Poli Sci
Megalopolis
Groupings of metropolitan areas that have grown together and become economically integrated. There are 4 U.S. megalopolises: North Atlantic seacoast Lake Michigan area The Pacific coast The Florida peninsula
Westward Drift
Pretty self explanatory, the movement of the incumbent U.S. population (not immigrants) to cities in the West, and Sun Belt regions. Politically, the lack of European immigrants in these cities was important in that political machines were not able to embed themselves/influence city politics in the same way they were able to in the northeast. The relative lack of political machines in the West allowed for a stronger reform movement; the lack of European immigrants in these cities led to stronger reform movements, and offered an additional example of how governance can work in urban areas. See Vogel and Harrigan
Democratic Representation
Because cities are central to American democracy, the study of urban politics becomes increasingly important. One would thus expect people living in cities to be acutely aware of local governance, demanding not only responsiveness from their leaders but imparting social and economic change. Even further, democratic representation at the city level has an impact at the national level as the social and economic conditions of urban constituents typically reflect broader national movements. Cities thus can be said to serve as catalysts for national legislation (sexual, gender, racial politics). Local government spurs civic responsibility.
Central City Decline
Central city decline can be attributed to (1) middle class exodus (with the middle class out-migrating and the poor in-migrating), (2) dual migration, (3) reduction in household sizes (with more people remaining single or becoming single parents) and (4) de-industrialization (caused by an economic shift from a manufacturing to a service-based economy). Such central city decline has led to concentrated poverty, tax base depletion, unemployment, and low civic engagement.
Important Quote Describing the Cycle of Dual Migration
" The cycle starts with the creation of subdivisions of single-family homes, which is followed by the development of apartment buildings. As the original residents die or move out to other neighborhoods, they are replaced, in the third stage, by less affluent residents, who downgrade the neighborhood by dividing the single-family homes into duplexes and apartments. This is followed by a fourth stage of population decline and abandonment. Finally, new developers see potential in the neighborhood and a fifth stage, renewal completes the cycle" (55).
Three reasons why giant metropolises and megalopolises began to emerge only in the late 19th and early 20th centuries
(1) Not until that time that a large enough agricultural surplus was produced to enable a majority of the population to live off the agricultural production of a dwindling minority of the population. (2) Innovations in transportation technology. (3) Increasing control over death rates. (Vogel and Harrigan).
White suburbanization
- large amounts of the white population leaving the city through federal and state level initiatives (transportation policies, discriminatory housing loans and policies)
Hollow prize problem
- minority mayors win a hollow prize by winning an election; the presence of structural and institutional limitations to the success a black mayor can achieve due to population loss, income disparities and high poverty rates. The case of Atlanta emphasizes the benefits and limits that black power brings to a city. Black power and representation in government does tend to increase under a black mayor. In 2000, 80% of Atlanta city employees were black. These are mostly middle-class para-professional positions however, and they aren't filled by the lower classes. This is why black unemployment still grew in Atlanta in the eighties and nineties. Atlanta also suffered from decentralization issues- most of the new businesses and opportunities were in the North suburbs, which have fought public transit that would enable inner-city workers to take those positions. Overall, black mayors in Atlanta have helped the black middle-class much more than the lower class because of the skill level of jobs brought in and a lack of focus in poor neighborhoods. (Browning/Marshall/Tabb Reading). -Professor Rogers also discussed in class why poor blacks continue to support black candidates who don't have their best interests at heart. This attitude goes against pluralism in that different groups are not exercising rights and opinions. There's also a notion of black mayors being the lesser of two evils vs. a white mayor, but even white candidates with a focus on inner-city blacks have failed in Atlanta. Mostly, it can be traced back to an ingrained distrust in white politicians leading back decades. They are also so increasingly alienate by the lack of political power they wield that it's difficult to inspire trust in any other candidate. They vote less and less, and so are ignored more and more. (Thursday 10/23 Lecture and Browning/Marshall/Tabb reading).
What was the output in terms of rewards of machines?
