Chapter 12

sex roles

research using the sex-role approach has been criticized, primarily because of the tendency to perceive these roles as being almost sex-linked, without incorporating the context in which these roles have been defined, leading to a form of biological determinism.

"the personal is the political"

refers to the notion that the "private sphere" is just as structured by power relations involving gender, sexuality, race, class, and age as is the "public sphere."

critiques of feminist theories

- A number of criticisms concerning feminist theories have been raised by feminist scholars. In the 1960s, women of color challenged feminism by arguing that these perspectives essentially focused on the experiences of white middle-class women.151 After reviewing feminist theory in sociology, in 1997 Janet Saltzman Chafetz argued that the current topic among feminist scholars was the intersection of race, class, and gender.152 A number of feminist scholars maintain that examining difference, rather than equality, is a major emphasis of current feminist studies. While some feminist scholars maintain that this shift in focus has revitalized feminist theory,153 others assert that it has introduced new conflicts in feminist studies.154 Maxine Baca Zinn and Bonnie Thornton Dill stress, however, that while there may be problems when focusing on difference, our perspectives take their bearings from social relations. Race and class difference are crucial, we argue, not as individual characteristics . . . but insofar as they are primary organizing principles of a society which locates and positions groups within that society's opportunity structures. - Some feminist scholars emphasize the importance of examining the interlocking, or intersection, of race, class, and gender.156 The development of an intersectional perspective on gender and race is rooted in the work of scholars focusing on women of color.157 Amanda Burgess-Proctor identified key conceptual factors that distinguish multiracial feminism from other feminist perspectives.158 First, multiracial feminism claims that gender relations do not exist in a vacuum; rather, men and women are also characterized by their race, class, sexuality, age, physical ability, and other social locations of inequality. Second, multiracial feminism stresses the importance of recognizing the ways intersecting systems of power and privilege interact on all social-structural levels. Third, multiracial feminism is founded on the concept of relationality; this "assumes that groups of people are socially situated in relation to other groups of people based on their differences."159 Other key conceptual facets to multiracial feminism include appreciating the interaction of social structure and women's agency, implementing various methodological approaches, and an emphasis on understandings founded on the lived experiences of women. This evolving perspective uses various terms, such as multiracial feminism, multicultural feminism, and U.S. Third World feminism.160 Another issue that has been raised by feminist scholars is that, when conducting research on women, it is essential that one avoid placing these women as either offenders or victims. This has been referred to as the "blurred boundaries" theory of victimization and criminalization. As Mary Gilfus noted, "criminalization is connected to women's subordinate position in society where victimization by violence coupled with economic marginality related to race, class, and gender all too often blur the boundaries between victims and offenders."161 This false categorization of women as either offenders or victims does not advance our understanding of women who commit crime. Lisa Maher critiqued both traditional and feminist research with respect to the importance of neither overemphasizing nor ignoring women's agency.162 The more traditional approach often overlooks the social locations of women's marginalization and places too much emphasis on female offenders as "active subjects" who pursue criminal opportunities. This places women with "overendowed" agency. On the other end of the spectrum, in connection with some feminist research, women are denied agency. Thus, "women are portrayed as the passive victims of oppressive social structures, relations, and substances, or some combination thereof."163 These women are then situated as submissive objects that are mere instruments for the reproduction of determining social structures.

additional feminist perspectives

- Additional feminist perspectives include ecofeminism as well as global and postcolonial feminism. Ecofeminism was developed around the 1980s to examine relations between environmental issues and women's issues. It sprang from the growing global environmental crisis. Ecofeminists perceive domination—of women, minority groups, animals, and the Earth—as the essential problem, rather than patriarchy.51 This perspective, however, contains many varieties, such as nature ecofeminism, radical-cultural ecofeminism, and spiritual ecofeminism.52 Global and postcolonial feminism emerged in the mid-1970s. This is an international women's movement founded in the commonalities of women's lives, such as low economic status. This perspective critically explores the impact of development, patriarchal religions, international trafficking in women, and the Westernization of the Third World.53 While feminists from First World nations (i.e., those nations that are heavily industrialized, located primarily in the Northern Hemisphere) are essentially interested in issues revolving around sexuality and reproduction, a number of Third World feminists (i.e., those in economically developing nations, located primarily in the Southern Hemisphere) are concerned not only with gender issues but with political and economic issues as well.54 In the next section, we provide a brief overview of the traditional theories of female criminality. This context will provide readers with a better understanding of the development of feminist criminology.

Heterosexual Couples' Explanations and Justifications for the Division of Household Tasks: MALES

- Ali would do most of it. We argue about it quite a lot. It's not fair, really, I should do more. - Well, I would clean, but by the time I get there Chloe's already done it. - Sara does do most of it, I've got to admit, but it's not because I think she should do it because she's a woman, it's just because she's got higher standards of cleanliness than me (laughs).

key terms

- Before we discuss the various feminist perspectives, it is essential to introduce key terms associated with these perspectives. A few of these terms are sex, gender, chivalry, paternalism, and patriarchy. Differences between women and men have usually been identified as either "sex" or "gender" differences. Sex differences typically refer to biological characteristics, such as reproductive organs and hormones. Gender differences usually refer to social definitions of what it means to be a "woman" or a "man." These social definitions may include appearance, occupation, and other characteristics. It is confusing when the terms sex and gender are used interchangeably; sometimes individuals will use these terms imprecisely and assume that everyone understands the difference between sex and gender. - West and Zimmerman illustrated the complexity of the concepts of sex and gender by distinguishing between sex, sex category, and gender.17 As mentioned above, sex is determined through the use of socially agreed on biological criteria. An individual is located in a sex category by applying socially determined criteria of sex. By applying these criteria, society has defined sex as a binary category. Gender is not a set of characteristics, a variable, or a role. Rather, gender is a product of social "doings," constituting activity considered appropriate for a person's sex category. These activities are determined through social constructions of sex and sex category. "Doing gender" is a continuous activity embedded in everyday interactions. By understanding the independence of these constructs, people can question whether differences between women and men are due to sex or to social constructions of gender. Chivalry pertains to behaviors and attitudes toward certain individuals that treat them as though they are on a pedestal.18 Chivalrous behavior is more complex than just preferential treatment. Engaging in a chivalrous relationship usually entails a bartering system in which men hold a more powerful status than do women. Social class and race/ethnicity are also intertwined with such treatment. Women of certain social classes and racial/ethnic backgrounds are considered more worthy of chivalrous treatment than other women. This is best illustrated by Sojourner Truth's speech "Ain't I a Woman?" The idea of paternalism is that women need to be protected for their own good. In a broad social context, paternalism implies independence for men and dependence for women. Both chivalry and paternalism suggest that certain individuals or groups need protection because they are weak and helpless. This protection may also lead to various types of control. - The Latin word pater refers to the social role, as opposed to the biological role, of a father. Patriarchal societies exclude women from the exercise of political responsibilities; patriarchy refers to the subordinate role of women and male dominance.19 Thus, patriarchy is a social, legal, and political climate based on male dominance and hierarchy. A key aspect of this ideology is that women's nature is biologically, not culturally, determined

