980 the same court lifted the sentence completely, a decision later reversed by the federal court. Then in 1981 a West German court overturned the conviction on the basis that Van der Lubbe was insane, but campaigners pushed for full state pardon arguing that he had been convicted by a Nazi court. It took the 1998 law to make the full pardon possible but it is unclear why another 10 years went by before it was granted. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2008

pump priming

Government action taken to stimulate the economy, as spending money in the commercial sector, cutting taxes, or reducing interest rates

alfred hugenberg

Had his own party called the German Nationalist Party, was also a part of Hitler's NSDAP. He wanted to control Hitler and use him to his benefits, but failed in doing so.

Rise to power

Hitler took charge of party propaganda in early 1920, and also recruited young men he had known in the Army. He was aided in his recruiting efforts by Army Captain Ernst Röhm, a new party member, who would play a vital role in Hitler's eventual rise to power.

"How the Bolsheviks took the Winter Palace," Manchester Guardian, 27 December 1917

How the Bolsheviks took the Winter Palace Thursday December 27, 1917 When I left the Palace on November 6 I was under the impression that the New Bolshevik rising had completely miscarried. But the next morning the situation changed almost miraculously. It appeared that all the reports which the generals had given to Kerensky were misleading. hardly a single unit in the Petrograd garrison executed the orders given them on Kerensky's instructions. The troops guarding the arsenal joined hands with the Bolsheviks, who got possession of all the artillery and ammunition and enormous stocks of rifles. Every regiment or company of soldiers in the city had passed a resolution supporting the Bolsheviks, who accused Kerensky's Government of wishing "surrender Petrograd to the Germans so as to enable them to exterminate the revolutionary garrison." The Bolsheviks spread the rumours that the government was preparing to move to Moscow. Although a very small minority in each regiment took part in these meetings the effect was to paralyse the Government, because the vast majority of soldiers remained passive. They said they would not interfere in the struggle for fear that "brotherly blood" might be shed. In this way the telegraph and telephone passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks almost without fighting during the night of November 6, and there were no armed forces upon which the Government could rely for its defence. Personally I am under the strong impression that there was a strong element of disloyalty among the military command in Petrograd. When I arrived at the Palace on the morning of November 7 I found that its food supplies had been stopped, so that the guards had left, being unable to get food. Kerensky had set out on a dangerous mission to bring loyal troops from outside the city. The new commandants began to organise the defence of the Palace, and for that purpose I, too, went to the wing of the Palace in which the offices of the Palace administration were situated to obtain a plan of the immense building in order to place guards at all possible entrances. But to my great amazement I found the vast offices absolutely deserted by the administration, and the doorkeeper informed me that none of the officials had even put in an appearance that day. Some of the old servants of the Palace, who had formerly served the Tsar and were well acquainted with the vast building, volunteered to serve as guides. "You will find no traitors among us," they said to me, and they proved loyal to the end. Fresh units of cadets were called into the Palace. Food was ordered by telephone, but on the way to the Palace it was commandeered by the Bolsheviks. I was sitting in my study. The next room to mine was that of Konovaloff. The Ministers gathered from time to time in his room or mine, and through the window watched the crowds on the bridges. The situation grew more and more critical. Five thousand sailors arrived from Kronstadt, and the cruiser Aurora entered the Neva and lay with guns directed upon the Winter Palace. The Fortress of SS. Peter and Paul was now in the hands of the Bolsheviks, and its guns were also turned upon the Palace. The Government offices on the other side of the square were gradually surrendering to the Bolsheviks, whose troops were little by little surrounding the Palace itself. The palace guards had erected a huge barricade along the principal gates and facades leading to the square from accumulated reserves of timber, and the two opposing forces were awaiting the final onslaught. Within the Palace the ministers were almost all by now assembled. All our telephone lines were already disconnected except one, through which we occasionally received some disturbing tidings. It began to grow dark. During the day I had several times been obliged to warn the members of the Government from crowding to the windows, as by so doing they were likely to attract unwelcome shots. And now we carefully drew the curtains to hide the few electric lights we were obliged to make use of. At seven o'clock the Cabinet held its last meeting, which was of a memorable character. It was held in the famous Malachite Hall, where the sittings were usually held. This meeting was held in darkness except for the rays which shone through the open door from a lighted vestibule which had no windows. The Minister of Labour, a Socialist, raised the question whether some of them should not leave the Palace to mix with the populace and try to influence them. Some other Socialists supported him. But after a close debate it was decided that the Ministry should stand and fall together. The welcome news that some food had been scraped together was brought, and at about eight o'clock the Ministers went upstairs to Kerensky's apartments to partake of a scanty meal. By arrangement I was to leave the Palace at eight o'clock. When that time came all the ordinary exits were either besieged or barricaded. My faithful attendant, who was well acquainted with every corner of the Palace, managed to get me through into the central courtyard, which was filled with loyalist guards, and thence I was conducted to the huge iron gate, strongly guarded by loyal sentinels. In front of the gate was a high wooden barricade. A stout female nurse was just being hoisted over this barricade to proceed to her duties in the military hospital situated in one part of the Palace. I stood for a moment gazing into the darkness. A hand touched me, and somebody said: "Don't stand here. You may be hit by a bullet." I thanked the sentinel and went along by the barricade in the direction of Millionnaya Street, the only passage still kept by the loyalists. They were barring the street, but they allowed me to pass through. When I had proceeded a short distance I heard the order given behind me "Take aim!" I heard the click of the rifles, and two big soldiers who were proceeding some steps in front of me gathered up the skirts of their coats and took to their heels. I looked back and saw the line of loyalist soldiers aiming straight before them in my direction. I realised that the two soldiers in flight were bolsheviks. Luckily for me they had disappeared in the darkness, and the soldiers did not shoot. I went on and when I reached the next corner I found it guarded by the Bolshevik Red Guard. These were ordinary young workmen, wearing belts and rifles slung across their shoulders. They did not stop me, and I went on in the direction of the Hotel d'Europe, where I was staying. Everywhere at the street corners were stationed Bolshevik soldiers or sailors or detachments of the Red Guard. I reached the hotel unmolested. Later in the evening, when I was ready to return, I learned that the General Staff had already surrendered to the sailors before I left the Palace, and that the Palace itself had been completely surrounded, so that it was impossible for me to enter it. I learned that a friend of mine who had gone with Mme. Kerensky in a cab to the Palace had been arrested, with her, by the Bolsheviks and taken to the Smolny Institute. During the night the booming of guns began. I knew they were the guns of the Aurora bombarding the Palace. An ultimatum was sent to the Ministers to surrender. They refused. Bolsheviks began to penetrate into the Palace through some unknown entrance, and from the upper floor, where the apartments of Kerensky and of Babushka (Mme. Breshkovsky, the grandmother of the Russian Revolution) were situated, they began to throw hand grenades into the hall below. These Bolsheviks were arrested by the loyalists. The Aurora discharged a number of shots at the Palace. A violent fusillade of machine-guns and light artillery was also directed against it. A battle ensued, during which there were some hundred casualties on either side. Gradually the Bolsheviks forced an entry and invaded the Palace. On their way they pillaged every room they entered. The Ministers retired from one room to another, until at last they were arrested and conveyed to the fortress. The Palace was pillaged and devastated from top to bottom by the Bolshevik armed mob, as though by a horde of barbarians. All the State papers were destroyed. Priceless pictures were ripped from their frames by bayonets. Several hundred carefully packed boxes of rare plate and china, which Kerensky had exerted himself to preserve, were broken open and the contents smashed or carried off. The library of Alexander III, the doors of which we had locked and sealed, and which we never entered, was forced open and ransacked, books and manuscripts burnt and destroyed. My study, formerly the Tsaritsa's salon, like all other rooms, was thrown into chaos. The colossal crystal lustre, with its artfully concealed music, was smashed to atoms. Desks, pictures, ornaments - everything was destroyed. I will refrain from describing the hideous scenes which took place in the wine-cellars, and the fate to which some of the captured women soldiers were submitted.

