Women and Politics Final

What are some solutions to address police brutality of women?

1. Calling for passage of the End Racial Profiling Act, which for the first time includes a ban on racial profiling based on gender, gender identity, and sexual orientation, and urging local police departments to adopt and enforce gender and sexuality-inclusive racial profiling bans 2. Calling for enactment and enforcement of "zero-tolerance" policies toward sexual harassment and assault of members of the public by police officers 3. Calling for a comprehensive ban on confiscation, use, or mere possession or presence of condoms as evidence of any prostitution-related offense 4. Calling for adoption and enforcement of police department policies explicitly banning officers from searching people to assign gender based on anatomical features, and requiring officers to respect gender identity and expression in all police interactions, searches, and placements in police custody 5. Calling for use-of-force policies to prohibit the use of Tasers or excessive force on pregnant women or children.

Numbers (or lack thereof) of women in the executive at all levels and reasons why

1. Public expectations of the office as "male" - many feminist scholars argue that the executive branch of government is the most masculine of the three branches and that this masculinity privileges men and disadvantages women. Executive leaders are expected to demonstrate masculine traits such as assertiveness, decisiveness, and command 2. Women in the executive branch are also particularly noticeable as "the other" because of their small numbers and the greater visibility of individuals associated with the hierarchical nature of the executive branch. For women of color, these pressures are often even greater because they are both racial and gender outsiders 3. Glass ceiling: a metaphor suggesting that the higher up the hierarchy one goes, the fewer women one finds because women can rise only so high in organizations before an invisible barrier precludes further advancement even though many times these women are more qualified than the men that receive the promotion 4. Glass walls: keep women segregated in particularly feminine occupations or within agencies whose functions are more consistent with feminine gender stereotypes

How can we continue to see improvements/changes in how women are covered by the media?

1. Stop focusing on domestic life/ work-life balance. 2. Stop attaching women to a powerful man 3. Stop saying they get "emotional" or weak 4. Stop discussing their looks 5. Stop commenting on their voices 6. Stop commenting on their "Likeability" 7. Apply the "rule of reversibility": if you wouldn't ask it of a man, don't ask it of a woman; if you wouldn't say it about a male candidate, don't use those words about his female counterpart. 8. Don't focus on the private lives of women seeking public office. 9. See and recognize gender stereotypes and call them out 10. Women in politics can help turn sexist coverage on it's head by embracing their roles as women and giving the media something to talk about.

1992 Year of the Woman vs. 2018 Year of the Woman (similarities, differences)

1992: post Anita Hill hearings; redistricting year (lessened the power of incumbency); scandals (many incumbents resigned) = unusually large number of open seats; creation of majority/minority districts; "Women-friendly" Districts; increased the number of minority women in Congress 2018: post-Trump backlash (a long time coming) and Post-Christine Blasey Ford hearings; leading up to a redistricting year (Democrats realize what's a stake this time around); scandals/corruption (many incumbents resigned)= unusually large number of open seats; creation of Court-ordered New Congressional Districts in key states; good economic conditions and policies that are driving people to the polls tend to be more "women's issues"; year of the DIVERSE Woman

Based on what we know about women in Congress, what would you predict for legislative outcomes for women in the next Congress?

2020 was the year of the Republican women so likely more bipartisan coalition and consensus building between Democratic and Republican women

Masculinism

A system of formal and informal power arrangements that privilege masculine character traits, customs, and operating procedures above feminine ones. The presidency is a particularly good example of gender power at work - since only men have been president, they have essentially defined what it means to be president. Masculinism is especially prevalent in hierarchical organizations, such as the executive branch. Trump invoked masculinism in his attacks of Hillary Clinton.

Characteristics of a distinct "female voice" in local office

According to Fox & Schulmann's analysis of city managers, there appears to be a distinct "feminine voice" in the politics of city management and this voice is under-represented in the city management profession. Women in local politics tend to be more likely to incorporate community input, to facilitate communication, and to encourage citizen involvement in the decision-making process.

Public Opinion on Abortion overtime (trends)

According to Gallup, half of Americans say abortion should be legal under "certain circumstances." Public opinion hasn't changed much since 1973. According to the Pew Research Center, approximately 60% of U.S. adults say abortion should be legal in all/most cases, and again there hasn't been much fluctuation in public opinion.

How the issue of racial injustice has framed women

All too often, when we think about police brutality or excessive force in America, the face we associate with it is male and black. This often times means that women's connection to this problem is often framed as mothers, daughters, sisters, or significant others of black male victims, meaning that women are often not viewed as victims themselves. However, women are not only the mothers, daughters or significant others of victims. Sometimes they are equally as victimized by police brutality, racial injustice and sexual assault at the hands of the American justice system The media, public and lawmakers don't pay enough attention to racial injustice and police brutality stories that involve women, especially marginalized women (including transgender women); hence #SayHerName, which has tried to highlight how the problem for women and police brutality is often in the shadows, especially when connected to sexual assault and rape of women while in police custody and the need for it to be brought to light.

Elena Kagan

Appointed by Obama in 2010

Amy Coney Barrett

Appointed by Trump in 2020 to fill RBG's seat after she passed away. Was often referred to as the "Mominee" during her confirmation hearings and her dress, kids, and how she talked about her kids all came under scrutiny in a way that only seems to happen when it's about a woman.

President Carter's importance on creating a more diverse federal judiciary

Appointments based off of Senatorial Courtesy vs. Merit Commissions - In the 1930's, FDR appointed the first woman to the federal court as a judge and by the 1970's during Carter's administration, women began to have more than a token presence in the federal judiciary. Under Carter's administration, 40 women were nominated and approved, and Carter also actively sought out people of color. Carter was able to accomplish this, in part, by changing the judicial process to grant control over judicial nominations to the White House instead of the Justice Department and by establishing merit commissions composed of senators, state bar association members, attorneys, non-lawyers, women's and minority's organizations, sitting judges, and the ABA to make recommendations instead of just relying on Congressional representatives from the state with the open seat to make recommendations. This also meant that candidates were likely to be younger and have untraditional paths (i.e. not all partners at private firms)

"The Difference Women Make" on the bench: Boyd, Epstein and Martin

Boyd et al. seek to analyze whether there any individual or panel effects of having women in the judiciary. After looking at 13 different legal areas, only in cases implicating sex discrimination do Boyd et al. find sex-based effects: the probability of a judge deciding in favor of the party alleging discrimination decreases by 10 percentage points when the judge is a male. Likewise, when a woman serves on a panel with men, the men are significantly more likely to rule in favor of the rights litigant. Ultimately, they conclude that the presence of women in the federal appellate judiciary rarely has an appreciable empirical effect on judicial outcomes. Rarely, though, is not never. Boyd et al. also believe that women are needed on the courts because of "social legitimacy," or the belief that "democratic institutions in heterogeneous societies ought to reflect the make-up of society" (descriptive representation)

General demographic/professional changes of women in Congress overtime (1970s to now)

By the 1970s, most women serving in Congress were professional politicians elected in their own right. However, there occupational backgrounds and paths to politics continued to differ from those of men. Women are more likely to begin their political careers as community activists. Today, the educational and occupations backgrounds of male and female members of Congress continue to converge with more and more women entering Congress through the traditional pathway of law, business, or prior political office. However, elected women's occupational paths are still more diverse than their male colleagues, and women remain older and are more likely to wait until their children are grown up before running. That said, we see more women with young children in Congress now than ever before (Mother's Caucus) Compared to the 1970s, women in the contemporary Congress are also more racially and ethnically diverse, with political views that span the ideological spectrum. In the 1970s, women in Congress were mostly white and now minority women hold more seats in proportion to the number of minority men in Congress.

