Annotated Bibliography Reading Notes

Ardis, A. (2008). Staging the Public Sphere: Magazine Dialogism and the Prosthetics of Authorship at the Turn of the Twentieth Century. In: Ardis, A., Collier, P. (eds) Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230228450_3

Ann Ardis puts forward ideas about what she calls "magazine dialogism" and the "prosthetics" of authorship. Ardis notes one concern for cultural commentators of the 1920s: what happens to the well-being of the nation with the proliferation of profit-driven newspapers, and would society wind up intellectually bankrupt; and is it desirable for democracy for the public sphere to be dominated by advertising, mass circulation dailies, and pulp serials. Ardis argues that the New Age (Orage) Crisis (W.E.B. DuBois) and New Freewoman (Mardsen) share three qualities: they retain the "educational ideal" of the periodical press, a belief that the arts play a role in projects of social "uplift," and they strive to reach socially and educationally diverse readerships. Ardis wants to know: how do magazines contribute to the public sphere in the early twentieth-century with the "revolution" of printed text, and how do we conceptualize authorship in these complexly performative authorial environments. She wonders too whether periodicals can be viewed as a "coherent mixed genre" or would be better seen as resisting synthesis; also, whether genres should be replaced by evolutionary "trees" and print media "ecosystems," as posited by Franco Moretti, or as "networks" by Hampton. Her class reads Hueffer's English Review and concludes that the magazine conformed rather than dismantled generic expectations of the time. Ardis argues Orage's New Age magazine evolved from a focus on "modern" graphics to explicit distinctions between art and commerce, despite retaining the same editorship. Now the central thrust: Ardis argues that magazines can map geographic space as they stage interventions in the public sphere; Ardis says the "Internal Dialogics" of a magazine are the relationships among and between specific components of a given issue of the magazine, and the meaning which is created through such juxtapositions. The "external dialogics" of a magazine are its discursive exchanges with other print media and its mappings of geographical and temporal space the magazine claims when it reports, disrupts, and advertises. The New Age, New Freewoman, and Crisis stages the public sphere as both regional and transatlantic. Ardis also argues that anonymous, pseudonymous, and signed publications are preemptive to early twentieth-century magazines. In what Ardis coins as a "prosthetic person," which refers to a writer's distinctive literary personas, Ardis notes writers who staged many personas against each other: Anderson, Allen, DuBois, Bennett. She ends by wondering why many writers adopted multiple "prosthetic" identities. Ardis' two fundamental concepts, magazine internal/external dialogism and authorial prosthetics, are useful.

Churchill, Suzanne W., et al. "Modernist Periodicals and Pedagogy: An Experiment in Collaboration." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 217-235.

Churchill's article reflects upon the best practices for how modernist studies scholars should teach modernist periodical studies in the classroom, often by leveraging digitized spaces for collaborative projects. In articulating a theory of periodical pedagogy, Churchill outlines four essential elements. The first: magazines generate interest. In contrast with anthologies and critical editions, which are often daunting or dull, magazines offer novelty through multimedia formats which provide visual stimuli for students. Magazines also immerse the texts in a welter of ideas, forms, trends, and merchandise, contextualizing the primary text within its social and historical event. The second: magazines illustrate the diversity of modernist practice. While anthologies and paperback trade editions with footnotes are "epistemologically over-determined," encountering modernism through magazines radically widens the textual field of the period. Students become their own anthologists and agenda setters, unsettling the canon, seizing the chance to unearth artifacts that extend the limits of modernism. The third: magazines maximize the skills of the Net Generation. The Net Generation refers to young adults who grow up with digital technologies, and magazine research allows students to use the skills they invariably use everyday during their lives. In turn, the interruptive, erratic, unpredictable practices of reading found in periodical studies, from newspapers and magazines, shows how they bombarded readers with multiple stimuli long before digitization. The fourth: magazines provide new opportunities for research and collaboration. Often this is done through tremendous electronic resources such as MJP, where classes are tasked with group work to develop strong theses and come up with projects, sort of based on the laboratory model.articulated by Scholes and Latham. Churchill then reflects upon her experience teaching a course (ENG 487: modernism in black & white-). She notes that access is a barrier, at times, with bound collections and microfilm being antithetical to accessibility. New digital resources, too, require classrooms equipped to accommodate them, and searchable databases mediate the layer between the magazine and the researcher. And course design focused on a stable and recognizable context through a single periodical might exaggerate the importance of one magazine, which students often struggle with theory and secondary criticism. Churchill's class examined modernist periodicals and the Harlem Renaissance; two groups were formed, one on youth culture in Crisis and Fire!! and one on the influence of Japan on American modernism in Poetry and the New Yorker. Both groups turned out a strong thesis and project, sending a leader of each group to a conference that Churchill attended.

Wulfman, Clifford. "The Rise and Fall of Periodical Studies?." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies 8.2 (2017): 226-241.

Clifford Wulfman talks about the current state of research collections for digitized magazines in libraries. He talks about some of his ideas through the lens of the Blue Mountain Project at Princeton which he pioneered. He makes it known how the textual encoding process works: there is a lot that goes on behind the scenes to convert images to PDF documents which are OCR readable and searchable. Digital texts (copies of non digital texts) are made it two primary ways: reproduction of hand, whereby the words on the page is what matters the most (i.e., the text) and reproduction by photography, whereby the marks on a surface and the surfaces themselves are preserved along with the text (e.g., the facsimile must replicate the appearance of the page as it was written or printed, the shapes of the letters, their placement on the page, accents, punctuation, decorations, illustrations. The transcription of a text is when you transcribe pencil marks to character codes, represented as discrete points of difference in a computer's memory; the simulation of a text is a digital image or bitmap of color values corresponding to specific locations on a page or a screen (e.g., scanned image versus word processor transcription). Optical character recognition (OCR) programs are how pictures are transformed into character codes which computers can read. Most scholars of modern periodical studies want more than the text: images, words, fonts, sizes, illustrations, decorations, advertisements, placements, connections, the general activity of semiosis whereby the artifact itself (e.g., the periodical) is one big sign. The PDF was developed by Adobe and is based on a search program which examines not the picture of the page but the character-encoding of each word's position recorded as a set of coordinates; this simulation depends heavily on the quality of the transcription; there is an illusion where humans think the computer is "reading" the image, but in reality the algorithm of the computer is based on reading code. Wulfman says Blue Mountain tried to create a digital library face, archival face, research face, and community face for avant-garde periodicals. He notes that digital libraries and simulations often disappear into larger library catalogs; digital libraries and digitized libraries offer scholars new avenues of research as new connections between writers, works, and other data compiled becomes known. He notes that research is often done based on chance juxtapositions, where the scholar makes connections not already made. He ends by saying that research libraries (or libraries in general) are often short of funds with overburdened responsibilities; external funding agents can help support research efforts but digitized libraries (and the digital library) will rely most on researchers to run; it is not the library's mission to establish the dream of a hypertext digital library; and complex digital objects produced by the Blue Mountain Project are editions (of new objects) and not simply digital facsimiles. This source is useful because it gives a perspective from somebody working on the librarian's side of the aisle.

Diepeveen, Leonard. "The newspaper response to Tender buttons, and what it might mean." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 199-214.