- patronage jobs (mostly municipal, blue collar) - city contracts e.g. new water work system, building new infrastructure - franchises - services within their ward
Three faces of power:
-A gets B to do something against B's interests - Agenda setting decision is not even made an issue (i.e. nondecision) - Ideology: A shapes B's interests such that B also thinks it is in their interest, whether or not it is
Civil rights mayors
-two different waves of black mayors - lecture and Thompson reading interested in redistribution and racial equality. Black mayoral candidates came in two main waves, the first being civil rights mayors. Civil rights mayors often came from cities that had racially polarized elections and a black majority. They emphasized a focus on black advancement and increased black appointments in civic positions, Their first focus once taking office was often to look into police brutality. They were often opposed by labor unions and white business associations. They began to lose power once black mayors couldn't deliver (in part because of federal aid cuts under Reagan), and the poor black voting base they relied on became disillusioned and demobilized. (Thompson reading)
Determinants of Urban Growth: the growth of cities generally. Three main factors contributed to urban growth across the globe:
1) Agricultural surplus: Agricultural surpluses allow a majority of the urban population to live off of the agricultural production of a smaller minority. It is important to note the mutually beneficial relationship between urban city dwellers and suburban farmers- urban city dwellers rely on farmers for agricultural production while farmers rely on city-dwellers to "transport farmers' goods, finance investment in crops, and import/manufacture consumer goods" (41). 2) Innovations in Transport Technology: New technologies such as steamships, airplanes, and railroads allow for increased trade and the importation of raw materials and food to the urban market. It is important to note, however, that such innovations in transportation are entirely reliant on energy. If new forms of energy can't be found then this technology wont be able to operate... 3) Control Over Death Rates: Advances in medicine and sanitation oftentimes lead to the creation of an excess population. Such an excess population cannot sustain itself in small rural areas and, in turn, migrates to large cities.
Three main factors contributed to urbanization in the U.S.:
1) Urban Migrations: There were 4 main waves of immigration into the United States over the late 19th and 20th centuries. The first stage involved mainly Irish and German immigrants, with the Irish tending to settle in the Northeast and the Germans in both the Northeast and Midwest. The second stage consisted of immigrants coming from mainly Southern and Eastern Europe settling in the Northeast and Midwest. The third wave of migration involved African Americans in-migrating from small rural towns in the south (*today there is evidence that such a trend is, perhaps, occurring in reverse---aka reverse migration). Finally, the fourth wave of migration in the United States consisted of Hispanic and Asian immigrants moving into American cities (42+43). 2) Transportation Technology: With the discovery of gold and fertile farmland in the west, an extensive network of railroads was created leading towards the Pacific Ocean. Several "gateway" cities emerged along these rail lines (such as Chicago). Along with railroads, streetcars were also important in the development of American cities, connecting central, urban business districts with newly urbanized shopping areas outside of the "city proper" (44). Finally, elevated and subway railways provided efficient and clean transportation for urban city dwellers. 3) Emergence of a National Corporate Economy: The transformation from "a small enterprise base into a national corporate economy" caused countless American businesses to set up headquarters in major American cities. Such business headquarters boosted economic activity within cities and also created millions of new jobs. These headquarters also provided the basis of the service economy and the growth of the middle class.
Place Loyalty
A political leader's allegiance or loyalty to their local community. Place loyalty is often what drives politicians to allocate considerable resources and political authority to local communities. Whether it was competing for connection to railroads or large companies, cities compete fiercely for a share in growing markets like tourism and business.
Political machine
A political organization in which an authoritative boss or small groups commands the support of voters and businesses. These groups in return receive rewards in the form of city contracts and municipal rewards.