a brief history of feminism in the US

- Feminism is a belief that women and men are inherently of equal worth. Because most societies privilege men as a group, social movements are necessary to achieve equality between women and men, with the understanding that gender always intersects with other social hierarchies.3 Most scholars contend that feminism has evolved in three major waves. The first wave of feminism started in the mid-19th century when American women demanded the right to vote.4 A major event associated with this first wave occurred in 1848. About 300 women and men met in Seneca Falls, New York. At the Seneca Falls Convention, these participants established a "Declaration of Sentiments" as well as 12 resolutions. This declaration was modeled after the Declaration of Independence. The Declaration of Sentiments stressed the need for reforms in marriage, divorce, property, and child custody laws. A major criticism of this convention was that the focus was primarily on white, upper-class women. Thus, working-class and black women were essentially invisible. - These "invisible" women, however, did contribute to the 19th-century women's rights movement. For instance, at an 1851 women's rights convention in Akron, Ohio,5 Sojourner Truth delivered an impromptu speech that included her well-known question, "Ain't I a woman?" Earlier that evening, feminist views had been "taking a beating" in the debate. Eventually, a man claimed that women needed to be protected with chivalrous acts. It was at this time that Sojourner Truth rose and replied with her now famous speech.6 The first wave of feminism peaked between 1870 and 1928. This time was characterized by intense activity toward winning women the right to vote as well as achieving educational and social reforms. While women from various backgrounds were involved in these reforms, those who were particularly involved in the antislavery and temperance movements worked together to secure women the right to vote.7 With the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, which in 1920 legislated that right, many suffragists believed that women had indeed become men's equals.8 The second wave of feminism developed in the 1960s, when other marginalized groups were also challenging the status quo (e.g., civil rights activists, prisoners' rights activists).9 Feminists of this wave argued that to be fully liberated, women needed to have equal access to economic opportunities and sexual freedoms as well as civil liberties. Some women advocated a reformist, liberal agenda, whereas others pushed for a more revolutionary, radical program of change and action.10 The liberal political perspective was influenced by the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which banned racial discrimination as well as sex discrimination. The radical political perspective was influenced by both the civil rights and student movements of the 1960s. - Many liberal feminists were joining emerging women's rights groups such as the National Organization for Women (NOW), the National Women's Political Caucus, and the Women's Equity Action League. Most radical feminists were involved with women's liberation groups, which were much smaller and more personally focused. Among these groups were the Women's International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH), the Redstockings, the Feminists, and the New York Radical Feminists.12 It was in this social context, within these emerging political perspectives, that feminist criminology began to question assumptions and stereotypes concerning women in criminal justice. This included women as professionals, as well as women as offenders and victims. The third wave of feminism evolved around the late 1980s. This wave of feminism was an extension of, as well as a response to, the shortcomings of the second wave.13 Some have maintained that this third wave coincided with the birth of Generation X; in fact, the literature associated with the third wave often describes younger women's experiences of frustration with the second wave of feminism.14 The one major theme of third-wave feminism is willingness to accommodate difference, diversity, and change: They seem to be feminist sponges, willing and able to absorb some aspects of all the modes of feminist thought that preceded the third wave's emergence on the scene. Third-wave feminists are particularly eager to understand how gender oppression and other kinds of human oppression co-create and co-maintain each other . . . [D]ifference is the way things are. Moreover, contradiction, including self-contradiction, is expected and even willingly welcomed. - More than any other group of feminists, the third-wave feminist perspective has provided a voice for many women who otherwise did not identify with previous feminist perspectives, especially women of color.

Introduction

- Feminist criminology evolved as a result of various assumptions and stereotypes about women in criminal justice coming under question. Such questions concerned women as professionals, as well as women as offenders and victims. This chapter begins with a brief history of feminism in the United States. To understand feminist theories of crime, it is essential to bear in mind that there is no one feminist perspective. Rather, there are various feminist perspectives. Some of these feminist perspectives are discussed in the subsequent section. Next, we discuss traditional theories of female crime, followed by feminist critiques of previous research focusing on women. We then present issues pertaining to understanding crime and criminal behavior that have been raised in feminist research. Finally, we discuss policy and program recommendations based on theories and research grounded in a feminist perspective

feminist criminology

- Feminist criminology evolved, primarily from liberal feminists, with the realization and objection that gender was essentially ignored and excluded from criminological theory.129 This exclusion was difficult to understand, given that gender was such a strong predictor of criminal behavior.130 Further, feminists recognized the limitations of critical and radical criminological perspectives, given the primary focus on economic disparities without examining the issues of race and gender. Thus, "early feminist criminologists demanded that analyses of crime include consideration of gender in ways that had not occurred before."131 Twenty years after her essay on female crime, Dorie Klein included an afterword; she maintained that feminist criminologists need to address three major challenges: continue to search for the scientific basis of theories of men's and women's criminal behavior, reexamine gender and racial/ethnic biases in the social sciences, and develop a new definition of crime.132 Joanne Belknap gave an overview of the potential of various traditional criminological theories to provide insight into gender differences and similarities. Some of the traditional criminological theories that do have some promise in this area of understanding include differential association theory and strain and general strain theory.133 In 1988, Kathleen Daly and Meda Chesney-Lind identified the following five elements that distinguish feminist thought from other forms of social and political thought: Gender is not a natural fact but a complex social, historical, and cultural product; it is related to, but not simply derived from, biological sex differences and reproductive capacities. Gender and gender relations order social life and social institutions in fundamental ways. Gender relations are constructs of masculinity and femininity and are not symmetrical but are based on an organizing principle of men's superiority and social and political-economic dominance over women. Systems of knowledge reflect men's views of the natural and social world; the production of knowledge is gendered. Women should be at the center of intellectual inquiry, not peripheral, invisible, or appendages to men.134 When addressing whether there can be a feminist criminology, Daly and Chesney-Lind maintained that feminist theories and research should be incorporated in any criminologist's study of crime. Incorporating such perspectives entails more than just a focus on women or sexism. Rather, these approaches provide an opportunity to study unexplored aspects of men's crime and forms of justice, as well as forms of theory construction and verification. Thus, they argued that the promise of feminist thought has barely been realized.135 Almost 20 years after Daly and Chesney-Lind's article on feminist criminology, Amanda Burgess-Proctor argued that for contemporary third-wave feminist criminologists, it is essential to build on the foundation laid by previous feminist criminologists.136 Specifically, feminist criminology needs to embrace all sources of oppression without prioritizing gender. Thus, feminist criminology should incorporate an intersectional framework, informed by multiracial feminism, which includes such defining social characteristics as race, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and age. - One feminist framework that has been used to explore the experiences of women in the criminal justice system is pathways research: A feminist approach to understanding the etiology of females' (and sometimes males') offending is termed by some as "pathways to crime." . . . [T]his approach attempts to determine life experiences, particularly childhood ones, that place one at risk of offending. The pathways research indicates that traumas such as physical and sexual abuse and child neglect are not only defining features in the lives of many female offenders, but also these traumas are often related to one's likelihood of committing crimes. - Whereas life-course research collects longitudinal data over the course of an individual's life, pathways research typically collects data, usually through interviews, at a single point in time to provide retrospective inquiry as to an individual's life and his or her life experiences.139 Some feminists have argued that the pathways perspective has provided researchers with a greater understanding of how a woman's offending is influenced by the social conditions of her life as well as by her being a woman in a patriarchal society.140 Recently, a growing area of research has been using the pathways framework. Barbara Owen conducted what she termed a "quasi-ethnography" of women incarcerated in the Central California Women's Facility.141 This methodology included in-depth interviews with these women, as well as detailed observations of everyday life. When inquiring about these women's lives prior to prison, Owen identified three key issues that were central pathways to their incarceration—(1) multiplicity of abuse in their pre-prison lives; (2) family and personal relationships, especially those involving male partners and children; and (3) their spiraling marginality and subsequent criminality.142 A majority of these incarcerated women had experienced physical, sexual, and emotional abuse. In addition, many had abused drugs and alcohol. Many had experienced poverty, as well as early parenthood. The spiraling marginality shared by many of these women included limited educational and vocational preparation, which resulted in a lack of employment opportunities. Owen concluded her book by noting that "this description of the lives of women in prison then is offered as a starting point for constructive dialogue and public policy concerning the lives and experiences of women on their own terms."143 Other research incorporating a pathways perspective has focused on women incarcerated in an Iranian prison;144 transferring female juveniles to adult court;145 drug abuse among women;146 sexual assault victimization and suicidal behavior;147 the development of antisocial behavior;148 the impact of serious mental illness and trauma in women's pathways to jail;149 and risk factors among Arab female youths in Israel.

feminist critiques of previous studies of women and crime

- Feminist scholars have argued that science reflects the social values and concerns of dominant societal groups.88 Subsequently, research in the social sciences has often ignored women and issues of concern to women, or it has created differences between women and men, girls and boys that are not "natural, essential, or biological."89 Studies of women and crime have also been either marginalized or "invisible."90 In 1977, Carole Smart noted that while women had not been entirely ignored in the study of crime and deviance, the quality of work was questionable at best. She stressed the importance of contextualizing female criminality within a broader framework: moral, political, economic, and sexual spheres. - From a critical, feminist perspective, Ngaire Naffine conducted an extensive review of the literature pertaining to female criminality. Her review examined such theoretical perspectives as strain theory, differential association, masculinity theory, the Control School, labeling theory, and the women's liberation thesis (discussed below).92 With the exception of the women's liberation thesis, female criminality was rarely a major focus of these various theoretical perspectives. In fact, these theories were primarily based on adult and juvenile male offenders. If female criminality was mentioned, in most instances these explanations were founded on sexist assumptions and biases. It is essential to understand that the inclusion of women does not necessarily imply that the study is using a feminist framework. To illustrate this point, feminists note that research using either an "add-and-stir" approach or a sex roles approach do not incorporate key feminist concepts: Add women and stir. One approach to eliminating the "male-centeredness" (i.e., androcentrism) of traditional analyses is the "add-and-stir" approach. That is, one uses an existing theoretical perspective based on men and "adds" women. Feminists argue, however, that if one merely "adds women and stirs" in a perspective or schema established by an androcentric analysis, the experiences of women will be marginalized or ignored. Women's experiences would then be located "as compared to men's" perspective. Many scholars contend that a great deal of criminological research incorporates this approach. Thus, although women are not necessarily invisible, their experiences and representation are infrequent and distorted.93 Sex roles. Another approach to conducting research on women has been to focus on the social construction of sex roles, currently referred to as gender roles.94 Research using this approach has been criticized primarily because there is a tendency to perceive these roles as being almost sex-linked, without incorporating the context in which these roles have been defined or "determined." This approach can lead to a form of biological determinism, due to the limited explanation or theoretical understanding of the conceptualization of roles.95 (The "Why Do They Do It?" section in this chapter further illustrates this idea of "the conceptualization of roles" as related to a sex offender.) Candace West and Don Zimmerman proposed that it is essential to move beyond this approach of sex role, or gender role, studies. Instead, the focus of research should be "what is involved in doing gender as an ongoing activity embedded in everyday interaction."96 The first of the modern gender-based perspectives on crime tried to understand female criminality rather than provide a more gender-sensitive approach to criminal behavior. The liberation thesis is one example of such a theoretical perspective. Another example of a gender-based perspective is John Hagan's power-control theory (introduced in Chapter 10). While this is not a feminist theory, it is an integrated theory informed by feminism