Diepeveen looks at Stein's clipping archive held at Yale, responses written by readers and newspaper writers that review Tender Buttons. On the whole, many readers find Tender Buttons nonsensical or intelligible, and Stein to be mad. Diepeveen admits that the clippings seem lifeless, the response short, the thinking without nuance, the criticism without good argumentation. Diepeveen claims these clippings transform Tender Buttons from a text into an event, as reporters mobilize ideas of mimesis, pragmatism, imitability, theory, and the self-evident nature of art. These clippings are short notices, extended reviews, parodies, brisk commentaries, jokes, cartoons, letters to the editor (some not real), and feature columns. He notices that few clippings pay any real attention to the text at hand, that the clippings come from a range of newspapers, big, national ones, and smaller ones. To reiterate the event part, Diepeveen says Tender Button created a conversation about the social and biographical conditions which led to Stein's creation of such a text. The public sphere, then, engaged with modernism, though on its own terms. The arguments presented were rarely developed, instead opting for predictable tropes, and not very good arguments, which are abbreviated. Arguments are cited rather than used, and the writing is weak, cliche, banal, and repetitive. The clippings are anonymous, not indexing class, race or educational background. Though they showcase prevalent modes of thought displayed in mass culture. Often these succinct, dismissive responses to Stein were premised on given aesthetic principles about art, that art should be easily articulated unlike Stein's Tender Buttons. They leverage humor to uniformly critique Stein's work. They ritualistically quote large passages which are generic or truncated. The clippings suppose the work to speak for itself as bad. Readers found a mass of random stuff in Tender Buttons, one that made it unfit for pragmatic life, of representation and mimesis. Parodies often tried to emulate Tender Buttons, but found it a hard task because of its supposed emptiness of form or objective; such parodies turned daily activities into Steinese lists. Tender Buttons was found not useful for real-world communication or persuasive argumentation. Diepeveen notes the clippings recast Stein's "seriousness" as pretension, that Tender Buttons became a symptom of something larger, becoming generalized under other aesthetic movements of the avant-garde without close care to read the actual work. The responses of the clippings became performative gestures, attacking Tender Buttons' sincerity, asserting it a straightforward application of madness, attacking its compositional process for making art that anybody can reproduce, that the work has neither nuance nor movement. The import is that this kind of response from readers is what later modernists leveraged in their experimentation, questioning what "serious" meant when it came to producing art, turning it from trust, sincerity, and emotional expression to technique, theory, and professional development. This is an excellent article, making use of material which subverts the norm of strong-evidence claims for the relatively barren or firstly uninteresting.

Drouin, Jeffrey. "Close-and distant-reading modernism: network analysis, text mining, andteaching the little review." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies 5.1 (2014): 110-135.

Drouin reflects upon his experience teaching four courses at three universities about text mining and big data methodologies to read modernist works; he looks at the September 1918 edition of The Little Review and finds that the themes of Death pervade the serialized works. He combines both human markup and automated statistical techniques to appraise the magazine, drawing from network analysis which maps the connections among data in structured sets, looking at both thematic or bibliographic approaches which combine micro and macro methods. The main research source is the Modernist Journals Project, which he invites his students to collaborate towards. In this one periodical studies course, students find death as a unifying theme of the works; Drouin analyzes the emergence of this theme (from Latham's idea of emergence in magazines, where textons, or strings of information in the text, combine with scriptons, the unique synthesis of the textons in the mind of readers. Drouin looks at death in artifacts comprising the 1918 Little Review: Yeats' poem "In Memory of Robert Gregory; Ulysses Episode VI; Anderson and Hecht's short stories "Senility" and "Decay," and poetry by T. S. Eliot "Whispers of Immortality' and "Dans le restaurant," with Edgar Jepson's essay "The Western School." Drouin notes magazines are not streamlined narratives like novels, but rather invite readers to jump around as they please; it stands to reason editors can compile disparate texts around a unified theme (like Heap and Anderson did for this magazine) to create coherence. Drouin provides evidence of this editorial unification as the pieces are very similar: decay of social standards, critiques of war, ills of modernity, failure of journalism. Drouin's class then has a workshop using the MJP to create data (social network analysis and text mining) to see more emergence; they accrete and label data; they perform network analysis using Gephi which makes notes and visualizes connections by author, item title, genre, topic tags; they use the Fruchterman Reingold layout algorithm to compare nodes; they find distance between poems and short stories, then use Yifan Hu Proportional layout algorithms to see clusters and branches. Drouin's research culminates in more of identifying emergence: they see March 1914-winter 1922 info of The Little Review most notably using five words in frequency, "life," "new," "man," "art," and "great." This challenges TLR as a magazine which avoids morbid subject matter; he also compares the Nov. 1918 issue to an August 1915 issue which also talks about death, but from the point of America's neutrality before the first World War, which raises interesting research questions. Drouin retains the importance of human reading through data mining. This article is definitely interesting into how Digital Humanities influences modernist periodical scholarship.

Bornstein, George. "How to Read a Page: Modernism and Material Textuality." Studies in the Literary Imagination, vol. 32, no. 1, 1999, pp. 29. ProQuest, https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/how-read-page-modernism-material-textuality/docview/1303449312/se-2?accountid=14606.

George Bornstein begins with establishing one problem in literary studies: what constitutes the text, and what editions of a text should we study? Recent editorial theory shows competing approaches: given that all texts are constructed, some scholars, like Emily Dickinson ones, use multiple authorized versions of a text; some scholars realize multiple texts exist but focus on one anyway; some, like Shakespeare scholars, might consider texts across time like a quarto and folio from Shakespeare with a modern text of his play. Bornstein thinks the archive is constructed, not an ultimate edition, but can house potential alternative versions of texts; he says we have to activate our imaginations and see the historicizing potential of different editions. The linguistic code is the words on the page; the bibliographic code is the semantic features of its material instantions: cover design, page layout, spacing; other contents of the book or periodical in which the work appears; prefaces, notes, dedications; also the page layout, book design, ink and paper, typeface, and the publisher, print run, price, or audience. Walter Benjamin's concept of the "aura" is the original time and space of the work when produced, which often is lost as the work is mechanically reproduced. Jerome McGann argues for the importance of studying the bibliographic code and renounces the view that one authoritative version of any text exists. Material textuality studies benefits from Peter Schillingsburg's speech-act theory, which parses texts into physical forms, concepts, and actions; sentences are the formal structure of words; utterances are their intended meanings; the bibliographic code then includes these extra-textual clues, these "utterances." Bornstein's concern is that recent editorial practices, especially poems in anthologies, strip the poems of their proper historicized contexts. Bornstein runs through different versions of four sonnets by Keats, Emma Lazarus, Yeats, and Brooks; he compares the Norton versions to early manuscripts like Keats' handwriting, editions of the poems on material objects like Lazarus' poem inscribed on bronze, and so forth. He often considers the typeface, font, layout, colophons, other works in the periodical, color schemes, and so forth. Bornstein's readings largely unsettle our faith in the Norton, as he proves the Norton often gets footnotes incorrect and removes essential paratexts for the purpose of economizing the poems for general readers or students; and omissions abound, and dedications are dropped. He recovers the class politics of "On First Looking Into Chapman's Homer," the historical revisionism of "The New Colossus," the nationalist and gender interventions of "Leda and the Swan," and the racial undergirding of "my dreams, my works." Bornstein's thinking here of these poems' bibliographic codes recovers the personal, racial, political, and historical meanings of the poems. His article is seminal in that it really demonstrates the power of moving past the linguistic code towards the bibliographic code in doing a kind of literary studies that historicizes primary texts and destabilizes authoritative editions of texts.

Hefner, Brooks E. and Edward Timke. "Beyond Little and Big: Circulation, Data, and American Magazine History." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies, vol. 11 no. 1, 2020, p. 25-51. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/760169.