Cultural visions

Instead of turning away from public life, writers, filmmakers, and artists of the 1930s responded vigorously to the depression. In 1931, French director René Clair's (1898-1981) Give Us Liberty depicted prison life as an analogy to work on a factory assembly line. Charlie Chaplin's film Modern Times (1936) showed his character, the Little Tramp, as a worker in a modern factory, his job so ingrained that he assumed everything he could see needed mechanical adjustment. Women were portrayed alternately as the cause of or the cure for society's problems. The Blue Angel (1930), a German film starring Marlene Dietrich (1901-1992), showed how a modern woman could destroy civilization. In comedies and musicals, however, women pulled men out of debt and set things right, smiling all the while. While new techniques were used during the 1930s, like montage, which overlaid two or more images to create a heightened visual impact, some intellectuals turned away from experimentation with nonrepresentational forms. Art became increasingly politicized because some writers found it crucial to reaffirm their belief in Western values such as rationalism, rights, and concern for the poor. German writer Thomas Mann (1875-1955) went into self-imposed exile when Hitler came to power and began a series of novels based on the Old Testament that commented on the struggle between humanist values and barbarism. In her nonfiction work Three Guineas (1938), Virginia Woolf (1882-1941) also rejected experimental forms for a direct attack on militarism, poverty, and the oppression of women.

sturmabteilung

SA This was the Nazi paramilitary force which protected Hitler and played a key role in his rise to power. One of the first SA leaders was Hermann Goering. The SA was important because they were responsible for most of the violence against Jews as well as allowing Hitler to rise to power. They were responsible for the April 1, 1933 boycott as well as many pogroms such as Kristallnacht. They were also responsible for the spread of Nazi propaganda. Storm troopers

francisco franco

Spanish General; organized the revolt in Morocco, which led to the Spanish Civil War. Leader of the Nationalists - right wing, supported by Hitler and Mussolini, won the Civil War after three years of fighting. 10,000 fled brutal revenge

autobahn

TRANSPORTATION $300: The 1st of these high-speed German highways was opened between Cologne & Bonn in 1932

1. What were the three main elements of Hitler's world-view? 2. How did Hitler acquire power within the Nazi Party? 3. What were the bases for Hitler's appeal to the German people? 4. Why did non-Nazi politicians hand over power to Hitler in 1933? 5. How did Hitler secure power over Germany after 1933? 6. What was the 'underlying consensus' that supported Hitler's regime? 7. What is meant by Hitler's 'plebiscitary power'? 8. Why was the 'euthanasia action' an example of how the Nazi bureaucracy worked? 9. How did Hitler's exercise of power change as the war went on? 10. Why did the Nazi invasion of Russia also become a 'quantum leap' into genocide? 11. Why does Kershaw conclude 'that not only destruction, but also self-destruction, was innate to the Nazi form of rule'?