Elitism
A theory that power is cumulative and concentrated in the hands of a few influential actors. Its proponent Floyd Hunter used a reputational approach to develop the theory. Elitism is a theory that assumes that power is cumulative and concentrated in the hands of a few influential actors. Although there isn't much empirical support for elitism today, a few scholars advance a theory of economic elitism. Three strands of elitism include being normative with high, qualified people, being technocratic with economic complexity that necessitate the elites, and being critical instead of being natural or desirable. Its famous proponent is Floyd Hunter whom used the reputational approach to study power in regional cities. However, there are problems with elitism: methods are too arbitrary, there is insufficient attention to context, and it confuses the reputation for power with the actual exercise of power. Premise- power is cumulative and concentrated in hands of a few influential actors; very little support for elitism today; 3 strands of elitism: normative, technocratic, critical. Floyd Hunter used the reputational approach to study power. Problems: methods too arbitrary, insufficient attention to context, and confuses the reputation for power with the actual exercise of power
Pluralism
A theory that power is dispersed and non-cumulative as city government is open to a wide variety of interests and influences, and there are always avenues that. Its proponent Robert Dahl used a decisional method to study power in New Haven. Pluralism is a theory that assumes that power is dispersed and non-cumulative and that city government is open to a wide variety of interest and influences. Its proponent is Robert Dahl whom used the decisional method to study power in New Haven. There are three problems related: methods ignore agenda-setting, no attention given to ideology, assumption based on too much local autonomy and ignoring of non-local political and economic factors (Agenda-setting and ideology are two other faces of power). Premise- power dispersed and non- cumulative; city government open to a wide variety of interests and influences; newer variants: hyper-pluralism, non-pluralism; stratification is more likely in homogenous areas; incorporates a range of parties when introducing new parties. Robert Dahl used the decisional method to power in New Haven. Problems: methods ignore agenda-setting, no attention to ideology, and assumes too much local autonomy and ignores non-local political & economic factors
Regime theory:
Clarence Stone proposes that cities are influenced by a dominant coalition of interests. Unlike other theories we've examined, regime theory emphasizes that both politics and economics matter in determining urban political power. Urban regime theory is actually a critique to a unitary interest argued by the civil limits theory. Stone argues that dominant coalition interests, informal arrangements, and private institutions function together. Mayors organize different regimes for different cities. There is also an informal partnership between city hall and downtown business elites. For example, machines work in coordination with local leaders, not just economic leaders but with church leaders, and leaders of community organizations with influence. Premise- cities are run by dominant coalitions known as regimes; regimes are informal arrangements by which government and private interests work together to make and carry out governing decisions; the theory focuses on power as social production rather than social control; shifts power from social control to social arrangement; governance happens via cooperation (trust) rather than coercion (hierarchy). Clarence Stone distinguished between electoral and governing coalitions. Problems: city governments are responsive not to business per se but rather to interest group activity and not enough emphasis on explaining change in regimes
Theories for which economics matters:
Elitism, growth machine theory, city limits theory
The City-Cannot-Choose Argument
Kantor & Savitch, p. 285-286 when businesses choose to invest among stationary cities, they have powerful bargaining chips that allow them to get much of what they want from the local government; local governments, however, can still make choices among the types of business investment they receive, in particular pushing for economic diversification (allows city to withstand economic pressure from particular business industries); most cities learn this after experience in dealing with business and building coalitions with business (e.g. Houston & oil, Pittsburg & clean air); advantages of diversification are seen when looking at cities that have monopolistic bargaining relationships with business (e.g. Detroit & auto industry, Gary & steel); officials in town strongly inclined to accommodate business demands because there is no alternative source of capital/investment; shows importance of diverse coalitions for the health of a city when dealing with business
Growth Machine Theory
Local power and policy making is dominated by a growth machine (i.e. a group of local elites with substantial land holdings and business interests that benefit from growth). Logan and Molotch emphasize the role of government in arbitrating between growth and neighborhood interests and argue that growth can produce inequality (for example as exchange value of land is often emphasized over its use value). Growth machine theory assumes that local power and policymaking is dominated by a growth machine, a group of local elites with substantial land holdings and business interest that benefit from growth. The growth machine members emphasize the exchange value of land over its use value. Logan and Molotch emphasized the role of government in arbitrating between growth and neighborhood interests, arguing that growth can produce inequality. Three problems related to this theory are: ignoring the institutional features of local politics, waning of the locally based rentiers, and capital that is not always as footloose as theory implies. Premise- a growth machine dominates local power and policy making; it's a group of local elites with substantial land holdings & business interests that benefit from growth; growth machine members emphasize the exchange value of land over its use value; Logan and Molotch emphasized the role of government in deciding between growth and neighborhood interests and argued that growth can produce inequality. Problems: ignores the institutional features of local politics, locally based renters are on the decline, and capital is not always as footloose as theory implies. Cities link us to the rest of the world and the global economy, representing 87% of economic production by 2025 (Rogers, September 25). This economic production reflects competition among cities for businesses and people in boosting their own growth—this is reflected in week four's material that touches on growth machine and city limits theories in which cities have a unitary interest in attracting investment capital and middle class taxpayers.