traditional theories of female crime

- From antiquity to the present, cultures have categorized women into "either/or" roles.55 One such pervasive conceptualization is the Madonna/***** duality. This cultural ideology has been reflected and perpetuated by the criminal justice system. It is grounded in two contrasting perceptions of the female "nature" or sexuality. The Madonna image personifies women as faithful and submissive wives, as well as nurturing mothers. The ***** image portrays women as temptresses who prey on a man's sexuality and self-control. Inherent in this dichotomization are class and racial/ethnic assumptions. The Madonna image was primarily restricted to women from white, middle- to upper-class backgrounds.56 V. D. Young determined that black women have not experienced this "good/bad" dichotomy.57 Rather, stereotypes of black women have essentially been all "bad." Young attempted to identify the gender role characterizations that have been attributed to black women. For instance, the characterization of the black woman as a matriarch has revealed two negative images—the Amazon (domineering, strong, assertive, independent, and masculine) and the sinister Sapphire (dangerous, castrating, and treacherous toward black men). Another instance of contradictory images is founded on myths concerning a black woman's sexuality—mammy (long-suffering, patient, nurturing, and asexual) and seductress (loose, immoral, and sexually depraved).58 Young argued that black women in American society have been victimized by their double status as blacks and as women. Specifically, discussions of blacks have focused on the black man, and discussions of females have focused on the white woman. Rather than being considered as a primary focus, black women have been on the periphery of understanding in terms of their position relative either to black men or to white women. Thus, "these images have influenced the way in which black female victims and offenders have been treated by the criminal justice system." - Another pervasive cultural perception is "femininity." The concept of femininity is made up of various traits, such as gentleness, sensitivity, nurturance, and passivity. Comparatively, traits associated with masculinity include intelligence, aggressiveness, independence, and competitiveness.60 These conceptualizations become problematic when such traits are assumed to be inherent to an individual's sex or are considered as "biological fact."61 Gender roles guided by concepts of femininity and masculinity are considered to be sex-linked behaviors as well as traits.62 Related to the conceptualization of femininity was the cult of true womanhood. The attributes of true womanhood comprised four virtues: piety, purity, submissiveness, and domesticity.63 Theories of female criminality emerged within this cultural context and the prevailing assumptions regarding women (e.g., the Madonna/***** duality, femininity, and the cult of true womanhood). When contextualized, the development of such theoretical constructs illustrates that "those women who do commit offenses are judged to be either criminal by nature or pathological because they deviate from the 'true' biologically determined nature of women which is to be law abiding."64 Nichole Rafter Hahn argued that a woman was usually deemed "bad"—because she was loosening not only her morals and values but also those of her mate and descendants—if she had one of the following characteristics: (1) she was indecisive and lacked "moral fortitude," (2) she was promiscuous, or (3) she was simply irresponsible.65 Let us now briefly review some early theories of female crime that reflect and incorporate these negative perceptions. Specifically, we will discuss the views and work of Cesare Lombroso, William I. Thomas, Sigmund Freud, and Otto Pollak.

Chapter 12 case study

- Gertrude Baniszewski In 1965, the parents of Sylvia Likens, age 16, and Jenny Likens, age 15, had found employment as carnival workers. This required them to move around, so Gertrude Baniszewski, herself a mother of seven, agreed to board the girls at her home in Indianapolis, Indiana, for $20 a week. When one of the checks arrived late, Baniszewski lashed out at the Likens girls. This was followed by three weeks of violent and sadistic attacks, especially on Sylvia. A number of Baniszewski's seven children, along with some neighborhood children, watched or joined in the torture. This was all done under the supervision of Baniszewski. No one reported the abuse. Sylvia was burned with cigarettes numerous times; she was forced to dance naked in front of the other children; she took baths in scalding water; and she was constantly beaten and starved. On one horrible night, Baniszewski took a sewing needle and carved an "I" in Sylvia's abdomen. She then gave the needle to a neighbor boy and instructed him to spell the word "prostitute." When the police arrived at Baniszewski's home in October 1965, they found Sylvia lifeless. Her emaciated corpse was covered with more than 150 wounds. Baniszewski was arrested along with eight children ranging in age from 11 to 17 years. The children stated that they had participated in the torture because "Gertie" told them to. In 1966, Baniszewski was convicted of first-degree murder; her daughter, Paula, was convicted of second-degree murder; and the remaining offenders were found guilty of lesser homicide charges.

praxis

refers not just to consciousness-raising but also to the establishment of alternative arrangements that will provide models for change, which then change consciousness.

feminist perspectives on understanding crime and criminal behavior

- In 1987, Sandra Harding asked the question, "What's new in feminist analyses?" She provided three characteristics or features that distinguish feminist research.118 The first feature is that the empirical and theoretical bases emanate from women's experiences. These bases, or resources, question, as well as challenge, traditional understandings of what has been considered human activity, as defined by white, European, middle-class men. By examining women's experiences, various issues are raised that contradict traditional research. The second feature of feminist analyses was the new purpose for women, whereas traditional analyses have primarily been for men. Research questions and answers are not part of efforts "to pacify, control, exploit, or manipulate women." Furthermore, this research is implemented to meet the needs of women and to understand, as well as voice, their experiences. The final characteristic of feminist research, according to Harding, is locating the researcher in the same critical plane as the subject matter. Harding initiated this discussion by stressing that the sources of social power need to be examined. Specifically, she provided an example of how numerous studies have focused on the "peculiar mental and behavior characteristics" of women. Only recently, however, have there been studies on the "bizarre mental and behavioral characteristics of psychiatrists."

conclusion

- In an effort to provide a context for feminist theories of crime, this chapter started with a brief history of feminism in the United States. Many describe this history in terms of waves (i.e., first, second, and third waves). As noted at the beginning of this chapter, it is essential to understand that there is no one feminist perspective. Thus, we presented various feminist perspectives, such as liberal feminism, radical feminism, Marxist and socialist feminism, and postmodern feminism. Our brief overview of traditional theories of female crime gave readers an enhanced appreciation of the development of feminist criminology. These traditional theories were developed by such scholars as Cesare Lombroso, W. I. Thomas, Sigmund Freud, and Otto Pollak. The next section provided feminist critiques of previous research that focused on women and crime. Such critiques include using an "add-women-and-stir" approach and implementing a sex roles perspective. Subsequently, we discussed problems feminist scholars have raised pertaining to traditional research methods, such as those surrounding objectivity and subjectivity, as well as those surrounding qualitative "versus" quantitative analyses. Our brief overview of multiracial feminism distinguished it from previous feminist perspectives. We also illustrated one example of research within a feminist perspective—feminist pathways. Then we moved to some key critiques of feminist theories. These criticisms included earlier feminist theories focusing on the experiences of white, middle-class women; placing women as either offenders or victims; and ignoring women's agency. We concluded this chapter with a discussion of policies based on feminist theories of crime. Two related concepts pertaining to any feminist research presented in this section were "the personal is the political" and praxis. We reviewed such policies as early rape reform efforts, as well as the current trend of providing gender-specific programs for female offenders. At the beginning of this chapter, we studied the case of Gertrude Baniszewski, who was convicted of the first-degree murder of Sylvia Likens. We asked if some individuals would perceive such offenses committed by a woman differently than they would similar offenses committed by a man. Some may answer "yes" to this question; others may contend that this is due to stereotypes, such as the perception that women have a biologically determined sense of maternal and nurturing capabilities.

