Possible AP Gov questions

Which of the following best characterizes the general argument made in Brutus 1? A. A large republic would be preferable to a small one because more people could participate. B. A small republic would pose more danger to individual liberty than a large republic. C. A large republic is dangerous to personal liberty and undermines the states. D. A small republic is more susceptible to corruption than a large republic.

C. A large republic is dangerous to personal liberty and undermines the states.

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following excerpts from Article I of the United States Constitution resolves a problem described by the author? A. "The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;" B. "No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time." C. "The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States." D. "The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it."

A. "The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;"

Which of the following is an accurate summary of James Madison's argument in The Federalist 10? A. A large republic presents more opportunities for groups to participate, compete, and limit each other. B. A large republic makes it possible to abolish factions and concentrate all power at the national level. C. A large republic allows the federal government to dominate the state governments through the necessary and proper clause. D. A large republic is a direct democracy where the people have a direct vote in policy matters, which controls factions.

A. A large republic presents more opportunities for groups to participate, compete, and limit each other.

In The Federalist 10, James Madison argued that the new constitution would help control faction by doing which of the following? A. By creating a large republic, the new constitution made it less likely that a faction could gain enough power to completely dominate. B. The new constitution had significant limits on the freedom of expression, thereby limiting the ability of factions to organize. C. The new constitution gave political parties specific powers in the government which limited their influence. D. The use of the electoral college and the indirect election of senators would limit the influence that factions could wield.

A. By creating a large republic, the new constitution made it less likely that a faction could gain enough power to completely dominate.

The Twenty-Seventh Amendment is the most recent amendment to the Constitution. Its existence today can be traced to a college student who proposed the idea in a term paper and was given a C by his professor for the idea. In 1982, a college student, Gregory Watson, discovered that an amendment to the Constitution had been ratified by six states by 1792 and could still be added to the Constitution because Congress had never stipulated a time limit for states to consider it for ratification. Watson started a self-financed, grassroots campaign to get the amendment ratified. He wrote letters to state officials, urging them to pass the amendment. Maine was the first state to respond to Watson's campaign, ratifying the amendment in 1983. In 1992, Michigan became the 38th state to ratify the amendment, casting the final vote needed to make the proposed amendment an actual part of the United States Constitution. The amendment that Watson lobbied for states the following: "No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of Representatives shall have intervened." In short, the Twenty-Seventh Amendment states that a sitting Congress cannot give itself a raise or cut its pay during its current session. Any pay raise or cut would take effect for the next Congress. Respond to all parts of the question. In your response, use substantive examples where appropriate. A. Describe the role of Congress in passing a constitutional amendment. B. Explain how the states affect the process described in Part A. C. The Equal Rights Amendment was passed by Congress but never ratified by the states. Many other proposed amendments have shared the same fate. Explain how the high bar in passing amendments, as illustrated in this example, reflects the Framers' ideas about government.

A. Congress can submit a proposed constitutional amendment to the states if the language in the amendment is approved by two-thirds of congress. B. The amendment has to be ratified by three-fourths of the State Legislatures or three-fourths of conventions called in each state. C. The high bar in passing amendments reflects the Farmers' idea of limited government where policy has to be set by wide agreement by the states. Without the state's approval, amendments cannot be passed. This is favorable to the farmers since they did not believe only the central government should have a say in what amendments are passed, the states should have a say as well.

The Declaration of Independence cites specific reasons for separating from British rule, including the British imposing taxes and maintaining a standing army without consent. Which of the following principles or ideas would these grievances be most related to? A. Natural rights such as life and liberty B. The authority to create a centralized military among the colonies C. The incorporation of checks and balances among the branches of government D. C The incorporation of checks and balances among the branches of government

A. Natural rights such as life and liberty

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following principles of government is most related to the author's argument in the passage? A. Separation of powers is necessary to our constitutional system to limit the power of the three branches and guarantee limited government. B. The president's power is constitutionally permitted to expand during times of crisis, which can lead to a declaration of war without permission from Congress. C. As the legislative branch, Congress is authorized to change the constitutional balance of power whenever it deems necessary. D. Separation of powers guarantees that each branch can focus on what it does best, but in some cases one branch may voluntarily cede power to another branch.