Feminazi - backlash to feminism

By the 1980s, large backlash to feminism arose, and the media was quick to cast problems as repercussions of feminism, rather than blaming problematic trends on other reasons or groups. As a result, the media played a large role in creating a "fear of feminism" which lasted through the early 2000's Talk radio host, Rush Limbaugh, in the 1990s helped coin the term "feminazi" on his show and continued to help define feminists in a negative light.

How has media coverage of women in politics changed overtime?

Cable News - With the 2008 election, coverage, particularly of Hillary Clinton & Sarah Palin, was sexist and often times brutal, but seen as "acceptable" Social Media/Twitter - Female members of the House are more likely than their male counterparts to have Twitter Accounts (although that is equalizing); Still, male politician's tweets are much more likely to be reported on or retweeted by reporters. Women are MUCH more likely to be victims of sexual harassment on social media platforms. Infotainment/Satirical News (ex: SNL) Political parody in the form of parodying political figures can shape, organize, and create meaning in America's political landscape. Televised political parody might help guide people's engagement with and understanding of political personalities and/or issues—the framing approach can serve as an illuminating mode of analysis. SNL frames of women politicians are based on beauty, faith, competence, and folksy. (Jason Peifer) Initial research suggests that the internet may not be proving to be the great democratizing force that political theorists envisioned - at least when it comes to women and gender issues. Women are less likely to be the subject of news articles and the coverage of news stories is often gendered and stereotyped although it is important to note that in the early 2000's, several notable political websites were developed and edited by women Leaving women out of the media contributes to public perception that men have a greater ability to address political topics, which is enhanced by the fact that most sources in news stories are men There is little consensus about whether growth in the number of women journalist translates into different types of coverage, and if that coverage helps women's causes of women in politics. Some claim women in the media break down stereotypes and bring different perspectives to their reporting while others claim that they have the same news priorities, the same gender bias, and the same tendency to oversimplify issues

"The Difference Women Make" on the bench: Carol Gilligan's theory of a "different voice"

Carol Gilligan argued that women often think about problems differently than men, regardless of age of social status. For most men, morality is viewed in terms of fairness, with a concern rooted in individual rights. For most women, caretaking rather than fairness is more important, and they tend to place greater emphasis not on the formal rules of society in deciding what is moral but more of an understanding of responsibilities that they have toward the larger community. These conceptions of morality are rooted in childhood, and over time, men and women begin to see larger moral problems differently. Applying this theory to jurisprudence, some hypothesize that women judges apply this different voice and reach their decisions in a different manner than do men, bringing to the bench a different perspective. However, in reality, empirical studies have not gathered much evidence to verify that women judges have a different voice when it comes to legal reasoning either because the theory may be flawed or because it may not be applicable to jurisprudence - ex: it may not be applicable because of socialization experiences women face in law school as law school is structured to teach students to think about law in similar ways, and women may abandon other ways to become more successful. The standard methodological process of applying precedent may have a similar effect.

Congressional Trends by Party and Gender

Democratic Women: introduce the most bills on women's issues (wide-ranging issues) Democratic Men: similar to Democratic women, but tend to not focus on support and rights for victims; but more on PUNISHMENT of offenders. Republican Women: Offer the FEWEST proposals on women's issues; offered more child care proposals than Republican men. Republican Men: offer the most bills to restrict abortion (!) and look to increase PUNISHMENT of offenders.

Trends/gains and barriers for women governors

Democratic women tend to have slight historic advantages in gubernatorial roles than Republican women but historically, women have only ever held 9 out of 50 governorships at a time In 2004, 2007, 2009 & 2020 we reached an "all-time high" of 18% (9 states) for the number of women governors in our country. Only 30 states have ever elected a woman; NEVER an African American women Barriers: women executive candidates have a hard time convincing voters (because of voter stereotypes) that they are "suited" for executive positions; difficulty in dealing with their "status" as a women-- do you talk about it, embrace it, or just ignore it?

Hannah Pitkin (descriptive vs. substantive representation)

Descriptive representatives are individuals who mirror certain social characteristics of their constituents, such as race, class, or sex, and thus are able to stand for those constituents. Substantive representatives act for the interests of the represented. Pitkin discounts descriptive representation, but both are needed. However, achieving descriptive representation of women and racial minorities in legislatures is necessary but not sufficient condition for achieving substantive representation

Number of women in the "eligibility pool" and how that relates to the number of women on the bench

Despite women's higher presence in law school, women continue to make up far less of the percentage of practicing attorneys as well as partners in law firms. Women attorneys express more ambition for judicial office than men. Yet, women and racial minorities are both underrepresented as judges If women make up 50% of law school graduates, but only 10% of the lawyers law firms hire are women, we suspect something about the selection procedures or criteria works to women's disadvantage. We cannot assume that the numbers of women judges will grow naturally or inevitably as the number of women lawyers grows. Possible explanations are the lack of gender diversity on merit commissions, the myth that women have already achieved equality, pipeline problems i.e. not enough women partners, tokenism, and backlash. (Sally Kenny's "Choosing Judges: A Bumpy Road to Women's Equality and a Long Way to Go")

Ways in which COVID has impacted women differently from men

Disproportionately, women represent about 65% of "frontline" workers, including as nurses, healthcare workers, flight attendants, and cleaners. Socially - being quarantined with family at home may have a different impact on women than men including through issues of domestic violence and work-Life Balance Impact on communities of color: especially African American women of color who are already often times victims of implicit racial bias in our health system and who have a higher propensity to have "underlying conditions" of cardiovascular disease, asthma, diabetes. They are also disproportionately live and work in places where they are more likely to be exposed (Erin Clare Brown article) Difficulties in accessing abortions as states closed clinics, arguing they were nonessential

Does having more women in Congress necessarily mean better representation of women's issues? Why or why not?

Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, et al.: Women on both sides of the aisle in the 114th Congress very much believe that their presence and their voices mattered, and they provided considerable evidence of achievements despite the overall environment of gridlock and party polarization in which they operated. A shared work style, common experiences as women, and personal relationships forged in single-sex spaces within Congress enable women to work together across party lines. Women of color—who constituted a record number of members in the 114th Congress—emphasized the significance of their presence in Congress and the imperative of including the perspectives of women of color and minority communities more generally in the policymaking process. Almost all the women of Congress interviewed want to see more women join them in the nation's legislature, and many claim that the gender-related obstacles to getting to Congress are greater than the challenges women face once they are elected. Women in Congress are more likely to understand group concerns based on shared life experiences and will prioritize policies that are important to group members

Doe v. Bolton (1973)

Doe underscored the importance of the protecting the life and health of the mother.

"Critical mass" theory (Kanter) vs. Critical Actors

Drawing on the theories of Rosabeth Moss Kanter concerning the impact of sex ratios on group behavior in corporate settings, scholars ague that when women constitute a small minority of legislators, they will be treated as tokens that represent their group, as symbols rather than as individuals. Feeling the pressure to conform to male norms, these women will not feel comfortable representing and advocating for the concerns of women. Once these women constitute a "critical mass," at least 20 to 30 percent, they will feel more comfortable pursuing policy preferences based on gender. Research on state legislatures has found some evidence to support the idea that legislative activity on women's issues increases as the proportion of women in the legislature increased, but there is no clear threshold. Other scholars have questioned the value of critical mass arguing that women behave more distinctively when they are few in number and feel the responsibility for representing their group Focusing on critical mass also ignores the legislator's position within the institution and the level of influence he or she wields. Rather than looking at numbers of women, some suggest we should focus on the emergence of critical actors who build coalitions and mobilize support for policy change.