The Fragmented Metropolis
Modern cities that, because of suburbanization, are made up of a multitude of political jurisdictions and diverse social groups. There are many consequences of the fragmented metropolis. People tend to identify with a local place instead of as regional citizens, there is vigorous competition among jurisdictions for people and businesses capable of establishing a strong tax base, and local governments tend to adopt policies that benefit their own citizens at the expense of neighboring communities.
City Limits:
Paul Peterson proposes that cities have a unitary interest in attracting investment capital and middle class taxpayers, thus they will favor development and allocational policies over redistributive policies. Peterson argues that business and middle class taxpayers gravitate towards cities with the best benefit to tax ratios (the closer that B/T is to 1, the more attractive the city). Civil limits theory assumes that cities have a unitary interest in attracting investment capital and middle-class taxpayers. Its proponent Peterson argues that business and middle class taxpayers gravitate (inclined) to cities with the best benefit to tax rations: B/T = 1. There are four problems with this theory: 1) underestimates the diversity of interest in cities, 2) ignores the costs of development, 3) insufficient attention to the internal political dynamics of a city, 4) overstates the willingness of capital to relocate. Premise- cities have unitary interest in attracting investment capital and middle class taxpayers; city governments will favor development and allocation policies over redistributive policies; Paul Peterson in the book "City Limits" argues that business and middle class taxpayers gravitate to cities with the best benefit-to-tax ratios: B/T=1. Problems: underestimates the diversity of interest within cities, ignores the costs of development, insufficient attention to the internal political dynamics of a city, overstates the willingness of capital to relocate. Cities are also affected greatly by national and state politics. Municipal level politics are essentially the weakest link in this hierarchy of political power and thus more susceptible to dramatic economic or political change. So while urban politics are important to imparting national change, local leaders also happen to operate at the whim of more powerful institutions. Moreover, the territorial limits of a city are important in the sense that one city's interests may differ greatly from a neighbor's interests—location therefore can be said to be an important variable in urban politics. Cities are thereby legally, politically, and territorially constrained; urban political autonomy thus depends on a number of crucial variables.
Theories for which politics matters
Pluralism, nondecisions (i.e. agenda-setting/second face of power).
Regime:
Stone, p. 26 & 29; Vogel & Harrigan, p. 204-205 informal arrangements by which public bodies and private interest function together in order to be able to make and carry out governing decisions. They fill in void of local governments; add resources from private interests that cooperation with large/significant private interests bring. The mayor is often the center of regime; types of regimes vary across cities (informal arrangements vary with different business, different groups, and different leaders in each city)
Governing coalition:
Stone, p. 28; Vogel & Harrigan, p. 205 core group responsible for the workings of the regime and shaping public policy that comes together often to make impactful decisions for the city; governance through informal arrangements; informal arrangements forming governing coalition are typically made up of elites/insiders of local government and businesses of the city; distinguished from the electoral coalition [group(s) responsible for electing a candidate into office]; in most cities, members of the electoral coalition do not become members of the governing coalition and some groups' interests (groups part of the electoral coalition) are not considered important on the public policy agenda (e.g. Atlanta lower class African Americans)
Urban Sociology
Systematic investigation of human action in cities. The idea of urban sociology first emerged in 1925, with former journalist Robert Park's quest to map the neighborhoods, people and social intricacies of Chicago. He hoped to develop a set of theories and analytical tools that could be applied to cities and urban development worldwide. It was the studying of human action in what was at the time presumed to be the emergent, typically behavior-shaping form of human habitation.