Hefner and Timke talk about the Circulating American Magazines project and data from the Audit Bureau of Circulations (ABC) which are data made public for periodical scholars. They note three categories of periodicals: "little" magazines with a small, devoted readership, and often small physical size; "big" magazines with large readership, indexers of national identity and political ideology, dominators of newsstands with large paper and many pages; "quality" magazines with an elite, moneyed readership which read intellectual journals. They say that circulation itself, though, is variable, varying from issue to issue, year to year. Data from the ABC, not often used by scholars, paints a new picture of the circulation of modernist periodicals. They use ABC data to evaluate Hemingway and Faulkner's involvement with magazine publishing, along with regional data about "big" magazines. ABC was founded in 1914 to provide objective, verifiable circulation records to help advertisers decide where to advertise; precursors involved Rowell's American Newspaper Directory (1860) and N. W. Ayer & Son's American Newspaper Annual (1880) which helped advertisers but were variably reliable. The Association of National Advertisers (ANA) from (1910) was founded alongside the ABC to give consumers protection and look out for advertisers' interests. ABC membership became a token for credibility; periodicals self-reported using single-issues and were starkly punished by the ABC for violating by-laws, even if only misreporting data by a single percent. As modernism "began in the magazines," Rainey looks at circulation figures from ABC to see how The Waste Land influenced the circulation of the Little Review, Dial, and Vanity Fair; ABC data shows that The Waste Land's publication creating a buzz that increased readership from around the November 1922 issue forward. Hefner and Timke evaluate the Saturday Evening Post (a giant of "big" modernist magazines) and its competitors; some competitors' circulation patterns help scholars understand the middlebrow magazine market of the period; ABC data shows the Post selling best in areas with high populations; Collier's (1888-) outsells Post in some Midwest states and has a larger influence on rural populations; this disrupts the received knowledge claim of Post being the landmark "big'' magazine, as rural areas consumed competitors with more frequency; lots of magazines, "quality" magazines catered to middlebrow readers, submitted data to the ABC; Hemingway and Faulkner published in these outlets, including Harper's and the Atlantic, Forum and Scribner. Though Hemingway is regarded as the "national" writer, ABC data reveals that Hemingway's Scribner's profiles more like a regional magazine of the northeast whereas Faulkner's Forum profiles as a national readership magazine. They end with a note about the project, Circulating American Magazines, which has limitations; we don't know how readers interpret magazines; nor if they "passalong" magazines to kind or never read magazines that circulate; but thinking about reader responses to magazines, producer and reader diaries and reflections, and internal publication records is a good start. This article makes me want to investigate the ABC data and see if there are interesting research questions which emerge about the ways that "big" or "little" or "quality" magazines circulate.

Homestead, Melissa J. "Willa Cather on a "New World Novelist": A Newly-Discovered 1920 Vanity Fair Essay." American Literary Realism 50.2 (2018): 164-179.

Homestead's primary source of analysis is an overlooked (and uncovered, minimally-referenced) work of criticism written by Willa Cather: an essay by Cather on Martin Andersen Nexo from 1920. In particular, this essay (work of criticism) was published in Vanity Fair in 1920 but, as Homestead notes, was not mentioned in seminal works by Bernice Slote who has aggregated what we know about Cather's critical prose. Throughout, Homestead tries to draw a parallel between Cather's knowledge of Nexo and Cather's appreciation of Nexo's four-volume work called Pelle the Conqueror. It must be stated that Cather found Nexo's work to be amongst the best novels for future generations (i.e., Cather's letter, which Homestead provides at the end of the article, is replete with laudation for Nexo who inspires and has the right amount of imperfection in his fiction, per Cather's central argument about it). Homestead insists that the early volumes of Pelle and their use of mythic and folkloric motifs is similar to Cather's regionalist tradition novel O Pioneers! In that they are both realistic and mythic. Homestead points out that some reviewers of the period like L. M. Field (for the Times) see Pelle as a work of realism (e.g., a "perfect presentation") that is real to the reader. Homestead theorizes that Edmund Wilson is the most likely commissioner of the essay which Cather writes about Nexo's novel. Homestead argues that Cather, who sees Nexo's work as participating in "world literature," wishes to promote herself too as a distinguished artist. Homestead believes that Cather's criticism (and promotion) of Nexo's novel is largely due to the novel's realist tendencies, despite the fact that Cather's essay begins with the word, New." For her review, Cather experiences criticism from Wilson himself who declares that Cather is not on the same level of James Joyce, whose Ulysses does a much better job of capturing a hero of reality. But, in Vanity Fair in 1923, a critic Walpole takes a counterposition to Wilson and Walpole thinks Ulysses is subjective and autobiographical whereas Cather creates characters distant from the author; in short, Walpole thinks Cather helps keep the tradition of the novel's realism alive. Homestead also points out that, while Cather thought Nexo's Pelle would be the best thing since sliced bread, Nexo sank into oblivion and has not been often-canonized or anthologized. Homestead ends with a statement about the Vanity Fair essay's absence from the digital archives (i.e., the Complete Letters of Willa Cather), and thus Homestead's article serves as a kind of recovery project. I think that Homestead's reading of this previously undiscovered/minimally-talked about letter is compelling; I would like to see more research on how this letter contributes to elements of realism (form and content) in Cather's fiction.

Braddock, Jeremy. "Introduction: Collections Mediation Modernism." Collecting as Modernist Practice, JHU Press, 2012, pp. 1-28.

Jeremy Braddock writes about the relationship between collecting (as a theoretical concept manifest in historical practices) and modernist culture and aesthetics. His basic argument is that a "collecting aesthetic" is a paradigmatic form of modernist art. He notes that part of the rise of collecting stems from a lack of institutional support for collections, as American museums in the 1920s were hesitant to house art which represented modernism. But yet material collections of art and literature also functioned as modes of cultural and social intervention. He calls the modernist collection a "provisional institution," a mode of public engagement which modeled more democratic relationships between audience and artwork. He notes the two most prominent forms of modernist collecting to be privately assembled, yet publicly exhibited: the art collection and the interventionist literary anthology. Modernist collections also wered often tied upon in the idiosyncratic subjectivities of the original collector. Braddock says anthologies circulate and recruit audiences broader than gallery exhibitions, but art collections index economic to cultural value in a way more difficult for the commercial form of the anthology. He says collections of art and literature are material forms that mediate between work and audience; works of modernism are mediated by the collection's apparatus and acquire further meaning and context vis-a-vis other works in the collection (organization, arrangement, display). Social relations also mediate works of art; he argues that modernist collections were a way of intervening in and reforming cultural practice, through the aesthetic arrangement, inclusions and exclusions, and ideological positions. Braddock begins with a patron and collector of modern art, John Quinn, who had a Feb. 1927 auction of his private works; the issue was how to best auction these private works. He turned to the sale of the Peau de l'Ours collection in Paris in 1914, noting it as the aesthetic and financial convergence of the avant-garde with the public sphere. Braddock contends that public access to private collections (like Quinn's) grew public concern in the 1920s; people argue whether to dissolve the collection or distribute it in one piece; the collection itself moved from a subjectively assembled collection to one that possessed an internal logic; the private collection became a provisional institution for the cultural capital which modernism could now claim; change of orientation of work to audience becomes a thought. Braddock also thinks about the modernist anthology; the anthology form is the genre of all the isms; its emphasis on social practice allowed the interventionist anthology to flourish; this anthology interpellated collective formations in the service of the volume's social reason for being. He evaluates Edward Marsh's "Georgian Poetry." This collection displaced the Poet Laureate as the single poetical institution through widespread commercial success; there was a spectra hoax (fake avant-garde movement) which only served to justify the anthology form as the preeminent material expression. Braddock ends with discussing Laura Riding and Robert Graves' 1927 "Survey of Modernist Poetry," the first anthology to associate modernism with a specific set of poetic principles; and he concludes with anthologies of black writers, and with how ethnic identity is negatively conjoined with modernity itself. Braddock's article is really theoretical but compelling at times; kind of like the Adorno one, it has its purpose.

MacLeod, Kirsten. "The Fine Art of Cheap Print: Turn-of-the-Century American Little Magazines." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 182-198.