Are there ANY potential "silver-linings" to this pandemic for women?

Erica Pandy: The pandemic may also shine a light on the domestic burdens still disproportionately put on women and spur change. At the very least, it is starting conversations about issues that working women have faced for decades — a dynamic that could prompt change in employer child care accommodations, gender roles at home, and increased flexibility in the workweek.

Long term implications of COVID

Erica Pandy: economic Impact - deplete the gains that women have made in the workforce and also increase the pay gap. Closed schools and daycare disproportionately means that women are leaving the workforce or pulling extra double-duty at home. American women have exited the workforce at a higher rate than men. Working mothers are claiming they have experienced overt discrimination (being fired for loud kids on Zoom meetings or asking for more flexibility) while working from home and are now even less likely to experience raises and promotions. Once women leave the workforce, it is often harder to re-enter the workforce (especially for women of color) and and when women do return to work after taking time off, their salary offers are on average 7% lower than those of other candidates who haven't interrupted their careers. Caroline Kitchener: Moms have reduced their working hours four to five times more than fathers during the pandemic, widening the gender gap in work hours by as much as 50 percent. This disparity will likely lead women to leave the workforce in droves, and could also trigger mass layoffs for women. With no child care, summer camps, or in-person school for the fall, many moms are being forced to reduce their work hours, quit, or are being fired because they're seen as not being committed enough to the employer. Other countries have much stronger parental leave policies that mean this shift in employment isn't happening on such a grand scale elsewhere

Overall, describe some of the major conclusions we can draw about women in the executive?

Executive branch government is the most masculine of the three branches; this masculinity privileges men and disadvantages women. Female executives and public servants can and do often make a difference for women in their organizations and the larger population Executive women are often reluctant to place too great an emphasis on gender, worrying that doing so will only remind others of their status as outsiders playing a man's game While glass ceilings do not appear to be keeping women out of the cabinet in most recent presidential administrations, there is some evidence that glass walls remain as there are three cabinet departments that have never been led by a woman: Defense, Treasury, and Veterans Affairs. Each is a highly masculine domain Many female leaders employ feminine styles of leadership that emphasize consensus, collaboration, and empowerment rather than masculine of "power over" leadership that stresses competition, command, control, individual accomplishment, and hierarchy The evidence suggests that glass ceilings and glass walls persist but are showing signs of weakening. Although women are starting to gain seats at the executive table, they are not yet fully fledged members of the club and are still considered outsiders who are playing by someone else's rules

Coverage of FLOTUS

FLOTUS has typically been seen as an escort of the President, and the more politically active the FLOTUS, the more negative coverage she receives. Even though many early first ladies had large political influences on their husbands, the media rarely acknowledged that until Eleanor Roosevelt and then reverted with Jacqueline Kennedy, focusing more on her beauty and social roles. Beginning with Jackie Kennedy, though, first ladies developed a more formal, managed relationship with the press. Press coverage of first ladies is often reflective of larger trends in women's roles. While Hillary Clinton was very involved politically in her husband's administration, her successor, Laura Bush, largely embodied the more stereotypical role of a presidential spouse and served as the nation's "Therapist in Chief," following the 9/11 attack. Despite her husband's lack of popularity, she remained popular, well-admired and non-political. Bush's successor, Michelle Obama, has taken an even higher public profile and most media coverage of her has been largely positive (despite some negative coverage depicting her as an angry black woman). The media has emphasized many causes that she has championed and is also enamored of her own personal style and fashion sense.

Difference between men and women in local politics when it comes to policy

Female city managers bring to the table different priorities, voice different policy preferences, and are perceived to be more responsive to their constituents than are male city managers Cities with female mayors are more likely to change the budgeting process to address policy goals and are more likely to view the process as a way to encourage more community participation in government. Female mayors are also more likely to fund programming related to the issues of urban women, such as domestic violence Studies that examine women and men serving in local governments, however, find relatively few gender differences among such officeholders when it comes to identifying the most important issues facing their cities. Simply put, both men and women serving as mayors and on local councils spend most of their time dealing with economic development and service delivery Councilwomen and female mayors are more likely though than their male counterparts to identify "women's issues: as germane to the work of the local government and to spend more time working on such issues than men

Female city managers

Female city managers bring to the table different priorities, voice different policy preferences, and are perceived to be more responsive to their constituents than are male city managers There are few women city managers because family-work balance, reluctant to apply (confidence gap), and supervisors making hiring decisions misconceptions. Fox & Schulmann: Women city managers are more likely than their male counterparts to incorporate citizen input, facilitate communication, and encourage citizen involvement in their decision-making process. This finding emerged when women stated their motivations for involvement in city administration, when they defined their primary responsibilities as a manager, and, most importantly, when they explained how they made decision. As a result, women may provide a distinct "voice" in the politics of city management. A third finding, which is less well developed but appeared in several areas, is that women are less likely than men to see themselves as policy entrepreneurs and more likely to see their role as a manager and facilitator. In the end, we found that the interaction between gender and the position of city manager is greater than we might have expected. This is particularly important since local government actors have received only light attention in the gender politics literature. Further, the role of gender in city administration may have increased importance as more and more women are poised to become chief executive officers in cities across the United States.

Difference between men and women when it comes to serving/connecting with constituents

Female city managers bring to the table different priorities, voice different policy preferences, and are perceived to be more responsive to their constituents than are male city managers Women in local government are also more likely to seek input from community actors, bring neglected groups into the decision-making process, spend more time on their jobs than men, and believe that their constituents place greater trust in them than they would in men Women's leadership can have a transformative impact on the behavior and attitudes of constituents, making them more likely to comment publicly in city meetings

Representation of women on state courts

Feminists seeking symbols of women's progress in sharing political power with men have at times prioritized the appointment of women to state supreme courts and the U.S. Supreme Court. But even in the United States, feminists have not always consistently campaigned for the appointment or election of women judges and, when they have done so, it has been done by projects or organizations that separate themselves from those seeking to increase the number in legislative and executive positions. Few obvious patterns emerge for women's progress on state courts, and whatever patterns that do emerge vary widely over time. About 34% of state court judges in the United States are women. Yet states vary enormously in the number of women serving, ranging from Vermont, which ranks first with 41%, to South Dakota and Idaho, which are tied for last with only 13%! Perhaps even more puzzling than this variation is its erratic nature over time, although there are some distinct differences between rural and urban districts, size of court, etc.

Trends of women in cabinet positions (Borelli reading)

Gender desegregation: "women are admitted to, but then marginalized within, a formerly all-male organization." In these cases, women are few in number, easily identifiable and therefore scrutinized more. They tend to be appointed to departments that are seen as "women's issues" Gender integration: "women are full members of a formerly all-male organization." In these cases, women are more numerous and therefore less remarkable and less scrutinized. They are often seen as equally influential over all issues The presidential cabinet is shown to have undergone gender desegregation, and sometimes gender resegregation. In cases of gender desegregation, women secretaries were disproportionately among the least influential and the most White House-dependent secretaries. While glass ceilings do not appear to be keeping women out of the cabinet in most recent presidential administrations, there is some evidence that glass walls remain as there are three cabinet departments that have never been led by a woman: Defense, Treasury, and Veterans Affairs. Each is a highly masculine domain

Press & the 2016/2020 presidential elections

Historically (1800s-2008), the press has often trivialized female presidential candidates & portrayed them in stereotypical ways as losers, novelties, and not as serious candidates In 2016, the media often made false equivalencies between Trump and Clinton, and some gendered coverage still persisted, including referring to Hillary as a "Grandmother-in-Chief" and focusing on her husband, Bill Clinton. In 2020, the media gaslit Elizabeth Warren (per Sady Doyle's article) and framed her as too wonky, too nerdy, and too socially stunted despite the fact that she is an exceptionally charismatic candidate. She has been criticized from both sides of the spectrum and is frequently stereotyped as stiff, unlikable, unauthentic, a know-it-all, angry, boring, and flawed. By declaring her "unlikable," the media essentially sabotaged her political career, a type of sabotage that only ever seems to be aimed at women.