Causes of suburbanization in the U.S.:
The Automobile New technologies in road and residential construction (expansion of the AC units.) Long-term, low down-payment mortgages. Cultural dislike of cities (idea of the big city being unsanitary and crowded)
Mobocracy-
Word used by Thomas Jefferson to describe rule by popular majority. The negative connotations of the word "mob" make Jefferson's distaste for majority rule clear. This view was often shared by members of the academic, political and social elite.
Metropolis
The core base statistical area (CBSA - a geographic entity associated with at least one core... plus adjacent territory that has a high degree of social and economic integration with the core as measured by commuting ties)
Urban
The definition of urban "has 3 elements: volume, density, and heterogeneity of the population." In order to determine an urban area from a non-urban area, all three factors must be taken into account. Three elements--volume, density, and heterogeneity of population. The first two elements are basically demographic and the third is sociological. Key criteria for distinguishing urban from nonurban places: How large must a population be to be called urban? How dense must it be? How heterogeneous must it be? (Vogel and Harrigan).
Eminent Domain
The right of the government to expropriate private property for public use, when compensation is given. The use of eminent domain can often divide communities, as private property is taken to make way for "higher uses" like big-box stores, malls, sports stadiums and more things. Public officials often see eminent domain as a tool for economic development, but individuals who have their property taken so it can be sold to a big developer often look at the practice with a critical eye. A 2005 Supreme court Case, Kelo v. New London, ended with the Supreme Court siding with the developers. The lesson from this case: although almost everyone embraces the goal of local economic growth, sometimes policies clash with individual ideas.
Reynolds v. Simms (1964)
This court case settled that state legislative districts had to have roughly equal population. This allowed urban areas substantial representation in state congress and lessened the former state control of the urban area. Earlier, rural elites would dominate state legislatures.
Nondecisions
Vogel & Harrigan, p. 199 although a decision/topic/issue is not denied, it is not even addressed or acknowledged making therefore eliminating it from the public policy agenda by the choice not to address it; dominate in preserving dominant values, myths, and established political procedures of a community; disproportionately affects lower class and minority groups, groups whose interest is not deemed important enough/lack organizational resources to put their issues on the agenda. Non-decisions speak to a city's political aims as much as tangible decisions do. When minority groups fail to effectively mobilize, political leaders feel less of an obligation to make crucial and sometimes controversial decisions that may be of benefit to minorities. This theme is explored in greater depth in week five, but the basic assumption is that if minority groups fail to make their demands heard, decisions that can most directly influence them are relegated to the periphery of the urban political realm. If this persists over an extended period of time, what follows is drastic economic and social inequality.
Anti-growth coalition
Vogel & Harrigan, p. 203 group of people that forms in response to dominant growth machine politics (e.g. environmentalists and neighborhood residents joining together to oppose project the regime supports because it harms the local environment); often at a disadvantage in battle over growth because there are can be labeled as selfish and holding back community growth; very often hear about growth plans too late in the process, after which the decision/action has been finalized
Importance of statistical definitions of cities to rest of course
When studying urban politics it is important to understand these basic definitions because of their role in larger political theories. A large percent of the U.S. population is concentrated in these 4 megalopolises (38 percent). The political activity in these 4 regions sets precedent/influences urban politics across the nation. (See Jean Gottmann)
Micropolitan
a CBSA with an urban cluster of 10,000 to 50,000 people
Metropolitan-
a CBSA with an urban cluster of over 50,000 people.