Kirsten MacLeod notes that between 1894 and 1903 a barrage of inexpensive, artistically designed periodicals, over 250 in number, flooded the newsstands of America. These literary periodicals modeled British and French magazines and came in a variety of formats, usually small, chap-book or pamphlet size, and slim, containing between 16 and 48 pages. As both high art and a popular fad, these little magazines have been overlooked by scholarship of the periodical press of the period, largely because, as from Charles Allen, Frederick Hoffman, and Carolyn Ulrich's bibliography of the little magazine, the turn-of-the-century American little magazines were thought not worthy of recognition, neither very inspiring. The Modernist Journals Project has begun digitizing these neglected magazines. MacLeod calls them little magazines and not bibelots, as they are experimental in form, have non-commercial intent, revolt against the mainstream, and promote unknown writers and new artistic movements. While these magazines don't further the triumphalist narrative of the modernist avant-garde's battle for a mature literature, inquiry into these magazines allows us to do recuperative and revisionist work and understand the transatlantic nature of modernist literary exchange. MacLeod notes that these magazines drew heavily from the culture of Britain and France for inspiration, and they positioned themselves in opposition to the emerging mass-market magazines of the period and the genteel family house magazines, while the editors engaged with both public and counter-public spheres and projects of reforming the literary and cultural sphere. MacLeod thus argues that these magazines emerged from the "revolution" in fine printing, or an aesthetic revolt in the domain of book production, and the "magazine revolution" that marked the emergence of cheap, mass-market magazines. These turn-of-the-century little magazines emerged in a landscape where America became a modern industrial nation: British and continental European artistic movements such as Decadence, Art Nouveau, and Symbolism motivated the aesthetic vision of editors who built new cheap novelty presses aimed at youth markets. These young enthusiasts established presses, publishing houses, and magazines. They became opposed to mainstream periodicals of the day. They included few advertisements, save for some reserved for local businesses or ads designed in-house. They had small formats, wide margins, plentiful white space, fleurons and decorative ornaments, initial letters decorated, rubrication, old style and experimental typefaces, handmade laid paper, floral motif decorations, and woodcut illustrations, play with typography, layout and design. They engaged in the promotion of avant-garde literary and artistic movements, alternative canons, and published works by young and emerging writers. They mediated between the aesthetic ideals of the European and the American. Yet, as MacLeod shows, these magazines, for their elitism, participated in mass culture. They were priced low, inexpensive compared to big magazines, had greater circulation than the American little magazines to come, successfully popularized high art for a mass audience, motivated imitators and parodists to copy the successful genre, and were exploited for radical and progressive causes. The fin-de-siecle little magazines grew with the newsstands, offered small sizes, strange shapes, and odd formats to attract the attention of casual passers-by, and embraced the poster as a main advertising vehicle. Yet, MacLeod says the magazines' contradictions between the high and the popular led to their demise: they were not economically viable in a patronage system and an advertising-based market, they sold so cheaply they didn't turn revenue, the posters sold, not the magazines, the small formats and handmade papers were not practical for either large-scale production or for advertising purposes, they could not become commercialized without sacrificing their aesthetic and literary ideals. But yet MacLeod does a lot here to advocate for scholarly inquiry into these important-sounding little magazines, compellingly and convincingly.

Pykett, Lyn. "Reading the Periodical Press: Text and Context." Investigating Victorian Journalism. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 1990. 3-18.

Lyn Pykett argues that scholarship of the Victorian periodical press has been stunted by two problems: the problem of defining the object of study; the problem of devising a methodological framework apt to conduct that study. Pykett establishes the need for interdisciplinarity in periodical studies and quotes Joel Wiener's "The Press and the Working Class 1815-40" who writes about all the things you need to know to study periodicals: the readership; the motive of publication; who bought what; who distributed what; what was free; where was it distributed; where was it available; how was it read; how a periodical influenced people of the period. Pykett says that some people see periodicals as a documentary of the past which is wrong; instead, we should see periodicals in relation to a living culture. This validates the periodical as a primary research material, worthy of analysis. Scholar Michael Wolff in "Charting the Golden Stream" provides a theoretical framework based on reflective/constructive model: the periodical mirrors the culture of the period; the periodical constructs opinion and identity. Walter Houghton also thinks that periodicals reflect and record civilization; John North has a foreground/background model that thinks periodicals provide background against the foreground of important writers. Pykett argues to the contrary: periodicals cannot be regarded as simple reflections of culture or transparent records of a period; periodicals are instead "active and integral" in the formation of a culture. Pykett notes how this theoretical shift emphasizes how periodical presses form ideologies and are interactive. Pykett also calls for interdisciplinarity, as literature and context are no longer separable entities; analyzing culture, then, requires frameworks from other sciences (sociology, economics, Marxism, media studies, etc.). Pykett argues that media theory used to focus on how the media sustains or reflects reality, but now scholars think media produces or manufactures that reality. Pykett is interested in reading the ideological, semiotic, cultural, social, political, and psychological functions and determinants of the Victorian periodical press; she wants us to emphasize the historical specificites of periodical production. This poses questions about what is a text in periodical studies? Is it the individual essay? The volume? The period of a particular editorship? Pykett uses two case studies which illustrate this interdisciplinary methodology: the first, in the essay by James Mill, Mill considers the periodical press as a specific culture formation and reveals how periodicals function as hegemony; periodical literature, Mill says, appeases hegemonic opinions at the cost of subverted opinions; Mill's arguments, Pykett says, can be compared to Althusser's ideals of the ISA. As Mill locates the discourse of a periodical within a system of discursive practices, Pykett also looks at how Brian Maidment, contemporary critic, unpacks the form and content of periodicals to ask questions about the actual reader, implied reader, and how readers become positioned by periodicals. Pykett's article seems obvious enough, as literary critics today always situate literature next to cultural practices, but it also legitimates the periodical as an object of analysis, situated within complex social and historical networks.

Prescott, Lynda. "Small Presses and Little Magazines: A Print Culture Perspective on Modernism." The Yearbook of English Studies 50 (2020): 13-28.

Lynda Prescott uses Robert Darnton's paradigm of the "communications circuit" to assess little magazines and small presses during the modernist period. Prescott notes that Pound published on average one publication a week in magazines between 1912 and 1920. Prescott insists that Pound's view against advertising shapes the development of magazines during the modernist period; according to Pound, magazines should be driven by a "program," which is the case in many avant-garde manifestos which take to modernist magazines for support. Prescott notes how Wyndham Lewis's Blast is the most significant and challenging of the modernist magazines; this magazine is driven by the "program" of Vorticism which shocks audiences using iconoclastic ideas in strident typography. Prescott argues that Blast's physical format (large pages; full-page illustrations; use of text, image, and space) reinforces its avant-gardism. Advertisements, as such, are important to the whole of modernist periodicals, as is inter-journal advertising (as magazines network to support adjacent enterprises and compete for commercial space). In thinking about the print ecology of the period, Prescott talks about censorship and uses Joyce's Ulysses as a case study; some little magazines (like The Little Review) defended experimentation and artistic freedom and published material which inevitably gets censored. Yet other magazines (like Ford's Transatlantic Review) was afraid to publish Joyce's scandalous work, though it remained in the 1920s the most vibrant and best-edited magazine. Prescott reveals here that censorship elevates the novel as a literary form (or does John Xiros Cooper) and Prescott notes that modernist studies conventionally privilege the first publications of a text (though it may be argued later editions are worth evaluation, from a print culture studies perspective, because they are still modernist). Prescott also draws attention to private presses (e.g., Arts and Crafts movement) which believed books were works of art (carefully designed; high quality materials; with hand-operated presses). Examples of these presses are "Black Sun Press" and "Hours Press" and"Hogarth Press." These presses (esp. Woolf's) emphasize the importance of readers, as described by Darton in the circuit of print forms; also of note is how different archives and the availability of material (some preserved, some not) enables print culture studies to evaluate modernism. Not to forget here also is B. W. Huebsch's imprint (which emphasizes modestly-priced titles; which emphasizes experimental writers focused on social problems). Prescott's article in thinking about media ecology is broad, but clearly defines a need to broaden the range of documents studied as revisionist approaches expand the traditional modernist canon.