A. Separation of powers is necessary to our constitutional system to limit the power of the three branches and guarantee limited government.

"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following best describes Madison's primary concern about representative government? A. Those who seek to represent the people may be tempted to act in their own interests instead. B. A truly representative government will quickly become too large to function effectively. C. Local government is ineffective because there are not enough competitive factions. D. Long term lengths may lead to political representatives who are disengaged from their constituents.

A. Those who seek to represent the people may be tempted to act in their own interests instead.

Brutus was an example of an Anti-Federalist because he A. believed a centralized government posed a major threat to individual rights B. argued that a national military force was needed to deal with insurrections C. argued that the laws passed by the national government were supreme over state laws D. believed that compromise between the branches of government would ensure a limited government

A. believed a centralized government posed a major threat to individual rights

At the Constitutional Convention of 1787, delegates from larger states argued that each state's representation in the legislature should be proportional to its population. Smaller states argued that each state should have equal representation, regardless of population. The disagreement over representation threatened to derail the ratification of the United States Constitution. Which statement accurately describes the compromise that led to both sides reaching agreement? A. A bicameral legislature with an upper house selected by the lower house and the lower house representation proportional to each state's population B. A bicameral legislature with an upper house representing each state equally and a lower house with representation proportional to each state's population C. A unicameral legislature with equal representation for every state D. A unicameral legislature with representation proportional to each state's population.

B. A bicameral legislature with an upper house representing each state equally and a lower house with representation proportional to each state's population

As a compromise, the framers agreed on a bicameral legislature, with the House of Representatives directly elected by popular vote within states and the Senate selected by state legislatures. The method chosen for electing members of the House of Representatives conforms most to which of the following democratic ideals? A. The social contract is an agreement between citizens and government. B. Government should be based on the consent of the governed. C. Policy makers should be the most well-informed and wealthy members of society. D. State power should be respected in a federal constitution.

B. Government should be based on the consent of the governed.

Which of the following cases expanded the powers of Congress by defining the necessary and proper clause more broadly? A. United States v. Lopez (1995) B. McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) C. Marbury v. Madison (1803) D. Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954)

B. McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)

"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following statements would the author of the passage most likely agree with? A. Average citizens cannot be trusted to vote because of low levels of education. B. Nations with extended territory cannot fairly represent their citizens in a republican form of government. C. The federal government should have greater authority than state legislatures. D. A small federal legislature is the best way to represent the will of the people in a large country.

B. Nations with extended territory cannot fairly represent their citizens in a republican form of government.

"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 In the passage, Brutus is most concerned with the conflict between which of the following political ideas? A. Civil rights and national security B. Participatory democracy and elite democracy C. Political parties and special interest groups D. Religious liberty and the separation of church and state

B. Participatory democracy and elite democracy

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following experiences most likely influenced the perspective conveyed in the passage? A. The increased centralization of power in the national legislature under the Articles of Confederation B. Shay's Rebellion, which was an armed response to the inability of the national government to address unjust economic state policies. C. The tension between states relying on commerce and those relying on agriculture D. Passage of the Stamp Act and other taxes during the revolutionary period

B. Shay's Rebellion, which was an armed response to the inability of the national government to address unjust economic state policies.

"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following statements best reflects James Madison's beliefs about political representation as expressed in the passage? A. People would be best served by having a strong leader to make the decisions. B. B People will not truly have a voice in government until they can vote on laws directly. C. People are best represented by a few politicians chosen to voice their issues. D. People should elect political representatives who are wealthy enough to avoid corruption.