Factors contributing to the rise of political machines
a) Universal male suffrage b) growth of cities due to industrialization c) mass immigration from Europe requiring assistance from government in the form of jobs
Key Elements of political machines
a) party discipline b) party control over nominations c) voters exchange their allegiance to the machine to receive material and symbolic rewards d) ward leaders got rewarded for keeping score of voting support within their ward
Theories for which bureaucracy matters
cities as service bureaucracies
Technocratic mayors -
focus on management, competency, and a de-emphasis on race. can be seen in the Atlanta case, reliance on white voters. The second wave was the technocratic mayors. They looked to de-emphasize race and lure in white investors. They often competed against black civil-rights style mayors and relied on the white vote to get elected. Mike White in Cleveland won the mayoral primary with only a third of the black vote, but 80 percent of the white. They often had some success bringing new projects (especially sports stadiums) to downtown, but couldn't counteract the overwhelming central city decline occurring in the 1980's.They made very little change in the lives of poor blacks and suffered from decentralization that lowered the tax base and changed voter demographics. (Thompson reading).
Harold Washington:
former mayor of Chicago; fed up with machine politics, Washington led a group of blacks, poor people, Hispanics, and white liberals to defeat the machine's mayoral candidate. However, after suffering a heart attack in office, Washington was replaced by Richard M. Daley, the son of the Richard J. Daley, who continued his father's pattern of machine politics in Chicago. Harold Washington was part of what could be a third wave- sort of a combination of the first two. The main contribution to his election was the mobilization of poor Chicago blacks. One of his conditions for running was that organizers mobilize 50,000 voters, although it ended up being more than twice that. He was a black politician who also had ties to the South Side machines, which was unique. He emphasized being fair but also wanted to advance the black community. He was blocked heavily by a mostly-white city council who refused to work with any of his legislation. Washington's campaign emphasizes the importance of grassroots, faith based organizing in the black community, (Pinderhughes reading)
Privatism
generic term describing any belief that people have a right to the private ownership of certain things. (Judd and Kanter). Privatism is the most important element of our culture for understanding the development of cities. The tradition of privatism has always meant that the cities on the U.S. depended for their wages, employment, and general prosperity upon the aggregate successes and failures of thousands of individual enterprises, not upon community action. Privatism is the philosophy that concentration on the individual's well-being and private wealth is the primary civic duty. In relation to the course, privatism was one of the primary driving factors of early American cities. When cities were primarily just small towns, they allowed a communal culture, that ultimately clashed with the needs of later urban expansion. An example is Philadelphia, whose privatist approach stagnated the development of certain municipal services such as waterworks. It is thoroughly discussed in the Judd and Kanter Chapter 2, Essay 5 (Warner). In the essay, privatism is defined as follows: Psychologically, privatism meant that the individual should seek happiness in personal independence and in the search for wealth; socially, privatism meant that the individual should see his first loyalty as his immediate family, and that a community should be a union of such money-making, accumulating families; politically, privatism meant that the community should keep the peace among individual money makers, and if possible, help to create an open and thriving setting where each citizen would have some substantial opportunity to prosper.
Group threat theory
growth of a minority group signals some type of threat; attitudes might harden and become more conservative. Groups may feel threatened even if not living in the community (framing from the media)
The Jungle
iconic piece of muckraker journalism detailing the lives of a Lithuanian immigrant family living in poverty in Chicago's meat packing district. The novel exposed the unsafe conditions in meat packing factories, as well as the hardships faced by many low-income immigrant families, and is thought to be a catalyst to the creation of the FDA and the USDA.