otto pollak: hidden female criminality

- In his 1950 book The Criminality of Women, Otto Pollak's concluding statement was that "the criminality of women reflects their biological nature in a given cultural setting."81 Pollak argued that women are more criminal in nature than many have generally perceived. He suggested that criminologists address the following three questions: Are those crimes in which women seem to participate exclusively, or to a considerable extent, offenses that are known to be greatly underreported? Are women offenders generally less often detected than are men offenders? Do women, if apprehended, meet with more leniency than do men?82 This unknown criminality is essentially due to women's deceitful nature and the "masked" quality of female criminality. Pollak maintained that "the criminality of women is largely masked criminality."83 Pollak supported his theory of "hidden" criminality by noting such factors as the relative weakness of a woman, which makes deceit necessary as a defense; that all oppressed classes use subversion as a common tactic; that a woman's socialization teaches her to conceal many things, such as menstruation, aggression, and marital frustration; and that the biology of the female enables her to deceive (i.e., she can fake an orgasm, while a man cannot).84 Man must achieve an erection in order to perform the sex act and will not be able to hide his failure. His lack of positive emotion in the sexual sphere must become overt to the partner, and pretense of sexual response is impossible for him, if it is lacking. Woman's body, however, permits such pretense to a certain degree and lack of orgasm does not prevent her ability to participate in the sex act.85 While Pollak did consider biological factors, he incorporated sociological factors as well. Like the other theorists we have discussed above, however, these sociological factors were based on assumptions and prejudices.86 In her classic essay on female crime, Dorie Klein revealed that theorists such as Lombroso, Thomas, Freud, and Pollak focused primarily on women's biology (i.e., their sexuality) or some type of psychological problem. Klein argued that these theorists focused on women's sexuality or other stereotypical traits, such as manipulation, to explain criminal behavior. They did not, however, examine economic, political, or social factors that provide a more comprehensive understanding of female criminality.

Heterosexual Couples' Explanations and Justifications for the Division of Household Tasks: FEMALE

- It's kind of ended up that I do the cleaning and shit, and I don't know how it happened, but it's like two years later I'm a 1950s housewife or something. - I don't think it was really a decision, but I am the cleaner in the relationship, just because I'm better at it. - I do it. It's not something that we've ever discussed, I just sort of have done it, and neither of us is sort of bold enough to bring it up now, so instead I just do it.

power control theory section

- John Hagan and his colleagues developed power-control theory, incorporating a conflict-oriented theory with social-control theory.113 The power-control theory attempted to explain gender differences in delinquency rates by including family dynamics. Specifically, Hagan argued that youths from families characterized as patriarchal (i.e., where the mother has lower status than the father) revealed greater gender differences in delinquency rates compared with youths from more egalitarian homes (i.e., where the parents have the same status or there is only one parent in the home; - The argument was that female youths from more egalitarian families were encouraged to engage in risk-taking behaviors—just as their brothers were. Risk-taking behavior is considered to be related to delinquent behavior. Alternatively, female youths from patriarchal families were encouraged to avoid risk-taking behavior—unlike their brothers. Thus, these female youths were less likely to engage in delinquent behavior. An integral aspect of the relationship between family dynamics, gender, and delinquency rates was social class. Hagan and his colleagues stressed the importance of class structure in the relationship between gender and delinquency. While in all classes males are freer to engage in delinquent behavior than females, males in more powerful classes are even freer to engage in such behavior than are males in less powerful classes.114 As a result, individuals—especially those from various social classes—experience power relationships in the larger society differently. Specifically, "the social reproduction of gender relations" refers to those activities, institutions, and relationships that are involved in maintaining and reinforcing gender roles. These activities include those individuals responsible for caring for, protecting, and socializing children for their adult roles. According to this theoretical perspective, family class structure shapes the social reproduction of gender relations, which then influences rates of delinquency.115 These power relationships in the larger society are reflected in the family relationships. Evaluations of power-control theory reveal inconsistent findings;116 some have maintained that power-control theory is just a variation of the liberation thesis (i.e., the mother's liberation causes the daughter's criminal behavior).

the traditional or conservative perspective section

- Kathleen Daly and Meda Chesney-Lind highlighted key features of the traditional or conservative perspective. First, they maintained that from this perspective, the causes of gender inequality are due to biological sex differences, including hormonal differences (e.g., greater testosterone production in males) or reproductive capacities (e.g., female child bearing and lactation). Second, they identified the process of how gender is formed. The conservative perspective stresses that social behavior is based on these biological sex differences. These biological sex differences can be amplified to explain social behavior, such as greater strength and innate aggression among males as well as innate nurturing and caregiving among females. Unlike the other feminist perspectives, the conservative perspective does not offer any strategies for social change, since men's and women's behaviors reflect evolutionary adaptations of sex differences.

liberal feminism section

- Liberal feminism, also termed mainstream feminism, is founded on political liberalism, which holds a positive view of human nature as well as the ideals of liberty, equality, justice, dignity, and individual rights. A major feature of liberal feminism is that women should receive the same rights and treatment as men.23 This perspective purports that gender inequality is due to women's blocked opportunities to participate in various aspects of the public sphere, such as education, employment, and political activity.24 Strategies for social change are devised to free women from oppressive gender roles—for instance, performing only those jobs associated with the traditional feminine personality (e.g., nursing, teaching, and child care). - There are generally two types of liberal feminists: classical and welfare. Both approaches rely a great deal on legal remedies to address gender inequality. Classical liberal feminists support limited government and a free market, as well as political and legal rights. Central facets of this approach are freedom of expression, freedom of religion, and freedom of conscience. Welfare liberal feminists favor government involvement in providing citizens, particularly underprivileged individuals, with housing, education, health care, and social security. They also maintain that the market should be limited through significant taxes and restriction of profits.26 A major criticism of the liberal feminist perspective is that it primarily focuses "on the interests of white, middle-class, heterosexual women."27 Specifically, within the area of feminist criminology, some argue that the liberal perspective poses "men as the criminal yardstick." This results in equating justice with equality and not considering other influential standpoints, such as race/ethnicity and social class.28 Joanne Belknap maintains that prison reform for women would not be nearly as effective in achieving equality with men's prisons if the only goal was to allow the same access to health care, vocational, educational, legal, and treatment programs. While these would be significant advances, it is also necessary to request reforms that address women prisoners' experiences, needs, and histories that differ from male prisoners.29 Another area where the "equal treatment" doctrine is problematic is in sentencing. Specifically, sentencing reforms aimed at reducing race- and class-based disparities in sentencing for male offenders "may yield equality with a vengeance" for female offenders.30 Thus, "equality defined as equal treatment of men and women . . . forestalls more fundamental change and in some instances may worsen women's circumstances."

sigmund freud: female inferiority

- Many early theories of female deviance embraced the psychoanalytic writings of Sigmund Freud (1856-1939). Many of these theories evolved from two key concepts: (1) the structure of the personality and (2) the psychosexual stages of development of the child.77 Freud perceived women as anatomically inferior—biologically destined to be wives and mothers. The basis for this inferiority was that women's sex organs are inferior to men's sex organs. Further, according to Freud, a girl assumes that she has lost her penis as a punishment; as a result of this assumption, she is traumatized and matures with a sense of envy and vengeance. The boy also realizes that the girl has lost her penis; he fears a similar punishment and is wary of the girl's envy and vengeance. Thus, "women are exhibitionistic, narcissistic, and attempt to compensate for their lack of a penis by being well dressed and physically beautiful."78 The Freudian orientation is not just restricted to this form of penis envy for understanding female deviant behavior. Freud also maintained that women are inferior because they are more concerned with personal matters than are men and have very little interest in social issues.79 Within this perspective, a deviant woman is essentially attempting to be a man. Such a woman is forcefully rebellious. This drive to accomplishment is due to her longing for a penis. Since this drive will never be fulfilled, the result is that the woman will become "neurotic." According to the Freudian orientation, the best way to treat such a woman is to help her adjust to her normal sex role. Thus, this reflects "the notion of individual accommodation that repudiates the possibility of social change."