Stetz, M.D. (2008). Christopher Morley's Kitty Foyle: (Em)Bedded in Print. In: Ardis, A., Collier, P. (eds) Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230228450_9

Margaret Stetz begins with the idea from nineteenth century writer Sarah Grand that the fin-de-siecle woman is like a muse of which the world cannot do without. It is this sample impulse which encourages American novelist Christopher Morley to create in a fictional female character a muse not associated with the Classical past but with the emblem of modernity. This heroine is the first-person narrative of Morley's 1939 Kitty Foyle, which Stetz argues also embodies the particulars of contemporary print culture. Kitty Foyle became a bestseller before the Second World War because it is sensational, exposing the doings of an urban white color girl. Stetz argues another reading: we might read the narrator through the evolution of the publishing industry of the 1920s and 30's. In this light, Kitty Foyle serves as a fictionalized record of the creation and circulation of print. With Grand and other writers view modernity with binaries of gender like "Old Men" and "New Women," Stetz contends that Morley's fiction identifies less with this dualism and more through triangulation and triads: "England, France, and the United States, Philadelphia, Chicago, and New York, small town, city, and suburb, school, office, and department store, Irish Americans, WASPs, and African Americans, Protestants, atheists, and Jews, trains, automobiles, and ships, highbrow, lowbrow, and middlebrow values, books, newspapers, and magazines" (136). Stetz argues that gender also moves beyond traditional oppositions as the narrator moves between the conventional polarities associated with masculinity and femininity; Kitty tests and tries on new versions of and new fashions of gender. Stetz also argues that Morley's fiction moves away from Huyssen's idea that male modernists position women as readers of inferior literature, who genders mass culture and the masses as feminine, while the sphere of high culture remains emblematic of male activities. Instead, Morley uses Kitty Foyle as amiable to mass culture and the mass market, appreciating common speech, sentiments, and taste. Stetz reads Kitty Foyle vis-a-vis the modernist magazines of the Curtis syndicate: both move across registers and effects, working with heterodox genres and styles, engaging with swaths of readers; the narrator's discourse sounds like American magazine copy of the 1920s and 1930s; Stetz points out how Morley worked a an editor for many newspapers and this autobiography nuances how we read Kitty. Stetz also states that Morley uses comedy as a primary style in writing Kitty Foyle. Stetz goes as far as to suggest the female narrator stands in for Morley himself. Kitty represents the idealized version of white ethnic working-class and lower-middle class culture; Morley's autobiographical record reveals he too wished to distance himself from his academic, Anglocentric-environment. Last, Stetz traces print culture depictions itself through the literary narrative: Morley is real-life involved with print culture for the masses; Kitty is poor and marries an aristocratic man; their affair is set against a background of print; Kitty is hired as a secretary for the fictional Philadelphia-based magazine; Kitty understands market conditions; Kitty's market interests spread past her regional coterie towards a national landscape; and, interestingly, the affair fails due to a "Society News" column which announces the aristocrat's engagement to a lowly woman. Stetz's work shows how we can read novels and the literary to unpack how, as she puts it, the "culture of print culture" works.

Fraser, Nancy. "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy." Social Text, no. 25/26, 1990, pp. 56-80. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/466240. Accessed 10 Jun. 2022.

Nancy Fraser's article contests Habermas's conceptualization of the public sphere. She says that contemporary feminisms have used "the public sphere" in unproductive ways as a catch-all to include that which is outside the domestic or familial sphere. Fraser begins with her critical interrogation and reconstruction of Habermas's public sphere. She outlines much of Habermas's theory of the public sphere, from early conception to private liberalism by the bourgeois to its decline with the welfare state mass democracy that intertwines society with the state to the dismay of Habermas's utopic public. Alternative, revisionist historiography from Joan Landes, Mary Ryan, and Geoff Eley argue that Habermas's rhetoric of publicity and accessibility belies significant exclusions; Landes notes the exclusion of gender, namely women; Eley links gender exclusion to the exclusion of other class strata, whereby the masculinist, bourgeois public sphere becomes hegemonic. Fraser also doubts Habermas's idealization of the liberal public sphere as the best mode, for, as Mary Ryan notes, American women constructed access routes to public political routines through counterpublics; and such counterpublics include nationalist publics, popular peasant publics, elite women's publics, and working class publics. Fraser largely views Habermas's public sphere as hegemonic and exclusionary. Fraser critiques four assumptions specific to Habermas's bourgeois masculinist public sphere: the assumption that societal equality is not a necessary condition for political democracy; that a single, comprehensive public sphere is better than multiple publics; that "private issues" and "private interests" should not be included in public sphere discourse, only discourse about the common good; and that democratic public spheres require civil society and the state to be separate. Though Habermas thinks the public sphere is where interlocutors talk democratically, Fraser makes the argument that discursive interaction is still shaped by status inequality which marginalizes women and the plebeian classes; subordinate groups can't find the words to speak equitably and are seldom heard; unequally empowered social groups develop unequally valued cultural styles. Then, it is not possible to bracket structural social inequalities; Fraser says these inequalities must be eliminated for the public sphere to have participatory parity. Fraser notes that a single, comprehensive public sphere is hegemonic; rather, working towards accommodating many competing publics better promotes participatory parity. Subordinated social groups form subaltern counterpublics to circulate counterdiscourses; they extend discursive space in response to exclusions within dominant publics; and public spheres form and enact social identity, and so one overarching public sphere would invariably privilege the expressive norms of one cultural group and force discursive assimilation onto the subordinate groups. Fraser notes how important is it for subaltern counterpublics to bring into the public arena issues which plague them, like feminists contesting domestic violence and making it not just a "private" issue; and minorities should convince the public, through open discourse, of what constitutes a common concern. And there is no good way for us to see what constitutes a common good until public discourse about private issues can occur; deliberation is a prerequisite to discovery; and the "we" of a common good project might mask a hegemonic "I" and be chimerical. Fraser thinks that making some concerns "private" delegitimates some interests, views, and topics while valorizing others; this works also when the rhetoric of public debate "personalizes" or "familiarizes" issues, like wife battering as "personal" or workplace democracy as "economic." Fraser argues that participatory parity is not achieved with a classical liberalism model of the public sphere, with a separation of society from state. In thinking about strong publics (opinion-minded and decision making) and weak publics (opinion-minded), Fraser argues that Habermas's separation of civil society and the state fails to imagine the forms of self-management, inter-public coordination, and political accountability essential to a democratic and egalitarian society. Fraser's work here is important to critical theory, and is definitely worth looking at as I dive further into periodical studies.

Williams, Raymond. "When Was Modernism?." New Left Review 175 (1989): 48.