The Einsatzgruppen leaders had certainly been given the task of liquidating potential enemies. However, by no means all Jewish men and relatively few Jewish women and children were killed in June/July. This very much suggests that there was no pre-invasion genocide order. Swiss historian Philippe Burrin has also pointed out that 4,000 policemen, not specially trained in mass killing techniques, were hardly likely to be thought sufficient to kill five million Russian Jews. While most historians accept that the extensive shootings of Jews in June/July marked a 'quantum leap' in the direction of genocide, there is a world of difference between savage violence and cold-blooded, systematic genocide. In the first weeks of Operation Barbarossa, Soviet commissars were more likely to be shot than ordinary Jews. Moreover some of the first (and worst) outrages against Jews were committed not by the Einsatzgruppen but by local people. - See more at: http://www.leninimports.com/the_final_solution.html#sthash.QmOs4CBL.dpuf

Week 10

This week's slide show outlines and illustrates two of the major revolutions that came about as a result of the First World War. The Russian Revolution of 1917 was not the first attempt to overthrow that state in the 20th century. In many ways, the 1905 Revolution laid the groundwork for what would come later. Then, the 1917 Revolution occurred in two stages: the so-called February Revolution which overthrew the tsar and created a Provisional Government under Alexander Kerensky and, second, the October Revolution in which Lenin and the Bolsheviks overthrw Kerensky. The signal event of that last coup was the storming of the Winter Palace which was the headquarters of Kerensky's government. An original article from an English newspaper is provided. The 1918 German Revolution marked the end of the German war effort as well as the regime created by Bismarck in the 1860s and 1870s. Food shortages, disease, and high prices brought about much discontent within German, but Germany's peace treaty with Russia in the East (the treaty of Brest-Litovsk) marked a tremendous victory on the battlefield. The Allies, under the influence of President Woodrow Wilson, refused to deal with the Kaiser, a decision that put even more pressure on the German state. Still, the home front collapsed in 1918, a process that began with a mutiny among sailors at the port of Kiel in north-west Germany that then spread to cities throughout the country. Some of these urban revolutions were led by Communists, including the most daring of them in the southern state of Bavaria. Given these multiple pressures, in quick succession the Kaiser abdicated, a republic was declared (the so-called Weimar Republic), and an armistice signed ending the hostilities in the West.

Etty hillesum

a young Jewish grad student whose diary was published after her death; gave messages of hope and the worth of each person

Third reich

which succeeded the first reich of charlemagne and the seocnd reich of bismarck and william ii The Third Republic of Germany which began Hitler's rule in 1933 and ended with his defeat in 1945

civil disobedience

deliberately but peacefully breaking the law

stock market

dropped from 87 billion to 30 billion

Enabling Act

enabled Hitler to get rid of the Reichstag parliament and pass laws without reference to parliament Sussepended the constitution for four years and allowed nazi laws ot take effect without parliamentary approval

Mein Kempf

in English means 'My Struggles' or 'My battle,' is a book dictated by Adolf Hitler. It combines elements of autobiography with an exposition of Hitler's National Socialist political

Gandhi

preached hindu self denial and rejected elaborate british ceremonies and manners

Hitler's 4 year plan

preparing germany for war by 1940 - produced alrge budget deicits

Jules Amar

prostheses

polish constitution

provided for an elected diet, a wide suffrage by the standards of the day, the Napoleonic civil code, freedom of press and religion, and exclusive use of the Polish language

1920s

real challenge was comign to terms with teh political economic and social legacy of the war

Hitler

rebirth of german race

Schutzstaffel

special police force in Nazi Germany founded as a personal bodyguard for Adolf Hitler in 1925

Global imperialism

strong feelings of nationalism, huge population explosion, leads to global migrations, competition between nations. RESULTS: new languages, religion,cultures. Bitterness develops in controlling countries, Christian religion becomes known.

Weimar parliamentary government

strong political instrument

enemies of the state

the Communist party singled out by Nazis as being enemies, Jews were also enemies, anyone who was in Hilters way of taking full power OR FOR MORE BROADER VIEWS, Totalitarian leaders often created these to blame for things that go wrong. These enemies are often members of religious or ethnic groups.

treaty of versailles

the treaty imposed on Germany by the Allied powers in 1920 after the end of World War I which demanded exorbitant reparations from the Germans

basket case

those carried in baskets

Federal reserve bank

tighteneed availble credit to try to stablize

Hittler and Mussolini

were admired for their discipline they broguthto social and economic life