Structure of the machine
informal yet hierarchical organization centralized under the control of a boss - precinct workers --> organized neighborhoods and reported to precinct or ward captains - precinct captains --> organized precincts and reported to the boss - bosses --> stood atop machine and determined the larger picture city strategy and policy
Theories for which institutions matter:
institutionalism
Cities are
limited in resources, funding, and autonomy; confined by territorial limits; and garner little media attention. So why study urban politics? -Cities are where governance happens -Most Americans live in cities (~80%); people care deeply about the outcomes produced by local governments, more accountability -The vast majority of political activity in the US happens at the local level: elections happen at the local level; federal policies implemented and funded by city governments -Non-local topics like federal housing and welfare cannot be understood without attention to local politics -More democratic presentation - chance for more political awareness and participation at the local level; spurs a sense of civic responsibility; experiences with local governments may encourage citizens to become engaged at other levels of government -Cities are historically engines for economic growth and opportunity -Cities on the front lines - often the first responders to some of the country's most pressing challenges (immigration, natural disasters, racial conflict) -Local context influences a great deal of political phenomenon; when citizens come into contact with each other it shapes individual interests and attitudes; local contexts (e.g. racial composition of a neighborhood) can impact opinion on certain issues.
Social contact theory
living alongside people of different backgrounds may increase tolerance among groups; create progressive attitudes; this theory posits that whites living in impoverished areas are statistically more likely to side with racial minorities for improved economic and social conditions.
Key Periods of U.S. urban development
main period of growth was 1840-1920. There are 4 key periods Pre-Industrial mercantile era Industrial era Late nineteenth century era Turn-of-the-century post-industrial era
Dual Migration
occurs in two main stages. During the first stage, racial minorities migrate out of suburban areas and into major American cities. In America, African Americans (moving north and west from Southern farms), Hispanics, and Native Americans were responsible for most of this in-migration. In response to this influx of racial minorities to American cities, affluent, middle class whites migrate out to the suburbs. Dual Migration refers to the exodus of the middle class from central cities to the suburbs and the simultaneous influx of lower income minorities into central cities. With the subsequent lowering of the median household income in central cities, cities were often depleted of tax dollars, making development more difficult. The overall trend of suburbanization is discussed thoroughly in the Jackson readings: Crabgrass Frontiers.
James Pendergast
one of machine politic's most successful bosses. He was an Irish, self-made man in Kansas City, and served his constituents well. Pendergast's success could be attributed to his approachability, he lived his life like his constituents, and thus better served their interests. His brother Tom, in contrast, was a typical corrupt machine boss.
Universal male suffrage
one of the leading contributors to machine politics, increased political participation fueled machines. "In 1789 only 5% of adult white males could vote, by 1840, 80% went to the polls" ( Swanstrom ). Universal male suffrage also paved the way for an electorate "mobilized on the basis of feelings of ethnic solidarity."
Struggle for primacy and power
one of the most persistent and striking characteristics of the early urban history of the West. (Judd and Kanter). Like imperial states, cities carved out extensive dependencies, extended their influence over the economic and political life of the hinterland, and fought with contending places over strategic trade routes. The struggle among Western cities left a record of damage and achievement.
Suburbanization
process involving the systematic growth of fringe areas at a pace x more rapid than that of core cities, as a lifestyle involving a daily commute to jobs in the center, occurred first int he U.S. and Great Britain, where it can be dated from about 1815. (Jackson). Suburbanization related to this course because it signaled a movement away from urban areas, shifting the focus of politics from urban centers to its fringes. The movement of urban population to the suburbs. More pronounced in the South and West. Importance to rest of courses: People moving out of cities led to changes in demographics and the political structure of urban governance. A different voting demographic allowed for progress on key social and race issues. (See Jackson)
William "Boss" Tweed
ran the infamous Tweed Ring in New York City from 1868 to 1871, is known as one of the most corrupt bosses. It is estimated that he diverted up to $100 million of public funds to himself and his "cronies". Under his rule, projects that should have costed very little ended up costing taxpayers millions of dollars.
Urban politics
refers to local or sub-state politics; the politics of American cities
Politics-
the competition over the allocation of values and resources
The Urbanization of America
the growth of cities in the U.S.; a majority of this course is dedicated to studying the political life of American cities. It is therefore important to understand how such cities were originally formed. Additionally, urban development led to the rise of political machines which are a main focus of this unit. Authors: Vogel and Harrigan
Theories for which politics and economics matter
urban regime theory