Raymond Williams interrogates the idea of "modern" along with the ideological contours of "modernism." "Modern" is a term used before the early twentieth century: Jane Austin used the term in the eighteenth century to mean "a state of alternation, perhaps of improvement," and nineteenth century artists like Ruskin and Turner paint with a progressive "modern" up-to-date style. The idea of "modern" creates an ideological perspective whereby everything past 1950 becomes post-modern; "modernism" as a cultural movement emerges most between 1890 and 1940. But Williams asks us to consider how Dickens and the Impressionists of the nineteenth century formulated their own renditions of modern Parisian life; or how the Symbolist poets of the 1880s or Ibsen and Strindberg become replaced by "modern" movements like the Surrealists and Imagists and Brecht. Williams sees this configuration as ideological: the later writers are paired with Freud's theories of the subconscious or unconscious, applauded for denaturalizing language, breaking with prior views of language as a clear, transparent glass or mirror, and for problematizing the status of author and his authority. Williams says that there are yet real breaks in form that happen in all the arts of the late nineteenth century, and with conceptions of power, whereby the artist becomes an anti-commercial radical in response to bourgeois censorship. And the 1890s historically were filled with the "greatest changes ever seen in the media of cultural production": photography, cinema, radio, television, reproduction, recording; the effect of the changes in technology is that it led to many avant-garde movements ("defensive cultural groupings") being formed which created manifestos, new magazines, to advertise their new schools of thought (Futurists, Imagists, Surrealists, Cubists, Vorticist, Formalists, and Constructivists). These movements often took strongholds in major metropolitan cities such as Paris, Vienna, London, New York, and Berlin. Williams argues that this endless border-crossing along with the idea of the passport naturalized the thesis of the non-natural status of language. Many people in the metropolis felt visual and linguistic strangeness, broken narrative of the journal, transient encounters, narratives of unsettlement, homelessness, and solitude; the artist becomes someone gazing down on the unknowable city. The artist also becomes anti-bourgeois and begins to view art as anti-commercial. The reality is that while these experiences were common to the "modern" world, privileging works of art and literature that focus on this self-referentiality and estrangement to be the epitome for the "modernism" period is ideological (e.g., the life of the émigré was dominant among the key groups; this ideology spread into conceptions then of "modernism). And "modernism" after the traditional period becomes subject to new international capitalism, where its forms get appropriated for commercial gain.

Williams, Raymond. "Metropolitan Perceptions and the Emergence of Modernism"[1985]." The Politics of Modernism: Against the New Conformists, 37-48.

Raymond Williams shows how important the metropolitan is to the development of modernism and modern culture. He envisions a history of modernism with the most influential technologies and institutions of art centered around the metropolis. He says the metropolis for contemporary humans is the "modern transmitting metropolis of the technically advanced and dominant economies, and in doing so, makes us reconsider how "modern" the early twentieth century was. He says three reasons for the "modern" part of modernism remain: factual persistence of specific relations between minority arts and metropolitan privileges and opportunities; persistent intellectual hegemony of the metropolis, with publishing houses and intellectual institutions; a new set of "universals," aesthetic, intellectual, and psychological, which contrast with older "universals." Williams notes how Wordsworth and the Romantics of Britain wrote about the first stages of industrial and metropolitan development, examining how modern cities have strangers in crowds. The second theme of pre-modern metropolis thinking is of an individual lonely and isolated within the crowd, like from James Thomson's "The Doom of a City" (1857). The themes of isolation and alienation within a city are sometimes given social, rather than psychological, emphases; such as in Elizabeth Gaskell's Mary Barton or in much of Dickens or Gissing's Demos and The Nether World. These writers anticipate the early twentieth-century's avant-garde art and writers who gear towards extreme subjectivity and social or cultural revolution; a third pre-modern theme is strangeness, crowding, and the "impenetrability" of the city, as Fielding noticed in 1751 and the Victorians noticed in portraying crime in the "dark London." The "mass" and "masses" become heroic, organized, with a potential for radical organization; Williams argues a fifth theme of the pre-modern metropolis is of the city as diverse, mobile, and vital; of light and of learning; of power; seen in Le Gallienne's 1890 London poem. Williams argues that modernism stretches from an eager embrace of modernity to its ideas of revolution to conscious options for past or exotic cultures or as fragments against the modern world. Modernism, Williams argues, features most distinctively a break in form; and artists doing this form breaking work are situated with the changing cultural milieu of the metropolis; the metropolis develops from imperialism and capitalism which concentrates wealth and power in cosmopolitan centers; and it develops from unevenness between capitals and provinces, industry and agriculture. The metropolis accommodates a range of culture activity, including small groups (often avant-garde groups) who find they can gain a foothold, sometimes for new audiences. Form itself becomes obscure in the metropolis: immigration, for example, makes language arbitrary; alienation, strangeness, and distance abound; new relations emerge in new environments. Williams notes how the emphasis on the medium, in conjunction with all visual images and styles of particular cultures and native languages, music, and dance, all pass through the crucible of the metropolis. The effect is the metropolis of a specific historical form during a major cultural phase, influencing the art and literature of the modern period. Williams' article seems obvious now, but reminds us of how physical environment and urban/industrial activity can influence the formal qualities of art and literature.

Williams, Raymond. "Advertising: The magic system." Advertising & Society Review 1.1 (2000).

Raymond Williams traces the development of advertising in Britain from the sixteenth century to the twentieth century. Williams says that advertising started on three thousand year old papyrus from Thebes, during ancient times; by the time of Shakespeare, advertising as a "process of taking or giving notice of something" began to flourish. In the sixteenth century, advertisements often promoted personal services, notices for book publications, runaway servants, apprenticeships, and more; they were simple ads, "classifieds," and others were direct recommendations. Newspapers grew from the 1860s and advertisements increased in volume; these ads show evidence of devices of emphasis, with the hand, asterisk, and NB being a feature of the print page; this is also when puffs became popular, as people tried to plug their products using persuasion built upon cheating and lying. In the seventeenth century, advertising became more organized, as it appears in newsbooks, mercuries, and newspapers. By the 1850s, ads used similar strategies of puffery, and were more abundant than the century prior; the mid-nineteenth century in Britain saw taxes that sought to hamper the growth of newspapers: Advertisement Tax, 1712; Stamp Duty Tax; and then in 1853 the Advertisement Tax was abolished, which increased the number of advertisements in papers. Some people of this time thought that advertising was fringe, a last resort for inferior articles trying to get into the market; others defended advertising as an open, fair, legitimate, and respectable means of competition. Williams talks about how papers began to have nationally advertised products, like Warren's Shoe Blacking and Rowland's Macassar Oil; papers also began to get testimonials from the crowned heads of Europe such as the Tsar of Russia, Revalenta Arabica, or Queen Victoria, Balm of Syriacum. The mid-nineteenth century saw fly-posting become popular, as ads were posted in public, though the government tried to decentivize this through a London act; editors in the 1850s were hard-pressed to break-up the column layout of their pages, and many refused ads for this reason. With patent foods at the late century becoming a thing, the camera, bicycle, typewriter, and sewing-machine became advertised; slogans became widespread; newspapers became multimodal in the 1880s and 1890s as they used color advertisements and purity nudes with pretty women; newspapers at this time now welcome, mostly, ads, even if the ads split the margins of the paper. Williams thinks modern advertisement, around the world wars, belongs to the system of market-control; American firms in 1901 began to compete with British Tobacco Company ads for market space; newspapers in the modern system now had advertising managers, and agencies worked with advertising manufacturers. Williams notes that ads at this time largely financed newspapers; and advertising becomes legitimized as a profession; and the psychology of advertising becomes a worthwhile inquiry. Ads before 1914 are crude; ads in the interwar period use rhetorical appeals to patriotism, built sometimes on fear of illness, to gain audiences; consumer credit becomes a thing by 1933; and advertisements became, sometimes, charming and amusing though some critics recognized the tradition of puffery and dishonesty. After the wars, the product jingle became imperative in the 1950s; reporters and journalists recommended advertisements in evening-papers; and organized publicity became a science, interdisciplinary and well-studied. Williams notes that public relations, in the mid-late twentieth century, brings actors and celebrities into advertisements on large scales; our national life is largely influenced by advertising; in 1960, advertising finances most modes of general communication. Williams ends with a critique or two: he thinks that modern advertising warps our perception of needs, as we feel like we never have enough; that we are not ever sensibility materialist; the magic is the highly organized system of inducements and satisfactions, concomitant with scientific technology; he ends with a note about capitalism and socialism, about how modern capitalism needs modern advertising and how socialism challenges our production practices. This is a really rich and deep history of advertising.

Darnton, Robert. ""What is the history of books?" revisited." Modern Intellectual History 4.3 (2007): 495-508.