C. People are best represented by a few politicians chosen to voice their issues.

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following political processes would best solve the problem regarding the system of checks and balances, as articulated by the author in the passage? A. The president agrees to lift sanctions and signs a peace treaty with another country without waiting for the approval from Congress. B. Congress cuts the budget from the Armed Forces without getting presidential approval to prevent the president from sending troops abroad. C. The Supreme Court rules on a suit brought by an interest group that legislation permitting the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval is unconstitutional. D. The Supreme Court refuses to take a case on legislation that permits the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval.

C. The Supreme Court rules on a suit brought by an interest group that legislation permitting the president to launch military strikes without congressional approval is unconstitutional.

"In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government...." Brutus 1 Which of the following excerpts from the passage best describes the author's reason for opposing an expansion of the scope of the federal government? A. "In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed." B. "This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few." C. "If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people..." D. "... [I]t is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government."

D. "... [I]t is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government."

"[A] pure democracy... can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. . . . [S]uch democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. . . . The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended. . . . [I]t may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people." James Madison, The Federalist 10 Which of the following sections of the United States Constitution most concerns Madison according to the passage? A. Article I, Section 10—"No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws. . . B. Article II, Section 1—"No Person except a natural born Citizen . . . shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States." C. Article III, Section 1—"The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office." D. Article I, Section 2—"The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

D. Article I, Section 2—"The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the separation of powers is integral to the Constitution not to preserve the prerogatives of each branch of government but to divide governmental powers among the branches so as to keep power diffused—and thereby limited and protective of personal freedom. . . . Thus, even if one branch of government consented to ceding an essential power to another branch, such a giveaway would be unconstitutional. . . . Can the president legally use military force to attack a foreign land without a serious threat or legal obligation or a declaration of war from Congress? In a word: No. Here is the back story. . . . . . . [A] bipartisan group of senators offered legislation supported by the president that . . . would permit a president to strike whomever and wherever he pleases. The president would be restrained only by a vote of Congress—after hostilities have commenced. Such a statute would give the president far more powers than he has now, would directly violate Congress' war-making powers by ceding them away to the president, would defy the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of giving away core governmental functions, would commit the U.S. to foreign wars without congressional and thus popular support, and would invite dangerous mischief by any president wanting to attack any enemy—real or imagined, old or new—for foreign or domestic political purposes, whether American interests are at stake or not. Andrew Napolitano, "At War with the Separation of Powers," The Washington Times, 2018. Which of the following describes a possible method that can check the power of the president who willingly violates the constitutional balance of power as described in the passage? A. Congress can pass a law that removes the president from office. B. The Supreme Court can rule that the presidential election results are null and void based on the actions of the president. C. States can recall the president through a special election process. D. Congress can impeach and remove a president who is unable or unwilling to perform his or her official functions.

D. Congress can impeach and remove a president who is unable or unwilling to perform his or her official functions.

Which of the following statements accurately describes the majority opinion of the Supreme Court in United States v. Lopez (1995) ? A. The necessary and proper clause did not allow Congress to create the Bank of the United States. B. Congress may regulate commerce between the states. C. State governments can declare federal statutes unconstitutional if they conflict with state law. D. Congress may not use the commerce clause to make possession of a gun in a school zone a federal crime.

D. Congress may not use the commerce clause to make possession of a gun in a school zone a federal crime.

Article I, Section 9 of the United States Constitution lists several powers that are denied to the federal government, such as granting titles of nobility and passing ex post facto laws. This best demonstrates which of the following ideals of democracy? A. Natural rights B. Popular sovereignty C. Social contract theory D. Limited government

D. Limited government

In the 1950s Southern states attempted to prevent integration of their public schools. In return, the National Guard was sent to force states to implement federal regulations. This scenario illustrates which of the following about the relationship between the state and national governments? A. Most issues regarding education are settled at the state level. B. The Constitution gives state governments the exclusive power to interpret federal laws. C. The power of the national government to enforce state policy had been struck down by the Supreme Court. D. The debate over the role of the central government and state powers is ongoing.