History of media coverage of female politicians

Historically media coverage of female politicians has been very gendered. Women were given less coverage than male counterparts & more appearance-based coverage. Beyond just their clothing, we also see their legislative actions being covered differently than men. Examples include: 1. Rankin's vote against WWI - although she was one of 16 members who voted against the war, the media highlighted her vote and The New York Times wrote: "One Hundred Speeches were made-- Miss Rankin, sobbing votes no." 2. Widow's replacements (not taken seriously, as surrogates of their husbands) 3. Questions about work-life balance was the norm 4. Sen. Kassebaum (R-KS): "soft-spoken" and "diminutive" Washington Post (1995): "In an age of shoot'em dead politicians, she is from the school of grandmotherly love-- more a gentle persuader than a political marksman"

"Black Lives Matter isn't Complete without #SayHerName," by Karen Attiah

Historically, black women have been pushed to the margins of our protest moments. This time black women's activism is front and center. Consider #SayHerName, which has emerged as a parallel rallying cry for black women killed, assaulted and raped by police, including Breonna Taylor. But still, for all the retweets and Instagram shares, Taylor's killers walk free. As 'Arrest the cops who killed Breonna Taylor' gets repeated over and over again, it becomes an abstraction, it begins to lose meaning. Taylor's death has in some ways been "commodified, trivialized and used as fodder for performative allyship." But it is also true that activists have taken targeted steps to pressure officials to act in her case. Memeification of black women's pain and death is not the reason truth and justice have not been served in Taylor's case, or in those of so many other black women. Rather, it is a symptom of the fact that America has never had a true national reckoning about brutality against black women, and specifically the ways that black women's arrests, silencing, rape and killing have been instrumental to forming the rotten racial caste system we have today.

Women Journalists

Historically, women journalists were very few in number, especially in "hard news" politics. This has changed over time, and women journalists have increased in number and in prominence, although there are still not many women in higher levels of media (ex: editors, producers, owners). Women first began to enter the ranks of journalism as a result of various social movements, including abolitionism, temperance, and suffrage. For these women, becoming reporters allowed them the opportunity to publicize and write about their causes. But when larger numbers of female reporters began to cover "hard news," they were often stopped in their tracks. The cause of women's journalism was helped by Eleanor Roosevelt as well as promotions during World War II, but this was not permanent. By the late 20th century, the opportunities for women in journalism increased dramatically although in the early 2000s women were still underrepresented in television news staffs, radio news staffs, and national network news. Women were less likely to be anchors, and there are fewer women than men who are syndicated political columnists and women are less likely to appear as authors of op-ed pieces in newspapers Key influential women in the media include Helen Thomas and Katie Couric Prediction for future: these numbers will continue to rise and more and more females are majoring in journalism

General history of abortion

History of abortion in the United States is long and complicated. Up until the beginning of the 1900s, abortions were often performed by "female physicians" or "abortifacients." Some estimates suggest that nearly 1 in 5 women had abortions at some point in their childrearing years. Physicians looked to make abortions illegal to help prevent women from engaging in unsafe and unhealthy practices and also to address declining birth rates. From 1850-1900: Comstock Laws, passed banning the publication and dissemination of information about birth control, and anti-abortion laws quickly followed. By the end of the 19th century, every state except Kentucky had abortion laws on the books. (Kentucky followed in 1910.) However, making abortion illegal didn't mean women stopped having abortions, instead, women resorted to having even less safe abortions, many of which were underground

Ruth Bader Ginsburg

In 1993, Clinton appointed RBG, who was serving her 12th year as an appellate judge on the federal Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit at the time. Part of the reason she was appointed was Marty Ginsburg's (her husband's) letter writing campaign to convince people that she was the best person for the job. Prior to her judgeship, she was a notable law professor, and the founder and general counsel to the ACLU's Women's Rights Project. RBG was solidly in the liberal camp of SCOTUS, although she and O'Connor were close friends. RBG and O'Connor had similar voting records when it came to issues that affected women disproportionately, such as abortion and sex discrimination. RBG was a "radical" that recognized the importance of working within the system

Hyde Amendment

In U.S. politics, the Hyde Amendment is a legislative provision barring the use of federal funds to pay for abortion except to save the life of the woman, or if the pregnancy arises from incest or rape.

Institutional barriers that inhibit women's impact in Congress

In addition to majority party status, seniority and committee positions are important determinants of a legislator's influence within the institution While Democratic women have steadily gained seniority since the early 1990s, the dearth of Republican women in Congress means that when Republicans hold the majority, women have very few seats at the policymaking table and a more limited influence on the policy agenda The standard operating procedures and accepted practices within legislatures are both raced and gendered. The need to adapt to and negotiate these standards sets up additional hurdles for gaining acceptance within the institution. As a result of their underrepresentation and perceptions that it is more difficult for women to get elected, the women who win often feel they need to be more qualified and react to their minority status by trying to do more. Women legislators sometimes feel marginalized and find it more difficult to get their contributions and policy views heard. Many long serving women do report that the institution has changes for the better and women no longer face overt bias, but still have to work harder to prove themselves whereas male members are automatically considered experts and given deference Haven't yet reached a critical mass; not enough critical actors

How polarized politics have influenced the nomination/confirmation process

In the years since Reagan appointed O'Connor to the Court, the nature of Supreme Court nomination politics has changed drastically. The polarization of the Democratic and Republican parties has made the ideology of the president and the presumed ideological leanings of the nominee more central to confirmation Issues of race and gender now also permeate the debates (ex: Anita Hill & Clarence Thomas) Nominees are usually asked about "women's issues" and questions about a nominee's position on Roe v. Wade are used as a sort of litmus test. These issues are often brought up by Democratic women more than men (from both parties) The presence of more female Senators also has an affect on the confirmation process, and Democratic women are much more likely than Democratic men to prioritize a nominee's position on women's rights, including abortion, equal pay, family leave, and employment discrimination when making their vote decisions. Kagan was confirmed in a 63-37 vote, Sotomayor was confirmed in a 68-31 vote, RBG only had 3 votes cast against her, and O'Connor was confirmed unanimously

"A Non-Gendered Lens? Media, Voters, and Female Candidates in Contemporary Congressional Elections." By Hayes and Lawless

In this article, Hayes and Lawless challenge the prevailing wisdom that there is a media bias against female politician through analyzing content of local newspapers for 350 congressional races in 2010. Through their analysis, they argue that reporters portrayals & voter's assessments are more likely based on ideology, partisanship and incumbency than gender. HOWEVER, other researchers have consistently found that gendered media coverage still exists. Women candidates receive more attention to appearance, personality, & family than men. Coverage of female members of Congress often times highlight their collective efforts, especially on women's issues and not their individual contribution and legislative efforts. Coverage of female members of color seems to be less and more negative

How does women's presence in local office impact the perspective of the public and their overall confidence in government? Does this perspective seem to make the case for more women in government? Why or why not?