Robert Darnton writes a reflection of his original 1982 essay called "What Is the History of Books?" in 2007. He says that he wished to provide a helpful heuristic way of doing book history scholarship. Now he says book historians ought to focus on the following: How do books come into being? How do they reach readers? What do readers make of them? His original essay came as a consequence of exploring the papers of the Societe typographique de Neuchâtel (STN) in 1965 and noticing the actors and agents involved with a book's life cycle, many of them obscure or not fancy. He says the STN research encouraged him to study not just the texts embedded in the book's pages but the material itself. He noticed first the importance of paper to the eighteenth century: publishers were concerned with the price of paper and if paper would survive weather transits. Paper was an item under continuous negotiation through contracts, as the papers demonstrate; paper was discussed with a rich esthetic vocabulary like people who talk about wine today. Darnton outlines more qualities of his 1965 research: smuggling, many illegal books were smuggled across the French border; distribution and sales, sales reps worked to sell books, collect bills, arrange shipping, and inspect bookshops; literary agents, these figures wrote reports about the book trade, political conditions, reputations of authors, and the latest hot books; piracy, he argues half of books circulated in pre-Revolutionary France were pirated, printed on cheap paper, without illustrations, modified without regard to textual integrity, and aimed at a broader, poorer sector of the reading public; demand, publishers had to be first and current or else be shut out; politics, vary tremendously from place to place, but laws could stifle the book trade in an instant; publishers therefore needed to master the interrelation of all elements of the circuit. Darnton then assesses a newer model of the communications circuit, put forth by Thomas R. Adams and Nicholas Barker in "A New Model for the Study of the Book" in 1993. This new circuit has five "events": publication, manufacture, distribution, reception, and survival; one change is that the emphasis moves from people-oriented to object-oriented, which underplays the role of authors and emphasizes the role of "survival," which takes into account the changing contexts of books, with their different editions, reproductive copies, and more than single editions; still, Darnton points to Icelandic society has one highly literate but without any of Darnton's communication circuit points like printing press, bookshop, libraries, and schools. This raises questions about the international view of the history of books, or the multicultural view. Darnton ends with an explication of four advances: the first, reorientation of bibliographic to focus on sociology of texts, the ways texts resonate through the social order and across the ages; the second, paratextuality, how title pages, frontispieces, prefaces, footnotes, illustrations, appendices work on the perceptions of the reader, or work to make reading a game-playing activity; the third, intertextuality, how borrowings from other texts shape the meaning of a book; the fourth, a comparative history, how censorship and copyright, for example, across cultures shapes the political and economic conditions of the books. This is an excellent read, and prompts different directions for research.

Pass, Victoria Rose. "Racial Masquerades in the Magazines: Defining White Femininity Between the Wars." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies 11.2 (2020): 270-291.

Victoria Rose Pass examines images and descriptions of white women taking on the clothes of non-white women in American fashion magazines in the 1930s. She focuses on two: Vogue and Harper's Bazaar. Pass reads these advertisements as using Orientalist and Primitivist fashions as a means of constructing their wearer's modern white femininity; this maintains white supremacist ideologies at the expense of the racialized other. Pass says that the white modern body was one that was often reshaped, one that was malleable and fashionable, juxtaposed against images of colonized women also in fashion magazines. Pass says a 1931 spread from "Harper's Bazaar" shows white women wearing jewelry inspired by non-Western styles, posed in front of African and South Asian women; she looks at a 1936 story in "Harper's Bazaar" about how white women wear turbans and wrapped fabric headdresses worn by Caribbean women of color. These mark transformations from "native" or "primitive" to white; or from traditional adornments on women of color to fashionable accessories for white women. Features for a lipstick ad reveal how the branding uses exoticism and primitivism to sell a certain kind of colonized sexuality. Pass focuses next on the sari: this is a drape around the body which has been appropriated by Parisian designers to capture the idea of the exotic, which buys into Western epistemologies of race grounded upon maintaining social hierarchies and promoting Eurocentric views of fashion, with loose clothes equivalent with unmodern irrationality; a 1934 "Vogue" advertisement uses Princes Karam of Kapurthala to sell the sari for white American women. Pass looks next at sandals and bare feet, arguing that the sandal is a sign of colonial dominance; Pass establishes the performative function of the headscarf, and its theatrical possibilities: American readers were taught to mimic their French counterparts, to perform the garment, to perform the "nativeness" or "primitiveness." Pass looks also at the primitive undress of the Bali Bra, from a 1935 ad by the Fay-Miss company; this bra uses colonialist constructions of Bali as paradise, the scientific racism of supposed hypersexuality of black women, and white supremacist ideologies to enable white American women to improve their physical appearances and be like a Bali women. Pass says that fashion magazines promoted garments associated with men of color to white women; this was to combat the crisis of masculinity brought on by the emergence of the modern women; orientalist images of feminized decadent men (often Moroccan or Indo-Chinese) prevented white women from disrupting the masculinity of white men; this is where the pejorative "Coolie" from Chinese indentured laborers and stereotypes flourished. Pass's article is great because it pays attention to advertisements, visual culture, captions, and historicizes the fashion industry alongside modernity and femininity.

Sawaya, F. (2008). Philanthropy and Transatlantic Print Culture. In: Ardis, A., Collier, P. (eds) Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230228450_6

Francesca Sawaya theorizes about how patronage and philanthropy factor into the development of modern literature and modernism. For the longest time, the late nineteenth century saw the emergence of the artist as a genius who dominated the market economy. This coincides with the development of modern philanthropy, predicated upon a bourgeois or capitalist social order, in lieu of traditional or religious philanthropy which is grounded upon a love of mankind. There is also a "scientific philanthropy," which seeks to remedy ills caused by the industrial revolution. Modern philanthropy builds a "third sector" of modern society, next to the free market and the state. Indeed, modern philanthropy evokes anxiety for many, and late Victorian intellectuals view it as linked to aristocratic patronage or to cultural sponsorship. Sawaya talks at length about Andrew Carnegie and Matthew Arnold's respective conceptions, their transatlantic dialogue, about American philanthropy or patronage. They both anticipate Frederic Jameson's idea of "ressentiment," which is when the bourgeois envies what other people and countries have, often in a vengeful way. Aside from class conflict, ressentiment indicates a fin de siecle struggle between England and America over imperial power, grounded by ideological differences about nation, empire, political systems, and economic practices. More specifically, Sawaya reads an 1890 essay "The Hatred of England" in North American Review by Goldwin Smith as a piece arguing for American resentment and jealousy of England over England's intellectual achievements. Andrew Carnegie in the next issue "Do Americans Hate England" responds that America, wealthiest in the world, cannot envy another country. In fact, Carnegie thinks America is actually preternaturally generous, that it hopes to share its imperial interests and democratic political systems to unify itself with Britain; Carnegie himself is a massive transatlantic philanthropist, founding parks, libraries, and other institutions in America and Britain. Carnegie was a man of letters, owning 20 newspapers and weeklies, sponsoring periodicals, involved with the press. His book Triumphant Democracy furthers his argument about American superiority and domination of the world, about the liberatory power of democratic political institutions, about American democratic generosity — an American patronage that supports the development of the arts through elite American supports; this "connoisseur" he thinks is the shrewdest, the best. Sawaya traces how Carnegie influenced Arnold. As friends, they have an 1883 speaking tour together; Arnold's essays "A Word More About America" (1885) and "Civilization in the U.S." (1888) build upon Carnegie's book, agreeing American generosity leads to transatlantic envy. Arnold contends yet the Americans are self-deceived in thinking they are the best civilization, instead one which masks its defects. Arnold resists the American empire and its claims of dominance through an appeal to democratic generosity; Arnold breaks with the narrative of a bond of gratitude and obligation which sponsorship entails. The point then is that Carnegie's sponsorship is largely ideological, I think, grounded upon his nationalist view of America's sensibilities.