D. The debate over the role of the central government and state powers is ongoing.

Which of the following features of the United States Constitution would most concern the author of Brutus 1? A. The Bill of Rights, which protects individual liberties and states' rights B. The reservation of any power not given to the federal government to the states C. The two-year term for members of the House of Representatives D. The supremacy clause, which gives the federal government supremacy over states

D. The supremacy clause, which gives the federal government supremacy over states

The Gun-Free School Zones Act made it illegal for individuals knowingly to carry a gun in a school zone. The Supreme Court determined this act to be an unconstitutional stretch of the commerce clause in A. McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) B. Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010) C. New York Times Company v. United States (1971) D. United States v. Lopez (1995)

D. United States v. Lopez (1995)

This question focuses on thesis development and the use of supporting evidence to help develop a student's ability to respond effectively to FRQ 4-the Argument Essay. There are three points available. Read the prompt and directions carefully and use substantive examples appropriately in your response. Education plays a crucial role in providing opportunity for citizens and advancing American society. Most education policy is made at the state and local levels, which restricts the federal government's role in education to providing supplemental funding for educational programs. At some point, however, the federal government expanded its role by setting requirements for schools to meet certain standards in order to receive federal financial support. Using your knowledge of how federalism affects policy making, develop an argument on whether the federal government's role in education should be expanded. Use at least one piece of evidence from one of the following foundational documents: The Federalist 10 Brutus 1 Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution In your response, you should do the following: ✓ Respond to the prompt with a defensible claim or thesis that establishes a line of reasoning. ✓ Support your claim one piece of evidence that comes from one of the foundational documents listed above.

The federal government's role in education should be expanded because it should be the federal government's job to ensure that its citizens are able to receive an adequate education. This is supported by Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution which states that Congress has the power to do what is necessary and proper for the country. The country is ever changing and Americans have no idea what state economies or hardships may be in the future, so allowing the federal government to do what is necessary and proper for education to ensure that all Americans are properly educated is essential.

While [opponents of the Constitution] admit that the government of the United States is destitute of energy, they contend against conferring upon it those powers which are requisite to supply that energy. They seem still to aim at things repugnant and irreconcilable; at an augmentation of federal authority, without a diminution of State authority; at sovereignty in the Union, and complete independence in the members. . . . This [requires that] a full display of the principal defects of the Confederation [is] necessary, in order to show that the evils we experience do not proceed from minute or partial imperfections, but from fundamental errors in the structure of the building, which cannot be amended otherwise than by an alteration in the first principles and main pillars of the fabric. . . . [T]he United States has an indefinite discretion to [plead for] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist 15 Which of the following is a difference between the Articles of Confederation and the United States Constitution that is a response to a problem expressed in the passage? A. The Articles of Confederation lacked federal executive and judicial branches, whereas the United States Constitution did not. B. The Articles of Confederation allowed for the federal government to request revenues from states but did not permit it to tax citizens directly, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government could tax citizens directly. C. Under the Articles of Confederation, members of the national legislature were paid by the state governments, whereas under the United States Constitution they were paid by the federal government. D. Under the Articles of Confederation, members of the national legislature were not able to regulate currency, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government regulates currency.

B. The Articles of Confederation allowed for the federal government to request revenues from states but did not permit it to tax citizens directly, whereas under the United States Constitution the federal government could tax citizens directly.

In order to appease both Federalists and Anti-Federalists, it was agreed at the Constitutional Convention that a group of delegates would be charged with selecting the president. This would ensure that A. the president would be chosen directly by the people to ensure that the process adheres to the principles of democracy B. the president would be chosen by Congress since Congress has been elected and represents the will of the people C. a qualified person representative of the people would become president D. the president would be chosen by the Supreme Court because the Court is charged with making unbiased decisions

C. a qualified person representative of the people would become president

In The Federalist 10, which of the following did James Madison argue would best control the negative effects of factions? A. A law that prohibits factions B. A small direct democracy C. A large unitary government D. A large federal republic

D. A large federal republic