objectivity and subjectivity

- Objectivity refers to being "neutral," "value free," or "unbiased." Feminist scholars challenge research claims of objectivity. In fact, they maintain that such claims are tautological; "value free" (i.e., objective) research is a value. Furthermore, feminist scholars argue that the standards of objectivity are founded on biases established by, and for, individuals of privilege. Science and its practice are influenced by the values and experiences of its practitioners.120 These practitioners are primarily from privileged backgrounds (i.e., white, middle-class males);121 thus, androcentric and sexist biases are implicit in the standards they implement for conducting scientific research.122 In the context of feminist jurisprudence, Catharine MacKinnon noted that "objectivity—the nonsituated, universal standpoint, whether claimed or aspired to—is a denial of the existence or potency of sex inequality that tacitly participates in constructing reality from the dominant point of view. - Carolyn Wood Sherif also challenged "objective" research.124 Her criticisms were primarily directed toward psychological research, but the issues that she raised can be directed to various types of social-science research. She pointed out that biases can occur at many points in the research process, including when establishing what to study, how to study the participants, and which behaviors or attitudes of the participants will be observed or ignored: The opportunity starts when a researcher decides what to study and it continues to widen during decisions about how to study the subject. . . . The researcher decides, of course, often in highly arbitrary ways dictated by custom in previous research, not by what the person does or is doing in daily life. . . . The researcher makes all of these decisions, often forgetting at times that he or she is a human being who is part of the research situation too.125 Feminist researchers acknowledge their biases and argue that other researchers need to do so as well. "In doing so, the false idealization of objectivity and the criticisms of subjectivity become meaningless and irrelevant."

qualitative "versus" quantitative analyses

- On the surface, the major distinction between these two types of analyses appears to be how the data are represented: qualitative is nonnumerical, and quantitative is numerical. But feminist researchers have raised questions regarding qualitative and quantitative methods. Toby Epstein Jayaratne and Abigail J. Stewart noted that quantitative methods translate individuals' experiences into predefined categories designated by the researchers. This method distorts women's experiences and results in "silencing women's own voices."127 Those scholars advocating qualitative methods maintain that women's understandings, emotions, and actions must be explored in those women's own terms. - Researchers advocating quantitative methods maintain that although these methods can be, and have been, used to distort women's experiences, they need not be. As this discourse continues, emphasizing only qualitative methods for feminist research has also been critiqued. For instance, Jacquelyn White and Richard Farmer conducted a study on sexual violence and implemented a multiple-strategic approach. They argued that it is essential to recognize that both the qualitative and quantitative methods have strengths and weaknesses: Empirical analytic methods cannot help us know the phenomenological experiences of a beautiful sunset, nor can we know the phenomenological experience of a rape survivor using traditional research paradigms. Conversely, subjective reports shed little light on the incidence and prevalence of sexual assault. There is, however, much that can be learned from both subjective methods and traditional scientific approaches when applied to the study of sexual aggression and victimization.128 It is essential to note that issues relevant to these types of research methods have been "politicized"—specifically, one method (i.e., quantitative) being deemed more "scientific" than the other (i.e., qualitative). However, one method is not "inherently" superior to the other; rather, these methods are only different approaches to understanding reality.

objectivity

refers to being "neutral," "value free," or "unbiased." Feminist scholars challenge research claims of objectivity.

cesare lombroso: physical attributes of female offenders

- One of the earliest theorists focusing on the female offender was Cesare Lombroso, the aforementioned father of criminology (1836-1909).66 In his book The Female Offender, Lombroso emphasized the physiological and psychological determinants of female criminality, rather than socializing factors or social-structural constraints.67 For instance, Lombroso summarized some of the anomalies associated with prostitutes and other female offenders. He noted that prostitutes essentially do not have any wrinkles but are more likely to have moles, hairiness, large jaws and cheekbones, and anomalous teeth (see Table 12.2). According to Lombroso, women who committed homicides often had cranial depressions as well as prominent cheekbones. - Lombroso implemented a typology for female offenders similar to his one for male offenders (see Chapter 5). He begins the chapter "The Born Criminal" by citing sexist comments such as the following Italian proverb: "Rarely is a woman wicked, but when she is she surpasses the man."68 Other traits of this born criminal include a lack of the maternal instinct (which was regarded as a biological trait) as well as an excessive desire for revenge, cruelty, greed and avarice, love of dress and ornaments, a lack of religious feeling, and untruthfulness. When summarizing traits of the occasional criminal, Lombroso notes that occasional offenders can be divided into two classes—one that includes the milder types of born criminals and another that differs only slightly from the normal, or "consisting of normal women in whom circumstances have developed the fund of immorality which is latent in every female."69 Although "biological determinism" has been refuted, this perspective is entrenched in some theories of female criminality. For instance, while more sophisticated and technical, this biological determinism is evident in premenstrual syndrome explanations of female crime

policies based on feminist theories of crime

- Policies based on feminist theories of crime are not always directly related to crime, because feminist perspectives also incorporate broad social issues that are connected to criminal behavior.164 Thus, aspects of policies related to feminist theories of crime are reflected in broader concepts of feminism. For instance, feminist researchers emphasize the importance of reflexivity.165 This is when research empowers women; this form of research takes women's experiences seriously and centers on the idea that "the personal is the political": Feminist work has demonstrated that even the most apparently private interactions have political consequences and motivations. The inextricable connections between the personal and the political means that what happens to "the individual" is not merely the result of individual processes. As a consequence, it is unsatisfactory to treat individuals as if they were isolated from society—at the very least because this cannot give an accurate picture of people and their lives - This phrase "the personal is the political" refers to the notion that the "private sphere" (e.g., sexuality and domestic life) is just as structured by power relations involving gender, sexuality, race, class, and age as is the "public sphere" (e.g., waged work outside the home, party politics, and state institutions).167 Another aspect related to feminism is praxis. According to Josephine Donovan, praxis does not refer just to consciousness-raising. Rather, praxis also refers to "the development of alternative arrangements that will themselves provide models for change and will in the process change consciousness.168 Praxis also implies building institutions, such as rape crisis centers and shelters, as well as establishing changes in personal relationships. Generally, praxis is when theory translates into action. One of the most essential opportunities for praxis centers on the pursuit of social justice -Influenced by the women's movement (i.e., the second wave of feminism), our understanding of and the legal response to rape have undergone substantial changes.170 For instance, the Schwendingers theorized how rape myths have pervaded the legal sphere of society, as exemplified by the belief that if a rape victim did not "fight back" or resist, as well as demonstrate physical evidence of such a confrontation, then she must have initially given her consent and afterward "changed her mind."171 In the past, this myth has been significant in laws that required a demonstration of resistance. However, the Schwendingers provided the following analogy to elucidate the misconceptions associated with this myth: Businessmen may forcibly resist theft of their property. But no law demands this kind of personal resistance as a condition for the lawful protection of his property rights. Women's rights, on the other hand, seem to be another matter [italics in original].172 Beginning in the 1970s, legislative reforms were enacted in an effort to modify state rape statutes. Searles and Berger asserted that the major goals of the legislative reforms included increasing the reporting of rape and enhancing the prosecution and conviction in rape cases, improving the treatment of rape victims involved in the criminal justice process, achieving comparability between the legal treatment of rape and other violent offenses, prohibiting a broader range of coercive sexual conduct, and expanding the range of persons protected by the law.173 Four major types of legislative reforms were identified: (1) redefinition of the offense, (2) evidentiary reforms, (3) statutory offenses, and (4) penal structure.174 Another example of how feminist criminologists have informed policies is in the area of gender-specific programming. The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) established a funding opportunity to enhance programs specifically targeted to juvenile girls.175 Such programming gives females an increased sense of community. This sense of community has been associated with juveniles developing and integrating a healthy identity.176 Table 12.3 outlines factors associated with gender-specific programs for girls. - There have been efforts to incorporate these key factors of gender-specific services into the processing of female juvenile offenders. For instance, Bond-Maupin and her colleagues' study revealed that intake officials recognized an appreciation of how gender, class, and race influence the lives of female juveniles.177 Other studies have also recommended that agencies providing services to female juveniles incorporate gender-specific or gender-responsive programs.178 Such programming has also been recommended for adult female offenders with substance abuse problems,179 as well as for adult female prisoners.180 When examining the effects of gender-responsive programming, one study revealed that girls who followed more gendered pathways to secure detention responded more positively to this type of approach than to a more traditional, reinforcement-type programming.

postmodern feminism section

- Postmodern feminism is a more contemporary intellectual movement that has been modified and adapted by feminist theory. This perspective rejects traditional assumptions about truth and reality; the emphasis is more on the plurality, diversity, and multiplicity of women as distinct from men.46 Tong argues that the relationship between postmodernists and feminists is "uneasy."47 For instance, similar to all postmodernists, postmodern feminists reject ideas centered on an absolute world that is "male" in style (e.g., phallogocentric). They also reject any attempts to provide a single explanation or steps women must take to achieve liberation (i.e., a feminist "to-do list"). Those who identify themselves as postmodern feminists "invite each woman who reflects on their writings to become the kind of feminist she wants to be. There is, in their estimation, no single formula for being a 'good feminist.'"48 However, this emphasis on diversity, and "no single formula for being a 'good feminist,'" poses dilemmas for feminists: The emphasis on diversity in postmodernism . . . ignores the need for political entities . . . that can pursue collective political action on women's issues. If one calls for unity among women, one assumes that women are an entity that has "essentially" the same interests. . . . Thus, the marriage between postmodernism and feminism poses a threat to the political agenda of feminists - One suggested solution is to adopt a stance of "positionality" or "both/and." An individual does not need to choose between the postmodern focus on multiplicity and feminist politics. Rather, when a person is engaged in politics, he or she can act as though women (or African Americans, or poor people) are a group united around a similar cause or purpose. In other situations, however, that person realizes and appreciates women's (or other groups') diversity.