Increases legitimacy of the government and women are more likely to support and communicate with constituents. Influences young girls to run.

"The Difference Women Make" on the bench: substantive

Later studies of women judges have shown mixed results when it comes to gender differences among judges, perhaps suggesting that women make more liberal decisions than men on cases revolving around feminist issues, although party seems to matter more than gender Women judges tend to be more supportive of women in divorce cases, and more supportive of plaintiffs in employment discrimination cases. They also can influence the behavior of male judges on the bench. Black appellate court female judges were 6 to 10% more likely to support a liberal outcome than males or Caucasian females (remember Crenshaw's argument for intersectionality which stemmed from the disparate treatment black women received in the courts) Latina judges in the court of appeals had the most consistently liberal voting record of any racial-gendered group O'Connor and RBG both were able to increase support among male justices for sex discrimination cases and both wrote a disproportionate number of majority opinions in the areas of women's rights. Women justices on SCOTUS tend to agree on women's issue cases regardless of partisan leanings and are more likely to consider the impact a decision will have on women Women justices are uniformly more supportive of expanding women's rights regardless of party

Jane Mansbridge (impact of women/minorities)

Mansbridge: Descriptive representation increases the legitimacy of the government in the eyes of the represented and provides role models, which will encourage more people to see themselves in government and potentially run. The majority will also start to see this minority group as fit to lead. This will also lead to substantive representation as those elected can draw on their experiences and provide unique perspectives Descriptive representation can further the idea though that marginalized groups are monolithic

How are female school board members somewhat different from female politicians at other levels? What might help explain some of these differences?

More Republican and ideologically conservative than women at other levels of local government. One factor that could help to explain this is that many school board elections are nonpartisan. As pitched battles over sex education, censorship, and school prayer demonstrate, the school district is one arena in which moral values often intersect with education which may also impact policy preferences.

How has the policy debate on abortion changed overtime?

More restrictions since the 1970s. 28 state legislatures introduced a variety of abortion bans in the first quarter of 2019.

Social/economic/political conditions that are prime for electing women

More support for electing women during periods of social and economic prosperity and less during times of national crisis The states with the highest levels of female representation generally do not have highly professionalized legislatures, meaning the work is part-time and there are usually very low salaries White women fare best in moralistic political cultures, and women of color fare much better in traditionalistic cultures and in states with more sizable racial minority populations

Women in the Executive & The Critical Mass Theory

Most high-ranking executive women are so visible that everything they do is subjected to heightened scrutiny. Because female politicians are anomalies, they cannot simply blend into the woodwork. Others are constantly watching their behavior to see if they behave as expected or contrary to stereotypical presumptions. This means that women tend to not be as strong advocates for women's issues as expected, because as token individuals, they sometimes take special pains to demonstrate they have adopted the dominant values of the organization, and one way of exhibiting such loyalty is by avoiding any actions that appear to benefit their own social group. Yet, when women achieve a critical mass within an organization, token pressures typically dissipate, and women consequently feel less constrained in their own actions

Does an increase of women in local politics automatically mean an increase of women candidates down the "political pipeline" in running for higher office? Why/why not?

No, because women in locally politics often report having no ambition to run for higher office. They prefer serving at the local level because it's usually part-time, non-partisan, less high-profile, less costly to campaign, involves fewer resources, and there is less media scrutiny. They also often feel like they can make more of a difference at the local level. There are also more opportunities to participate in local politics, and women do not have to relocate or spend as much time away from their families in these positions.

Trends in appointments of women/minorities to courts

Once one token woman is appointed to a bench, the odds of another woman being appointed decrease. Women are more likely to be appointed when the governor is a woman. State culture also matters - states that have higher indices of gender equality are more likely to have women serving at the highest courts. There is also a positive relationship between the size of the court and the female presence on it. Women and men often take a different path to the bench, with women being more likely to serve in the public sector and men more likely to come from a private law practice. Women are also less likely to have served in elected political office. There appears to be no systematic bias against women candidates but women do face specific challenges that male candidates don't, meaning that women who run for judgeships often have to be better candidates in order to achieve similar electoral results. Women attorneys express more ambition for judicial office than men

Impact of election vs. appointment on the number of women serving on state courts

One theory is that appointive systems tend to depress diversity in state courts, because such systems tend to favor the status quo by perpetuating the dominance of elites in the judiciary, thus decreasing judicial opportunities for political minorities who may not have the convention legal backgrounds or experience The other theory is that appointive systems could be more beneficial to women because elite decision makers might be more cognizant of the need for greater diversity than voters, leading to an increase in the number of women in the judiciary. In reality, the most common selection method for both minority members and women members of state supreme courts was merit and appointive selection. However, at the intermediate appellate courts, partisan elections placed slightly more women on such courts than other selection processes. Party plays a factor when it comes to gender diversity on the state bench: women are more likely to be appointed by Democratic governors than Republican governors for appellate courts, and are more likely to be elected to both types of courts in majority-Democratic states.

General state provisions that have been enacted with the intent to lessen the power of the Roe decision

Parental consent; Spousal Consent; Limitations on where abortions can be performed; Waiting Periods These are often viewed as acceptable because state and federal laws can limit abortion if they don't created an "undue burden" for a women seeking an abortion

Supreme Court cases chipping away at Roe

Planned Parenthood v. Danforth (1976)- overturns MO law for husband consent Harris v. McCrae (1980)- Upholds the Hyde Amendment, prohibiting the use of Medicaid funds to be used for abortion Webster v. Reproductive Health Services (1989)- upholds MO law restricting abortions from being performed in public hospitals; test for viability Hodgson v. Minnesota (1990)- rules against law requiring minors to have parental consent; options to have "judicial bypass" Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992)- restrictions are allowed at any point, as long as they don't pose an "undue burden" and allow for health of the mother Stenberg v. Carhart (2000)- strikes down NE partial-birth abortion ban Gonzales v. Carhart (2007)-- supports federal partial-birth abortion law, does not provide for the health of the mother exception Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt (2020) - doctors performing abortions do not need to have "admitting privileges"

Why don't we see women judges having as significant a substantive impact in the judicial branch as expected/hoped for?

Possibly because they did not want to stand out or appear too different from their male counterparts or they may have also felt pressured to conform to a more male model of judicial behavior or it could just be that there are not enough early female judges to examine to determine conclusive results. Earlier studies even showed that there were few differences among men and women judges and women judges were actually less likely to make decisions that disproportionately affected the interests of women in the ways that feminists had hoped

Women on the federal judiciary and the impact of other presidents since Carter over time

Presidents Reagan, Clinton, and Obama (and now Trump) share the distinction of appointing the only four (now five) women to serve on the Supreme Court. Still, Trump is the first president in 24 years to leave the federal judicial bench less diverse than he found it. President Carter (1970s) made it important to see more women (and people of color) on the federal courts. Reagan was less motivated to diversify the courts; however, he did nominate the first Women to SCOTUS. G H.W. Bush appointed more women, but focused on ideology more. Clinton focused on appointing more women, but was stymied by a divided government. G.W. Bush appointed similar numbers of women as Clinton, and found it was easier to appoint women to a single seat on a LARGE court; size of the court and the current diversity matters ("token legitimacy")

Volden, Wiseman and Wittmer findings about minority party women vs. majority party women and their legislative impact

Previous scholarship has demonstrated that female lawmakers differ from their male counterparts by engaging more fully in consensus-building activities. We argue that this behavioral difference does not serve women equally well in all institutional settings. Contentious and partisan activities of male lawmakers may help them outperform women when in a polarized majority party. However, in the minority party, while men may choose to obstruct and delay, women continue to strive to build coalitions and bring about new policies. We find strong evidence that minority party women in the U.S. House of Representatives are better able to keep their sponsored bills alive through later stages of the legislative process than are minority party men, across the 93rd-110th Congresses (1973-2008). The opposite is true for majority party women, however, who counterbalance this lack of later success by introducing more legislation. Moreover, while the legislative style of minority party women has served them well consistently across the past four decades, majority party women have become less effective as Congress has become more polarized.

