HUSH Unit 5 Test

UNION AND CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS BY PROFESSION ProfessionUnionConfederacyFarmers and farm laborers (including planters)47.5%61.5%Skilled laborers25.1%14.1%Unskilled laborers15.9%8.5%White-collar workers5.1%7.0%Professionals3.2%5.2%Miscellaneous3.2%3.7% UNION AND CONFEDERATE MILITARIES Military MembershipUnionConfederacyTotal enlistment2,672,3411,227,890Casualties (wounded and killed)642,427483,026 Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables indicate which of the following?

Confederate armies lost a greater proportion of its soldiers than did the Union.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following describes a difference between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts?

A Rable asserts that violence in the South achieved its political goals during Reconstruction, whereas Foner asserts that this violence was suppressed at the time.

Question refers to the excerpt below. Alfred R. Waud, "The Freedmen's Bureau," 1868 Courtesy of the Library of Congress #LC-USZ62-105555 During Reconstruction, which of following was a change that took place in the South?

African Americans were able to exercise political rights.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify Foner's main argument in the second excerpt?

After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following is a similarity between Rable's and Foner's arguments in the excerpts?

Both focus on many Southerners' opposition to racial equality.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations?

Congressional leaders sought political compromise to resolve discord between the North and the South.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following developments could best be used as evidence to support Stevens' claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt?

Democrats dominated the Southern states after suppressing African American voting rights.

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best explains the reason for the reconciliation described by Blight?

Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve.

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Douglass' rhetoric in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following?

His advocacy for African American equal rights

The trend shown in the map led most directly to which of the following?

Increasing divisions between North and South because of questions about the status of slavery in new territories

In the mid-nineteenth century, the process shown in the map was advocated by supporters of which of the following ideologies?

Manifest Destiny

Question refers to the map below. Which of the following ideas contributed most directly to the territorial changes shown in the map?

Manifest Destiny

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The issuing of documents such as the proclamation generally had which of the following effects?

Increasing the visibility of organized opposition to slavery

The ideology that supported the trend depicted in the map is most similar to the ideology that supported which of the following?

Involvement in the Spanish-American War

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments?

Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country.

"So many people ask me what they shall do; so few tell me what they can do.Yet this is the pivot wherein all must turn. "I believe that each of us who has his place to make should go where men are wanted, and where employment is not bestowed as alms. Of course, I say to all who are in want of work, GoWest! . . . "On the whole I say, stay where you are; do as well as you can; and devote every spare hour to making yourself familiar with the conditions and dexterity required for the efficient conservation of out-door industry in a new country. Having mastered these, gather up your family and GoWest!" Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, letter to R. L. Sanderson, 1871 The advice in the excerpt most directly reflects the influence of which of the following prevailing American ideas?

Manifest Destiny

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics." Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844 Historians could best use the excerpt as an example of which of the following?

Political responses to changing demographics in the United States

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . . "It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . . "[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more." Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845 The excerpt best reflects which of the following developments?

Popular support for the idea of Manifest Destiny

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Which of the following best explains Douglass' point of view in the excerpt?

Shared sacrifice would help advance African American men's claims to United States citizenship.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following?

Southern politicians would not abandon slavery, and they believed Lincoln was a threat to that system.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Based on their arguments in the excerpts, both Rable and Foner would most likely agree with which of the following claims?

Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction.

Which of the following states the principle of "popular sovereignty?"

The settlers in a given territory have the sole right to decide whether or not slavery will be permitted there.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts?

Southern states sought more proslavery seats in the United States Congress.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 The excerpt most likely reflects which of the following historical situations?

States in the South had begun seceding after the presidential election.

UNION AND CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS BY PROFESSION ProfessionUnionConfederacyFarmers and farm laborers (including planters)47.5%61.5%Skilled laborers25.1%14.1%Unskilled laborers15.9%8.5%White-collar workers5.1%7.0%Professionals3.2%5.2%Miscellaneous3.2%3.7% UNION AND CONFEDERATE MILITARIES Military MembershipUnionConfederacyTotal enlistment2,672,3411,227,890Casualties (wounded and killed)642,427483,026 Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables most likely indicate which of the following?

The Union had a larger and more diverse population of workers to enlist from than did the Confederacy.

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution The provision above overturned the

Supreme Court ruling in Dred Scott v. Sandford

ProfessionUnionConfederacyFarmers and farm laborers (including planters)47.5%61.5%Skilled laborers25.1%14.1%Unskilled laborers15.9%8.5%White-collar workers5.1%7.0%Professionals3.2%5.2%Miscellaneous3.2%3.7% UNION AND CONFEDERATE MILITARIES Military MembershipUnionConfederacyTotal enlistment2,672,3411,227,890Casualties (wounded and killed)642,427483,026 Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the first table most directly indicate which of the following about the professions of soldiers in the Civil War?

The Confederacy relied more heavily on agricultural workers to fill its armies than did the Union.

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. "Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision." Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850 The position expressed by Clay in the excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following?

The acquisition of new territories created disputes over the expansion of slavery.

Which of the following was a common justification in the United States for the trend depicted in the map?

The belief in White cultural and political superiority

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . . "It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . . "[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more." Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845 Sentiments of business leaders and politicians like that expressed in the excerpt most likely contributed to which of the following?

The creation of diplomatic ties with foreign nations

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867?

The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people

"So many people ask me what they shall do; so few tell me what they can do.Yet this is the pivot wherein all must turn. "I believe that each of us who has his place to make should go where men are wanted, and where employment is not bestowed as alms. Of course, I say to all who are in want of work, GoWest! . . . "On the whole I say, stay where you are; do as well as you can; and devote every spare hour to making yourself familiar with the conditions and dexterity required for the efficient conservation of out-door industry in a new country. Having mastered these, gather up your family and GoWest!" Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, letter to R. L. Sanderson, 1871 Which of the following late-nineteenth-century federal actions most directly supported the ideas expressed in the excerpt?

The sale of land to settlers at low cost

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The proclamation most clearly provides evidence for which of the following?

The failure of the Compromise of 1850 to lessen sectional tensions

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best characterizes the "sectional reunion" Blight describes?

The federal government removed troops from the South and eliminated aid for former slaves.

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863 Ideas expressed by Douglass in the excerpt were most likely interpreted as supporting which of the following arguments?

The war was no longer just about preserving the union of the states.

Question refers to the map below. The acquisition of territory in the southwestern region shown in the map intensified controversies in the United States about

allowing slavery in the new territories

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed.... Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest. Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you." Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854 The sentiments expressed in the proclamation would have been most widely condemned by White residents of

coastal South Carolina

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 One key change immediately following the Civil War aimed at achieving the "racial justice" that Blight describes was the

establishment of a constitutional basis for citizenship and voting rights

Question refers to the excerpt below. Alfred R. Waud, "The Freedmen's Bureau," 1868 Courtesy of the Library of Congress #LC-USZ62-105555 The situation depicted in the image best serves as evidence of the

expansion of federal power

In 1861 the North went to war with the South primarily to

preserve the Union

Question refers to the excerpt below. Alfred R. Waud, "The Freedmen's Bureau," 1868 Courtesy of the Library of Congress #LC-USZ62-105555 The image most strongly supports the argument that Reconstruction

temporarily altered race relations in the South

Question refers to the map below. The territorial changes shown in the southwestern region of the map most directly resulted from

the Mexican-American War