radical feminism section

- Radical feminism evolved from the women's liberation movement of the 1960s. This perspective emphasizes the importance of personal feelings, experiences, and relationships. Gender is a system of male dominance, and women's biology is the main cause of patriarchy - The cause of gender inequality, according to this perspective, is men's need or desire to control women's sexuality and reproductive potential. Further, the process of gender formation is founded on the power relations between men and women, in which boys and men view themselves as superior to and having a right to control girls and women. These relations are further intensified through heterosexual sexuality, as defined by men.33 Radical feminists maintain, in principle, that sexism is the first, most widespread form of human oppression. They do not, however, agree on the nature or function of this sexism or on what strategies are needed for social change. Rosemarie Tong identified two types of radical feminism: libertarian and cultural.34 Radical-libertarian feminists assert that an exclusively feminine gender identity will most often limit a woman's development as a full human person. They encourage women to become androgynous individuals who embody both (good) masculine and (good) feminine characteristics. Radical-cultural feminists argue that women should be strictly female/feminine. They should not try to be like men. Women should emphasize such values and virtues as interdependence, community, connection, sharing, emotion, body, trust, absence of hierarchy, nature, immanence, process, joy, peace, and life. Alternatively, women should not emphasize such values as independence, autonomy, intellect, will, wariness, hierarchy, domination, culture, transcendence, product, asceticism, war, and death. Tong noted that this distinction, while not perfect, helps explain not only why some radical feminists embrace the concept of androgyny and others eschew it, but also why some radical feminists view both sex and reproduction as oppressive, even dangerous for women and why others view these aspects as liberating, even empowering for women. . . . [R]adical feminists are not afraid to take exception to each other's views [italics added].35 Suggested strategies for social change among some radical feminists include overthrowing patriarchal relations, developing methods of biological reproduction to permit women's sexual autonomy, and establishing women-centered social institutions and women-only organizations. Other radical feminists celebrate gender differences, particularly women's special capacities or talents; however, these feminists do not pose gender differences in the framework of power relations.36 One of the criticisms of radical-libertarian and radical-cultural feminism is that they need to reconcile the split between themselves in an effort to avoid polarization, particularly in the area of sexuality. Even though radical-libertarian feminists are hesitant about consensual heterosexuality, they maintain that these relationships can be pleasurable for women. Radical-cultural feminists warn against the dangers of heterosexuality and have implied that there is no such thing as consensual heterosexuality. Thus, according to this view, "only lesbians are capable of consensual sex in a patriarchal society."37 Citing Ann Ferguson, a socialist feminist, Tong noted that there is no one universal "function" for human sexuality.

marxist and socialist feminism

- Some scholars maintain that it is difficult to distinguish between Marxist feminism and socialist feminism, particularly because these two perspectives' differences are more an issue of emphasis than of substance.39 Marxist feminism places gender in the context of production methods. The burdens of physical and social reproduction in the home are operated and reinforced in a male-dominated economic and political order.40 The causes of gender inequality are due to hierarchical relations of control with the increase of private property and ownership among men. Class relations are primary, and gender relations are secondary.41 An insightful example of such gender and class relations involves housework. Traditionally, housework has been delegated to women; however, housework does not produce surplus value or profit. Thus, some do not consider this labor. Van Hooff conducted semi-structured interviews to examine dual-career heterosexual couples' explanations and justifications for the division of housework that followed more traditional gender roles. Table 12.1 provides some of these explanations and justifications for both men and women. Marxist feminism focuses essentially on work-related inequalities, as well as enhancing our understanding of the trivialization of women's work in the home (e.g., raising children, doing housework) and the tedious, poorly paid jobs predominately occupied by women.42 The General Social Survey reveals that when men and women are asked who does most of the cleaning in the household, the response is overwhelmingly one-sided - Socialist feminism attempts to synthesize radical and Marxist feminism. This perspective attempts to integrate concepts such as male domination and political-economic relations. Social feminists focus on gender, class, and racial relations of domination. They differ from Marxist feminists in that both class and gender relations are deemed primary.43 Within the socialist feminism perspective, there are two general themes: (1) two-system explanations of women's oppression and (2) interactive-system explanations of women's oppression. Under the two-system explanations, these emphases are less committed to the Marxist-founded framework; they maintain that patriarchy, not capitalism, may be women's ultimate worst enemy.44 The interactive-system explanations attempt to illustrate that both capitalism and patriarchy are equal and interdependent contributors to women's oppression. These feminists use terms such as capitalist patriarchy or patriarchal capitalism.

the liberation thesis section

- The liberation thesis, also referred to as the emancipation hypothesis, attempted to link the women's liberation movement with rising female crime rates during the 1960s and 1970s. Two predominant explanations were (1) the increased opportunities for women to participate in the labor force and, thus, increased opportunities to commit certain types of crime and (2) the changing self-concept and identity of women and girls due to the consciousness-raising aspects of the movement.98 Two often-cited scholars of this perspective are Freda Adler and Rita Simon. It is essential to stress that these perspectives were offered during the second wave of feminism. Thus, they were influenced by what was occurring in the broader social context of that time (e.g., the civil rights movement). - In her 1975 book Sisters in Crime, Freda Adler argued that as women continue to strive for equality with men, they will also have more opportunities to commit crimes that were previously unavailable to them due to occupational discrimination: Women are closing many of the gaps, social and criminal, that have separated them from men. The closer they get, the more alike they look and act. . . . The simplest and most accurate way to grasp the essence of women's changing patterns is to discard dated notions of femininity. That is a role that fewer and fewer women are willing to play. In the final analysis, women criminals are human beings who have basic needs and abilities and opportunities. Over the years these needs have not changed, nor will they. But women's abilities and opportunities have multiplied, resulting in a kaleidoscope of changing patterns whose final configuration will be fateful for all of us.106 As the position of women becomes similar to that of men, this will result in women obtaining not only legitimate opportunities in the labor force but illegitimate opportunities as well.107 In her book Women and Crime, also published in 1975, Rita Simon proposed a similar argument.108 She differed from Adler, however, with respect to the types of crime that would be influenced by the women's movement. Adler predicted that due to women's liberation, the violent crime rate among women would increase. Simon suggested that only property crime rates among women would increase and that violent crime rates among women would, in fact, decrease because women's frustrations would lessen as they were provided more opportunities in employment and education.109 Ngaire Naffine outlined the assumptions of the women's liberation theory: The liberation movement can be linked to an increase in female crime. The increase in female crime is a function of women becoming more masculine. These increases in female crime are due to women becoming actively competitive with men.110 There are various problems with these assumptions, including the assumption about the relation between enhanced structural opportunities and the increase in women's offending rates. Statistics have revealed that women have not achieved equality in those high-paying and managerial professions.111 There have been additional criticisms of the liberation thesis, including the manipulation of statistics in attempts to support the assumption that gender equality "produces" increases in crime rates among women.

william I. Thomas: the biology of female offending

- William I. Thomas (1863-1947) argued that there are basic biological differences between males and females. For instance, maleness is "katabolic," which denotes the animal force that uses the destructive release of energy, resulting in the potential for creative work. Femaleness is "anabolic," which denotes motionless, lethargic, and conservative energy.71 Thus, females were seen as passive and motionless, while males were seen as active and dynamic.72 In his subsequent work, Thomas focused on female delinquency. This work was noted for a transition from physiological explanations to more sophisticated theoretical explanations that incorporate physiological as well as psychological and social-structural explanations.73 Thomas maintained that humans essentially have four desires: (1) the desire for new experience, (2) the desire for security, (3) the desire for response, and (4) the desire for recognition.74 The desire for new experience and the desire for response were the two wishes that influenced criminal behavior. Therefore, Thomas argued that a woman who went into prostitution did so to satisfy a desire for excitement and response; for a woman, prostitution was the option most likely to satisfy those needs.75 Environmental factors were also incorporated in Thomas's work. For instance, he maintained that "when crime and prostitution appear as professions they are the last and most radical expressions of loss of family and community organization."