Sandra Day O'Connor

Reagan appointed Sandra Day O'Connor after promising while campaigning to appoint a woman to SCOTUS in order to appeal to women voters. O'Connor served as a state senator and a state supreme court justice in Arizona, and developed a solid conservative reputation on many issues that were important to the Reagan administration although she was a moderate on many women's issues, such as abortion. When O'Connor retired, she lamented that she was not replaced by another woman and argued that descriptive representation on the Bench was favorable. However, she also felt that, "wise men and wise women will make similar decisions." As the first woman on the Court, she had a distinct experience.

"The Difference Women Make" on the bench: symbolic/descriptive

Regardless of whether women judges have different substantive perspectives, their representation is important to increase the legitimacy of the courts and to show that heterosexual white men are not the only citizens capable of being judges

Overall, describe some of the major conclusions we can draw about women in local politics?

Relatively few gender differences among local office holders when it comes to identifying important issues. (gender-neutral: economic development and services) Some differences: women are more likely to identify "women's issues" than their male counterparts as "germane" and spend more time working on them (2x). "Gender cleavages"- males economic growth; females: neighborhood preservation and social services

Abortion, Pregnancy and Power-- why so many men legislating on abortion?

Republican men are primarily behind anti-abortion laws. Pregnancy is always seen as a "women's" plight-- and unwanted pregnancy and issue that the woman has to deal with. Making the debate about morality isn't fair to women. Maybe, then, the solution is to reframe the nature of the debate - unwanted pregnancy is not a problem for women to deal with, or a result of poor choices made by women. Unwanted pregnancy is almost COMPLETELY preventable, the real issue is with men and their "irresponsible ejaculation"?

How does RBG fit the role of a "radical" but also a "liberal" feminist?

Rolling Stone's piece on Ruther Bader Ginsburg championed the Justice as a true testament to the hard work and merit of someone dedicated to equality and liberation, playing within the system to effect real and lasting change. Ginsburg has distinguished herself as a feminist, a defender of both men's and women's equality, and an upholder of legal precedent. The authors of the Notorious RBG: The Life and Times of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Irin Carmon and Shana Knizhnik, find Ginsburg's ability to strike this balance between legal precedent and feminism to be a true feat ... which assumes that the two are diametrically opposed. Knizhnik, in this Rolling Stone interview, argues that "feminism is about these radical, utopic visions of a society in an ideal form, but the law is about precedent", and that Ginsburg's successful delivery of both feminism and the law is noteworthy in her ability to wrangle two concepts separated in some binary opposition. Carmon and Knizhnik's praise of Ginsburg's feminism is valid, but their pigeon-holing definition of what that feminism actually represents is a larger problem for women in politics. If feminism is continually assumed to be radical, angry women blowing up the system, then it likely will not have the societal shift necessary of feminism becoming a norm for all. Knizhnik herself makes the point that Ginsburg's feminism is of the kind in which "She cares so much about every individual being able to achieve whatever it is that they are meant to achieve", which certainly seems to fall more in line with liberal second wave feminists, whose goal was not just political equality, but social equality as well.

Grisworld v. Connecticut (1965)

SCOTUS rules that the CT law restricting the dissemination of information and the use of contraceptives a violation of marital privacy. Set the precedent that would be used to legalize abortion.

School board trends and how they are different from other trends of women serving at the local level

School boards are the local political office to which women are most likely to be elected, and women have almost reached parity with men on school boards - may be due to the fact that school boards are seen as a less desirable or prestigious opportunity. Men are more likely to talk more than women at school board meetings and women on schools boards are more likely to agree that public education needs to do more to foster equality for girls, but very few actually worked on gender equity measures designed to help girls in their school districts Deckman: There are significant partisan and ideological differences between women and men school board candidates, with women being more politically liberal than men (even after additional controls are considered) and more likely to be Democrats. However, women who run for school board are more likely to be Republicans and are more likely to rate themselves as moderate-to-conservative ideologically. Fewer differences emerge between women and men candidates with respect to campaign platforms. Moreover, their policy stances and their campaign platforms showcase women whose views on education policies are clearly moderate and mainstream. That men school board candidates are more conservative than women candidates is also evidenced by their more conservative issue stances on a variety of education policies, especially support for creationism and school prayer, and their opposition to multiculturalism and the mention of homosexuality in sex education and other courses. Women remain more liberal with respect to these four policies even after additional controls are considered. Women on the board are better at communication

Women in the Military and how it relates to women in politics

Sexual assault has been a serious problem in the US military for decades. One possible solution: change the culture of the military by adding more women so that there is a critical mass of women Another consequence: VA facilities tend not to recognize the specific medical needs of female patients With more women in politics, sexual assault in the military seems to be viewed as a bigger issue and more action is done to combat this problem

Impact of female leaders around the world in handling the disease when compared to male counterparts - from Jennifer Hassan & Siobhan O'Grady article

Silveria Jacobs of Sint Maarten, Jacinda Ardern of New Zealand, Erna Solberg of Norway, Katrín Jakobsdóttir of Iceland, Angela Merkel of Germany and Tsai Ing-wen of Taiwan are some of the several female world leaders who have won recognition as voices of reason amid the coronavirus pandemic. They have attracted praise for effective messaging and decisive action, in stark contrast to the bombastic and aggressive approaches of several of the world's most prominent male leaders - including some who face criticism for early fumbles that fueled the spread of the virus. Ardern often emphasizes empathy in her public remarks, demonstrating her ability to lead with both resolve and kindness. She has held regular news briefings alongside top health officials but also pursued a relatable approach, streaming videos of herself at home on social media and telling children that she counts the tooth fairy and Easter Bunny as "essential workers." Solberg has received praise for an early lockdown, extensive monitoring, and a style of communication that extends beyond her scientific approach, and has shared impactful messages meant for young people. Iceland has allowed anyone who wants a test to get tested and launched extensive contact tracing initiatives. Merkel has been direct, straightfoward, down to earth, empathetic and personal - she appealed to people's sense of responsibility and their ability as citizens to assess the risk and then do the right thing. Taiwan took assertive early measures to try to limit the spread of the virus, restricting many visitors and implementing new mandatory health checks.

Town/City Councils

Simply put, both men and women serving as mayors and on local councils spend most of their time dealing with economic development and service delivery Councilwomen and female mayors are more likely though than their male counterparts to identify "women's issues: as germane to the work of the local government and to spend more time working on such issues than men When cities have female mayors and women make up multiple members of local councils, women's issues get addressed more often than in other cities Since the 1980s "devolution" more power has been taken from the national government and put back in the hands of municipalities. Therefore these local governments have a great deal of impact, power and authority. Nationally women make up about 27% of city councils and we see similar trends/characteristics as with Mayors Similarly to mayors, women in local legislatures tend to be more liberal than their male counterparts; more likely to be Democrats (50%; compared to only 28% of men) Size/Type of the board matters: larger boards are more likely to have women; single-member vs. at-large (not advantaged, only about 2%) often varies with race, too.