power control theory

- according to power control theory there are two types of households that we have in society. We have unbalanced households and balanced households. - hagan argues that the more typical household in our society are unbalanced households. Power control theory believes that in unbalanced households, there will be a greater evidence of gender differences in offending behavior. Unbalanced households are families in which the fathers occupational authority is greater than the mothers. This translates to the father having more power in the workplace, which results in more power in familial authority compared to the mother. As a reminder the father works and the mother stays at home in a paternalistic society. Patriarchy in the workplace is therefore reproduced in the household. Mothers are viewed as the primary socialization agent. Mothers are though to reproduce daughters similar to themselves and reproduce sons that are similar to the father. As a result sons are socialized differently than daughters, especially in terms of risk taking. Sons are allowed more freedom than daughters. Boys are less controlled by both mother and father. Sons are also free to deviate from social norms. By being less controlled than girls, power control theory believes that in unbalanced households, this is why there are higher levels of delinquency among males than females. - like mother like daughter, like father like son. - stated differently, gender differences in delinquency is due to the unbalanced amount of supervision of boys and girls. On the one hand, girls are supervised by both their mother and father. They are controlled through male domination of their father and controlled through their mom as a female role model. On the other hand boys are less supervised than girls. They're almost expected to commit delinquent acts as they are treated to be more like risk takers. To some degree, the father could be considered the manager of the household and the female as the employer. - in a balanced household, fathers and mothers have comparable and equal levels of authority at both their job and at home. EX: both a mother and a father could have upper management positions at their jobs. The mother has more power in the workplace compared to a stay at home mom because this specific female is working both outside of the home and inside of the home. Therefore both the mother and father have equal standings in society. Since they both have power in the workplace, both mother and father have equal power in the family at home. In regards to parental socialization and supervision, daughters and sons are socialized and supervised on a more equal basis. Therefore in a balanced household, there's a small gender gap in delinquency. In terms of delinquent behavior, sons and daughters are more alike than different because they are treated, supervised, and socialized equally. However, there have been some empirical examinations of control balance theory and overall some support has been found, but until the 2000s, there has been difficulty for researchers to find enough balanced families to include in tests of control balance theory, or to find families where both the mom and dad have equal types of employment. Some critics argue that we still live in a patriarchal society where most males work outside the home and females can stay home with their children if they are financially able to do so.

Gender & Crime - Period 2

- as a reminder, the first time period during the emergence of feminist theories was between the 1960s and 1980s. From the mid 1980s through present day, there's a more critical look at gender and crime. - the second time period focuses on the placement of males and females in society and how this placement can be used to explain the gender gap in criminal behavior. - as argued by feminist theories, the second time period provides a more thorough and detailed explanation of gender differences in crime. - now the first time period focused more on socialization rather than biology to explain gender differences in criminal behavior. The first time period argued that men and women are socialized differently and that is why males commit more crime than women. The second time period focuses more on how males and females are placed in society to explain why males are overrepresented as offenders.

Gender theories & PCT

- as with all perspectives discussed in this course, there are weaknesses of the theories discussed in this lecture in particular, as well as power control theory. - first critics have argued that feminist perspectives tend to blame womens equality for their increased involvement in crime. They believe it is not necessary to blame womens equality for an increased involvement of females in criminal activity. - according to critics, just because females are considered more equal to males does not necessarily mean that they will become more deviant. Second, power control theory treats single headed households as inherently balanced families. The theory assumes that since there is one parent in the house that all children will be automatically treated equal, since there is only one parent, not two. - another weakness of power control theory is that critics wonder if power in the workplace really influences how sons and daughters are socialized and supervised. - lastly, power control theory ignores the variations in single mother households, two mother households, or two father households. EX: not all single parent moms are the same. A mom could actually be engaging in a very patriarchal household with her children on her own even though shes a single mom. Also what about households that include two mothers or two fathers? Research has yet to test power control theory with various types of family structures.

traditional theories

- concerning traditional theories, most perspectives are generally unable to account for the gender gap in offending. In other words, traditional criminological theories cannot explain why males are arrested for more than 80% of all crimes and females comprise only 20% of all arrests. - in addition most traditional theories emerge based on a focus of male delinquency and crime. After the theories developed researchers tried to apply the perspectives to female offending. However if you think about it, most of the earlier research that tested traditional theories only included male samples and participants. Think back to the Glueck data that examined 500 delinquent white boys and 500 non delinquent white boys for over 30 years. From this, conceptually it makes sense that traditional criminological theories focused only on male delinquency and crime. Like our larger society, which to some degree is still considered a patriarchal culture, traditional criminology has primarily been male centered. Some critics have argued that females have been largely ignored by criminologists. In turn this heightens female sense of powerlessness and dependence upon males. - traditional theories understanding of what is typical about criminal behavior has been derived from various studies of male offending, and specifically a small group of males who commit the majority of crimes. - when most traditional theories are applied to explain female crime, there is a strong focus on why females commit less crime than males. EX: depending on the specific criminological theory, females engage in less criminal behavior than males because they are more controlled, they are less strained, or they have less of an opportunity to engage with delinquent peers. More specific concerning social bonding theory, the perspective would argue that the reason why women engage in less crime and delinquency than males is because they are more bonded and controlled by society. They have greater levels of attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief than males. This is how social bonding theory would explain why males commit less illegal behavior than males. - concerning general strain theory, supporters would argue that women in general are less strained than males. This is why they offend less. In regards to social learning theory, supporters would argue that the reason why women are not as criminally active compared to males is because they are less likely to come in contact with delinquent peers and do not have an excess of definitions that are favorable to law violation. From this they are less likely to imitate the behavior of delinquent peers or receive reinforcement from them. However, traditional crime theories never really explained why there are differences in social bonding across gender, why there is a difference between strain and stressful situations between males and females, or why there is the unequal influence of delinquent peers between men and women. To answer this question of why, feminists criminologists attempted to provide this answer since the 1960s. Feminist criminology is divided into two time periods. As a reminder the first time period is from the 1960s to the 1980s, and the second time period is from the 1980s to present day.

Period 2: Hagan

- the final researcher during the second time period is the work by Hagan. - Hagans research has resulted in one of the more well known gender specific theories, which is called power control theory. - Power control theory attempts to link occupational authority, parental socialization, and parental supervision as explanations for gender differences in non serious delinquency. - according to hagan family structure shapes the social reproduction of gender roles. In turn gender roles shape the distribution of delinquency between boys and girls. Power relationships that exists in wider society are brought home to domestic settings and are reflected in everyday relationships with men, women, and children within families. In other words power control theory argues that, "power in the workplace translates to power in the family." To explain power control theory hagan believed that there are two different types of households in society. The structure of each household according to hagan can explain these gender differences in nonserious delinquency.

Period 1: Simon

- the first important researcher during the first time period was rita simon. Simons research focused on gender differences and criminal behavior that she believed were due to issues with socialization rather than gender differences in criminal behavior that were due to biology. So up until the 1970s the likelihood of female crime was limited. Research believe that the reason why women engaged in crime less than men were due to restricted opportunities. Simon believed that the rise of the women's liberation movement in the 1960s and 1970s provided women more opportunities to act like men. In turn the increase of opportunities to act like males resulted in a freeing opportunity for free women to engage in crime. EX: simon argued that the increase in equality in the labor market resulted in increased opportunities for women to commit occupational related crimes such as embezzlement. Since women were working more outside the home in the 1970s, this opportunity provided women to engage in occupational related criminal behavior. However, critics believe that simons argument has some problems. First, as a reminder, female crime compromises primarily of nonviolent and nonoccupationally related crime such as shoplifting, larceny, and petty fraud. Second, while crime rates did increase slightly for women during this time period, females were still not committing crime anywhere to the degree of their male counterparts. Therefore criminal behavior did rise a bit for females but it was very minimal. The overall numbers were small during this time period and still are relatively small today. In addition during this time period of the womens movement, women were still not getting access to many traditional male jobs. This issue provides another weakness to simons argument in that the womens movement provided females the opportunity to act like males.

Period 2: Messerschmidt

- the first researcher during the second time period is messerschmidt. His concept of DoingGender emerged in the 1990s. - he argued that a patriarchal society masculinity is defined through paid employment, heterosexism and the subordination of women. He believes that masculinity is driven by uncontrollable sexuality and sexual urges. Messerschmidt believed that because we live in a patriarchal society, masculinity is defined through men being the breadwinners of families from working outside of the home, and how they may see females in a condescending way. A patriarchal society is male dominated. Now on the one hand, the male works outside the home and he is considered the breadwinner. On the other hand, the female is seen as the primary caregiver in the home. A male can assert his masculinity by holding a steady job and bringing home a reliable salary to his family. According to messerschmidt, these are conventional ways of doing gender. However, messerschmidt believes that in a patriarchal society actually defines how men respond to authority, control, accomplishments, competition, independence, aggression, and even violence. EX: male violence can be used to support and maintain the status quo in a patriarchal society. To keep a male identity, the use of aggressive and violent acts can allow men to maintain their status quo. Messerschmidt believes that when a males opportunities are blocked, violent behaviors may be considered an acceptable way to convey this toughness. EX: if thomas does not have a steady job or a stable family life, violent behavior may emerge as an acceptable way for thomas to show that he is tough, since he is unable to show his masculinity in society through having a job and a successful family life. In turn, thomas's violent behavior is linked to the masculine traits that are part of a patriarchal society. Therefore the concept of DoingGender defines how males respond to authority, control, aggression, competition, and violence.