Sonia Sotomayor

Sonia Sotomayor somewhat disagrees with O'Connor, arguing that life experiences based on gender and racial differences will have different impacts on how a judge views a case, although acknowledging that they are still bound by the law. She emphasizes this through her fervent support of affirmative action. Her experiences, as both a woman and Latina do play a part in her decision making although they do not totally dictate her jurisprudence. This difference between O'Connor and Sotomayor emphasizes that women are not monolithic, even on the question of substantive representation Appointed by Obama in 2009

How the TYPE of electoral district impacts elections of women.

Textbook: Racial minorities benefit from single-member districts because those campaigns are less expensive and less competitive than multimember seats. Many feminists argue that at-large elections, or those in which multiple candidates are selected to represent the entire locality rather than a narrow segment of the population, provide more opportunities for women to serve on city councils than single-member districts. Unlike racial minorities, women, as a group are not geographically isolated in city neighborhoods. When voters can make several choices for at-large positions, as opposed to one choice in a single-member district, they may be more likely to want to balance and diversify the ticket in terms of fender. Other research - much of it conducted more than 20 years ago - concludes that women do not reap any particular advantages from running in at-large elections Troustine and Valdini: Using an analysis of over 7,000 cities and interviews with city councilors, we find that compared to at-large systems, district systems can increase diversity only when underrepresented groups are highly concentrated and compose a substantial portion of the population. In addition, we find that the electoral system has a significant effect on representation only for African American male and white female councilors; the proportion of African American women and Latina councilors is not affected by the use of either district or at-large systems

Partial-Birth Abortion Ban

The Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 is a United States law prohibiting a form of late termination of pregnancy called "partial-birth abortion", referred to in medical literature as intact dilation and extraction

Abortion Rates overtime

The U.S. abortion rate reached a historic low in 2017. In 1973, 16.3 abortions occurred per 1,000 women aged 15-44. That number increased to 29.3 in the 1980's and in 2017, that number was 13.5 In 2016, two-thirds of abortions occurred at eight weeks of pregnancy or earlier, and 88% occurred in the first 12 weeks. Trends: In 2017, about 40% of all abortions are medication abortions. Majority of abortions are obtained by white women with one or more kids. 75% of abortions are obtained by poor or low-income women.

Roe v. Wade (1973) & Impact

The court legalized abortion by ruling that state laws could not restrict it during the first three months of pregnancy (created the trimester framework). Based on 4th Amendment rights of a person to be secure in their persons and privacy rights implied by the 14th Amendment. Almost immediately states looked to put in place various restrictions on the availability and access of abortion and these efforts continue to present day. Early on, the Court maintained the 3-tiered framework and the health of the mother; but that has somewhat eroded over time

Impact of women in the executive branch?

The executive branch provides many pathways for enacting substantive representation. Executive branch officials shape policy outputs through agenda setting that enables them to place certain items on the agenda while keeping others off, as well as through their ability to decide how best to implement and enforce existing laws, rules, and regulations. But because most of these individuals are not elected, their responsiveness to the public is cause for concern. Representative bureaucracy offers a solution for keeping unelected bureaucrats accountable and responsive to the public: make the bureaucracy descriptively representative of the public. If the government is a true microcosm of the people it serves, the theory is that those in charge of making decisions will better reflect the wishes and demands of an increasingly diverse citizenry because those in power will bring their different life experiences to the position and women and men tend to have different life experiences Many executive women agree that women's presence in government changes policy processes and outcomes. There is little scholarship to confirm this but much anecdotal evidence exists showing that many executive women advocate on behalf of their female clientele, especially through making their organizations more attentive and responsible to women's often overlooked needs and perspectives and through altering public policy to include previously excluded or marginalized women. This is also seen at lower levels of the hierarchy such as through the example that the higher percentages of female school teachers and administrators are positively related to positive educational outcomes for female students There is a positive relationship between the number of policewomen in a department and the number of rape reports and arrests for rape offenders In sum, the evidence suggests that having women in bureaucratic positions of power is oftentimes helpful to women in the population but is no guarantee that the diversity of women's voices will be heard or acted upon

Impact of how the Women's Movement(s) were framed by the media

The first women's movement to receive widespread coverage by the news media was the fight for women's suffrage, although much of this coverage was negative and hostile and did not cover the early suffrage efforts. As a result, suffrage leaders established their own publications and this eventually resulted in greater media coverage, which in turn recruited more women to the movement. Sympathetic media coverage of a national parade of suffragists led to law enforcement taking suffrage events more seriously and increased legitimacy of the movement Media coverage for the second wave of feminism did not reach as high a level as it did during the fight for suffrage and media coverage was slower to catch on. This is, in part, because the movement was more difficult to cover as there was no single primary issue and it wasn't as novel. Activists in the women's movement were often hostile to reporters and journalists - who were primarily males and often thought of the women's movement as a joke or as a bore. By the 1970s, the media began to take the women's movement more seriously, perhaps because of more feminist writers and researchers

"The Supremes"

The four female SCOTUS female justices - Sandra Day O'Connor, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Elena Kagan, Sonia Sotomayor (& now Amy Coney Barrett)

Modern media coverage of female politicians

The media discrimination that women face as candidates is often extended to them once they serve in office and is likely part of a larger bias of reporters when it comes to coverage of women more generally, leading to a lack of coverage of their policy work compared to male counterparts which reinforces the idea to viewers that politics is a male arena Media coverage of women in Congress continues to focus more on family situations, personality and appearance than media coverage of men in Congress. Women are also more likely to be asked about women's issues. Gendered media coverage of women in politics has become slightly more balanced since Nancy Pelosi became the first female Speaker of the House, although Pelosi often plays to her motherly/grandmotherly, feminine status. Further, gendered bias still exists as evidenced by examples of how the media treats Ocasio Cortez, Pelosi's cover on Time Magazine, and dress expectations for women on the congressional floor.

"Growth" of women in state legislatures and reasons why we haven't seen more of an increased presence

The representation of women in Congress and state legislatures has grown very slowly over time, and the number of women in office varies widely by state. The first women elected to state legislatures in the US came from the western states that were the first to grant women suffrage, such as Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, and Idaho. Women's slow advancement in state legislatures can be explained by legislative structures, levels of professionalization and political culture within the state legislatures, changing partisan dynamics, the incumbency challenge, the high cost of campaigns, the elimination of multimember districts by many states, and the adoption of term limits

Local office-holding and future political ambition for women

The vast majority of women mayors and city council members show little interest in pursuing higher office and enjoy the features of serving locally that they enjoy Gender is not a significant factor in terms of predicting progressive political ambition once additional controls in a multivariate analysis are considered

Policy solutions to find common ground and prevent unwanted pregnancies

There is no such thing as a "pro-abortion" group-- no one, pro-life or pro-choice, wants to see abortions happen. The issue then is about safe and viable options, IF necessary. AND, if we really want to prevent abortions, than we need to make contraception, quality health care and sex-education readily available. (Unfortunately, a lot of the same people that oppose abortion, also oppose these preventative measures that help stop unwanted pregnancy and abortion).