Gender & Crime - Period 1

- the first time period concerning the relationship between gender and crime occurred from the 1960s to the 1980s. This time period criticized traditional criminological theories for being both gender blind and for misrepresenting women. - regarding the misrepresentation of women, before the beginning of this time period, traditional theories and explanations of criminal behavior were very sexist in nature. If females engaged in deviance, delinquency, or crime, they were seen as cunning, evil and deceitful. - the first time period from the 1960s to the 1980s brought about a new focus. The new focus investigated women's experiences with victimization and their experiences with offending. By understanding female experiences as both victims and offenders, this was able to help researchers understand the situations that led to their involvement in the juvenile justice and criminal justice systems. - in other words, the shift during the first period led to more womens voices being heard. In order to explain womens criminal behavior, theres a need to have more of an intense focus on women within the juvenile justice system and criminal justice system. Females experiences as victims and offenders often addressed issues surrounding gender discrimination. EX: researchers found that depending on certain circumstances, females can be treated more harsh throughout criminal justice proceedings than males, but they can also receive more lenient treatment compared to males by court actors. Both findings of lenient and harsh treatment for females suggests that there may be issues of gender discrimination.

Gender and Crime: Not many "gender specific" theories

- the relationship between gender and crime was first introduced earlier in the course during the correlates of crime lecture. - as a review, both men and women each represent approximately 50% of the general US population. However, males are overwhelmingly arrested for the eight part one index offenses. For the most part males account for over 80% of all arrests, even though they represent 50% of the general population. Even when self report studies conclude that there is a small gender gap in offending, the UCR and other official sources of crime data show that there is a larger gender gap. For the most part official data argues that crime is mostly committed by males. Surprisingly there are not many gender specific theories in the field of criminology. What many researchers have done is taken the traditional theories that have already been introduced in this course, and apply them to why men commit more crime than women. feminist theories however say that there needs to be specific types of perspectives that pertain to the relationship between gender and crime. According to feminist perspectives, applying traditional criminological theories to the relationship between gender and crime does not portray a complete picture of why males and females engage in deviant, delinquent and criminal behavior.

Period 1: Hoffman - Bustamante

- the second researcher during the first time period was dale hoffmann-bustamante. his research in the 1970s focused on the concept of gender role socialization. - gender role socialization evolves patterns of crime that are related to different role expectations of men and women. EX: hoffmannn-bustamante believed that on the one hand males are socialized to be aggressive, daring, tend to act out, and to seek constant employment outside of the home. However, there is a fine line between being aggressive and engaging in criminal behavior. According to gender role socialization, if males are socialized to be aggressive and daring, this leads them to have a higher likelihood of engaging in crime. Females on the other hand are socialized differently according to gender role socialization. - Hoffmann-bustamante argued that females are socialized to be passive, introspective, relational, and have a strong focus on marriage and the family. This type of socialization makes females less likely to engage in criminal behavior. In other words, females are less likely to be criminal due to this type of gender role socialization or role expectations of females. Therefore, Hoffmann-bustamante believes that the reason why males commit more crime is because of the socialization factors of being aggressive, daring, and acting out.

Period 2: Chesney-Lind

- the second researcher during this time period is meda chesney-lind. Chesney lind argues that occurrence or lack of occurrence of female delinquency and crime can be explained by a foucs on the real lives of girls and women. By examining the specific problems of females based on gender, race, and class issues, the real experiences of females can explain gender differences in crime. - one criminological perspective that focuses on gender, race, and class issues is intersectionality theory. Intersectionality theory tries to explain crime and delinquency through the intersection of gender, race, and class. These three concepts are all intertwined. - Chesney lind argues that if you can explain female crime through focusing how gender, class, and race all intersect with each other. In other words, intersectionality theory focuses on the inequalities across gender, class and race that are linked to crime. It is not necessarily socialization, as argued by the first time period, but according to chesney lind focusing on the real life of girls and women would help explain female crime. EX: intersectionality theory would argue that the juvenile court outcomes of youth depends on gender, race, and class. Intersectionality theory focuses simultaneously on youth who are male, female, minorities, and different social classes, instead of assuming that youth across all situations have the same experiences in the juvenile justice system. In other words, youth's experience in the juvenile court may vary by gender and race and ethnicity. Poor black girls experiences in the juvenile justice system may be completely different than more affluent white girls, whose experiences may also be unalike compared to affluent black boys experiences. Therefore the intersectionality perspective have recognized the potential for multiple inequalities in regards the court outcomes of youths.

END OF LECTURE

:)

START OF LECTURE

:)

feminist perspectives on gender

As noted previously, it is essential to understand that there is no one feminist perspective. Rather, there are various feminist perspectives. This section gives readers a summary of these different perspectives of gender. These summaries "are crude and oversimplified, but they offer a starting point for different ways of conceptualizing gender in social and political theory."

gender specific programming

programs for juvenile girls that cultivate an increased sense of community, which has been associated with developing and integrating a healthy identity.

socialist feminism

refers to feminist theories that moved away from economic structure (e.g., Marxism) and focused on control of reproductive systems, stating that women should take control of their own bodies and reproductive functions via contraceptives.

qualitative

nonnumerical research methods; often compared with quantitative research methods.

quantitative

numerical research methods; often compared with qualitative research methods

liberal feminism

one of the areas of feminist theories of crime that emphasize the assumption that differences between males and females in offending are due to the lack of opportunities for women in education, employment, etc., compared with men.

chivalry

pertains to behaviors and attitudes toward certain individuals that treat them as though they are on a pedestal.

marxist feminism

a perspective of crime that emphasizes men's ownership and control of the means of economic production; similar to critical or radical feminism but distinguished by its reliance on the concept of economic structure.

postmodern feminism

a perspective that says women as a group cannot be understood, even by other women, because every person's experience is unique; therefore, there is no need to measure or research such experiences.

patriarchy

a social, legal, and political climate based on male dominance and hierarchy. A key aspect of this ideology is that women's nature is biologically, not culturally, determined.

liberation thesis

also referred to as the emancipation hypothesis; attempts to link the women's liberation movement with female crime rates.

power control theory textbook definition

an integrated theory of crime that assumes that, in households where the mother and father have relatively similar levels of power at work, mothers will be less likely to exert control over daughters, and in households where mothers and fathers have dissimilar levels of power in the workplace, mothers will be more likely to suppress criminal activity in daughters than in sons.

multiracial feminism

an intersectional framework that includes such defining social characteristics as race, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, and age.

third wave of feminism

began around the late 1980s; was an extension of as well as a response to the shortcomings of the second wave.

traditional or conservative perspectives

causes of gender inequality are due to biological sex differences, and social behavior is based on the biological sex differences; does not offer any strategies for social change, since men's and women's behaviors reflect evolutionary adaptations of sex differences.

second wave of feminism

developed in the 1960s, when other marginalized groups were also challenging the status quo (e.g., in the civil rights movement and the prisoners' rights movement). Feminists of this wave argued that to be fully liberated, women needed to have equal access to economic opportunities and sexual freedoms as well as civil liberties.

radical feminism

emphasizes the importance of personal feelings, experiences, and relationships; gender is a system of male dominance, and women's biology is the main cause of patriarchy.

gender

gender usually refers to social definitions of what it means to be a "woman" or a "man."

sex

sex differences typically refer to biological variations, such as reproductive organs and hormones.

first wave of feminism

started in the mid-19th century, when women demanded the right to vote.

paternalism

the idea that women need to be protected for their own good. In a broader social context, paternalism implies independence for men and dependence for women.

womens agency

the more traditional approach to criminological research overlooks social locations of women's marginalization and places too much emphasis on female offenders as "active subjects" who pursue criminal opportunities. On the other hand, in some feminist approaches, women are denied agency and situated as mere instruments for the reproduction of determining social structures.

pathways research

typically collects data, usually through interviews, at a particular point in time to provide retrospective inquiry as to an individual's life and life experiences.

add women and stir

when one uses an existing theoretical perspective based on males and "adds" women.