Numbers of women in the bureaucracy (lower level)

Thousands of individuals are employed through the federal and state governments as bureaucrats and public administrators who are responsible for implementing government programs and delivering public services to American citizens. In a study from 1998-2017, we find that there are fewer women than men in the federal workforce and that the number of women in the federal workforce has NOT increased in 20 years. At lower levels of the bureaucracy, women tend to be very well represented but their access to state and local government positions remains uneven and shaped by glass ceilings and glass walls; women are least represented at the highest rungs of these organizations and tend to have the greatest career success in agencies and departments focusing on women's issue areas (ex: teaching and policing. Women are greatly overrepresented as teachers while men constitute a disproportionate share of the nation's policy and firefighting forces, which is consistent with gender stereotypes as men are called on to protect and serve while women caretake and teach) However, glass ceilings exist in schools as well as women have trouble reaching higher administrative posts, such as superintendent positions because they tend to serve in elementary and middle school positions while males tend to serve in high schools and have more experience in fiscal management - qualities Boards tend to prefer when selecting the superintendent Although progress is slow, women are breaking into top law enforcement positions across the country despite the fact that women constitute less than 20% of all sworn law enforcement personnel, likely due to a widespread gender bias in police hiring although as public perception of the police shifts and demands greater accountability, transparency, and communication, women have started to see more success as these are areas women are typically believed to be better in

Women Candidates & the 2020 Election

Voter expectations; voter stereotypes; "electability"; sexism, & the ghost of Hillary Clinton

Trump's Cabinet

While there were seven women and 10 minorities in Obama's first 22-member Cabinet, Trump's 24-member advisory body has four women and four minorities. That's 32% female and 45% minorities for Obama, and 17% female and minorities for Trump. According to an analysis from The New York Times, Trump's Cabinet contains more white men than that of the last six presidents.

Swers findings on impact of women in modern partisan politics

Women are drastically underrepresented in American political institutions. This has prompted speculation about the impact of electing more women on policy and the functioning of government. Examining the growing presence of women in Congress, I demonstrate that women do exhibit unique policy priorities, focusing more on the needs of various groups of women. However, the incentive structure of the American electoral system, which rewards ideological purity, means that women are not likely to bring more consensus to Washington. Indeed, women's issues are now entrenched in the partisan divide. Since the 1990s, the majority of women elected to Congress have been Democrats, who have pursued their vision of women's interests while portraying Republican policies as harmful to women. In response, Republican women have been deployed to defend their party, further reducing the potential for bipartisan cooperation.

Representation (percentages) in Congress and State legislatures

Women are drastically underrepresented in Congress (23%) and state legislatures (29%)

Women mayors: common characteristics/findings

Women are less likely to be mayors because such positions are typically viewed as more stereotypically masculine. Women's progress in gaining parity in mayoralties has stymied in the last two decades. Predominantly white, women mayors were both less likely to be married than their male counterparts and less likely to have children under the age of 18. Before being elected to office, most women mayors were very active in women's organizations. Women mayors also engaged in more partisan and electoral activities than men prior to their time before serving as mayor. Overall, women have had as much or more experience than their male counterparts before becoming mayors. There has been substantial growth in the numbers of minority women serving as mayors over the past three decades. However, women of color, like their white counterparts, are still far less likely than similar men to be elected mayors. There are no statistically significant regional differences when it comes to the likelihood that a woman or a man will serve as a mayor. Partisanship does not emerge as a significant difference between men and women mayors. Women are more likely to be elected in nonpartisan races than in partisan ones, which may support previous research that suggests party recruitment is a problem. Women are more likely to be elected as mayors in cities that have women present on their city councils Having more women's groups active in cities actually depresses the likelihood of a city having a female mayor, because these organizations could lead to fragmentation as women are not monolithic. According to one study, the vast majority of women mayors and city council members show little interest in pursuing higher office and enjoy the features of serving locally that they enjoy Both men and women serving as mayors spend most of their time dealing with economic development and service delivery, although female mayors are more likely to identify "women's issues" as germane to the work of the local government and to spend more time working on such issues Women mayors are more likely to say that they value collaboration and are more likely to identify their staff as an important part of a government team while male mayors are more likely to view their staff as sounding boards. When cities have female mayors and women make up multiple members of local councils, women's issues get addressed more often than in other cities. Cities with female mayors are also more likely to hire women to work in city government. Cities with female mayors are more likely to change the budgeting process to address policy goals and are more likely to view the process as a way to encourage more community participation in government. Female mayors are also more likely to fund programming related to the issues of urban women, such as domestic violence There is also some indication that women mayors are taking a leadership role in addressing sex discrimination and harassment Women mayors are far more likely to agree that they face particular obstacles because of their gender than do men. These women often cite personal experiences of struggling to gain credibility and respect and lament not being taken seriously

Why do most women elected to Congress come from the Democratic party? Why are Republican women somewhat disadvantaged?

Women in the contemporary Congress are much more likely to be Democrats than Republicans. This current partisan gap in women's representation emerged after the 1992 elections, and since then, the gap has only grown wider. Some scholars explain these trends through findings that certain types of districts are more likely to elect women. These districts are generally more diverse, more urban, and have a higher median income. In contemporary politics, these types of districts are more likely to vote for Democrats. Meanwhile, rural districts and the southern states, which are the stronghold of the Republican Party, are less likely to elect women. Democratic voters also tend to prioritize diversity and embrace positive stereotypes about female candidates while Republicans focus more on candidate ideology than identity. Additionally, women's groups and civil rights organizations are more central to the Democratic coalition. Republican women have more limited access than Republican men to campaign dollars at the crucial primary stage when fundraising numbers signal candidate viability. Republican women have a pipeline problem

Impact of "intersectionality" on minority women in Congress and the types of legislation they pursue.

Women of color bring a different perspective to legislating, as they must confront both racism and sexism in their life experiences. Women of color's policy behavior often differs from both black men and white women and their stance on issues is further informed by their marital status, age, religion, and status as parents or caregivers. African American women are more likely to sponsor progressive legislation and are more likely to sponsor both a women's interest bill and a black interest bill than other legislators, indicating that black women focus on serving multiple groups in their legislative activities Latinas also place more emphasis on representing the interests of multiple minority groups as compared to Latinos Female legislators of color are aggressive advocates for the needs of women of color, particularly women in poverty, more so than men of color or white women Women of color tend to have agenda that are much broader than those of white women and their policy priorities are more focused on addressing the needs of women of color Feelings of marginalization are particularly prevalent among women of color. Regardless of their level or seniority or committee leadership positions, women of color believe that their policy proposals are more likely to be ignored and their knowledge discounted by others Women of color—who constituted a record number of members in the 114th Congress—emphasized the significance of their presence in Congress and the imperative of including the perspectives of women of color and minority communities more generally in the policymaking process. (Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, et al.)

Local women in politics: trends

Women serving at the local level tend to be more Democrat and liberal than their male counterparts (with the exception of at the school board level)

Impact of women outside of government

Women's activism is perhaps strongest in grassroot politics, in which women often become involved in community issues through more informal networks of friends, kinship, and the neighborhood. Their concerns often stem from their roles as mothers and their desire to improve their children's lives Poor or working-class women engage in much local political activism in communities, and much political organizing is done by women of color. However, these types of activism are often overlooked

How does party and polarization have an impact on women's legislative impact in Congress? How has it changed overtime?

Women's rights issues are increasingly associated with the Democratic Party. More women's issue bills pass in state legislatures controlled by Democrats than in state legislatures where Republicans are the majority party. Democratic women are generally the most active advocates on women's issue bills, and when they advocate for such issues they are pursuing legislation that both reflects their own policy priorities and helps the Democratic Party improve its standing with voters, particularly the activist base that donates to campaigns and mobilizes voters. Since the 1990s, the majority of women elected to Congress have been Democrats, who have pursued their vision of women's interests while portraying Republican policies as harmful to women. In response, Republican women have been deployed to defend their party, further reducing the potential for bipartisan cooperation.