Hackney, F. (2008). "Women are News": British Women's Magazines 1919-1939. In: Ardis, A., Collier, P. (eds) Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230228450_8

Fiona Hackney argues that the commercial press, which includes the magazine called Woman, talked openly from the early 1920s about women's achievements in sports, the arts, and government, as well as fashion, and these women's magazines often used editorial photo-features. Hackney explains that scholars often find in how the press treats women evidence that magazines promote the ideology of women finding fulfillment in the performance of wifely and maternal roles. This also entails rethinking the boundaries between "public" and "private." Some scholars think the mainstream press, during the interwar period, endorses the image of the housewife and the mother to the exclusion of the other. Hackney's work resists this reductionist viewpoint by positing that many other versions of modern women appear in the magazines: the secretary, the career woman, the sports star. It is the tension between the "old world" woman, the sweetheart and the domestic wife, and the "new" woman, the wage-earner and voter, which Hackney wants to tease out. Hackney argues that discourses of feminine modernity in women's magazines are less about women's domestication into the private sphere but more about the women's role in finding a middle-ground between independence and motherhood. Hackney notes that "service magazines" dominated women's periodicals in the 1920s and 1930s: Good Housekeeping, Woman's Weekly, Woman and Home, My Home, Wife and Home, and Modern Woman offer women domestic tips and consumer advice, with some entertainment. Good Housekeeping is a bridge between political, cultural, and domestic life, offering women space for rational debate; other magazines wanted to blend entertainment and enlightenment for women across class backgrounds. Hackney notes how Woman takes advantage of the visual models of femininity through large color formats and a finely honed commercialism; this allows women readers the chance to engage in fantasies about modern womanhood which the magazine endorses. Others like Woman's Weekly tease out the tension between the professional woman and the bachelor girl; debates about women's work are re-imagined; Home Chat portrays young women smoking, dancing, working, and playing sports. Others play with image and text in a subtly subversive way; still others write explicit articles, essays, and editorials about marriage failures and sex roles, giving women rational advice about the world while still portraying a housewifery/motherhood ideal, something thoroughly modern. Others used the fractured frame model to put women's private experience into the public sphere. Given that the late 20s saw women's equality of franchise, magazines like Daily Mail resisted the "Flapper Vote Folly" and the progressive woman. Yet other editors in other periodicals embraced the new female electorate and readership, aligning women's responsibilities as citizens with their role as mothers, speaking candidly about women's issues; Home Chat is a poignant example of this openness. Hackney nuances scholarly understanding of women's responses to modernity as promulgated by the periodical press.

Thacker, Andrew. "'A True Magic Chamber': The Public Face of the Modernist Bookshop." Modernist Cultures 11.3 (2016): 429-451.

Andrew Thacker examines the role of bookshops in the distribution of modernism to the public, as well as how bookshops impact the historical understanding of private and public spheres. Thacker asks us to consider what if bookshops were like "magic chambers," which means that the stranger who enters the bookshop becomes enamored by imaginative possibilities and cultivates a private connection to the seller. Such the transformative moment, which speaks to the book-buying public, is what Thacker builds upon in examining Adrienne Monnier's "La Maison des Amis des Livres" (a French language bookshop) and Slyvia Beach's "Shakespeare and Company," French and American bookshops crucial to the development and distribution of modernism. Monnier sees the bookshop as a semi-religious space, a space more than just the site of economic transitions of commodities. Thacker argues that the modernist bookshop has an ambivalent location between commerce and culture, promotes collaborative cultural practices, and builds networks of modernism; Thacker opines that modern bookshop culture is more than just economic transactions: it is a performance space with readings, gatherings, cafes, salons, places to sleep, etc. Thacker contends that bookshops are "staging venues," places for networks and artists to collaborate with other writers and bookshop proprietors. Thacker notes how Beach (with lots of privilege; economic help from family) has easier origins than Sterloff (with the Gotham Book Mart) who comes from a poor Jewish family. Thacker uses Sterloff's "Gotham Book Mart" as an example of how bookshops transfer modernist ideas: this shop helped Joyce become a superstar through championing Joyce, modernist magazines, and networking for the European avant-garde. (and it published works of European literature which made Americans in New York feel like they were in Paris.) Thacker unpacks print ephemera of the modern bookshop like "We Moderns" — this catalog prepared by Sterloff featured writings from customers and reviews of works; it featured writing by key women modernists and served as a bibliographic source of modernist culture; "We Moderns" centers the bookshop as central to the distribution and discussion of modernist culture. Thacker ends by noting how "Gotham Book Mart," "La Maison des Amis des Livres," and "Shakespeare and Company" helped bring modernism to the public. (e.g., were sites that brought modernist ideas to the forefront, beyond just for commercial purposes; also for social and intellectual purposes.) Thacker's article is compelling and makes me want to read more about modern print culture and modern periodical studies.

Green, Barbara. "Feminist Things." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 66-79.

Barbara Green asks what the relationship is between a periodical and the things it represents in its pages. She considers the literariness of the periodical but also its status as material object, and its interaction with modern objects. Many suffragists and suffragettes use mass advertising techniques, the marketplace, and feminist periodicals to promote their social and political ideas, often establishing feminist public or counter-public spheres; they used vibrant techniques of promotional spectacle to sell these periodicals. Both the Habermasian public with rational and disinterested political debate and the feminist public and private arenas of domestic home and the wider public arena are key to seeing the materiality of feminist things. Suffrage discourse for Green evokes new relationships to commonplace objects; for instance, suffrage shops in London in the Edwardian period reorganized objects for feminist purposes. The WPSU helped open suffrage shops as a third space engaged with both spheres; feminist journalists became interested in thing activities like shopping, dressing, and housekeeping. From Bill Brown's thing theory ideas, with the misuse, domains, and re-auraitizations to the lifestyle of objects, Green reads how suffrage activists make common objects signify new things: cups of tea are political commitment; pastes and diamond necklaces display WSPU colors; periodicals become feminist collectables; the teacup represents self-sacrifice and loyalty to suffragte debate and experience. Green contends that consumption becomes a matter of lifestyle, and in the same vein suffrage movements used consumption to attached social causes to objects; suffrage culture also denied or troubled consumption itself, as is the case in WSPU's 1908 "Self-Denial Week[s]" campaign which promoted the denial of feminine things for feminist causes, perhaps a nod a self-reliance or self-sufficency or martyrdom, though Green doesn't make quite this argument; this raises the idea of the "anti-object," the non-consumption of which prompts certain kinds of value. Evelyn Sharp's essay "Painting Kensington" in 1909 is read as an exemplar of suffragists embracing modernity's shopping culture to portray a "shop girl" who works with a suffrage shop. The suffrage shop, then, sells a lifestyle to women, through "Votes for Women — Forward!" to "Never Never Land." Green ends by saying that suffrage papers and suffrage culture used thinginess to attend to affect and subjectivity; that the objects themselves as suffrage journals reassigned meaning to objects which now stood for activism and political engagement and affiliation. This article is really unique in thinking about the meta-reflection of thing theory and activism in a material culture item like the periodical.

Green, Barbara. "The Feminist Periodical Press: Women, Periodical Studies, and Modernity." Literature Compass 6.1 (2009): 191-205.

Barbara Green's article evaluates feminist periodical culture and feminist periodicals of the early twentieth century along with connections between Edwardian feminist literature and feminism. Green declares that suffrage was a central topic of popular culture in the Edwardian era, so much so that feminist periodicals like "The Suffragist" were formed to comment upon the women's movement. Green notes how feminist periodicals are increasingly seen as significant and complex texts, able to stand on their own. Green argues that the history of the feminist press is imbued to the 1860 establishment of Emily Faithfull's Victoria Press which built new venues to talk about women's issues and provided new professional opportunities for women; in turn, advocacy for social justice issues became a way of working for women's advancement. Women journalists had their own professional organizations by the end of the nineteenth century. Green argues that the feminist periodical press was extremely diverse in aims, feminist stance, market, financing, and circulation; "Feminist and the Periodical Press 1900-1918," the three-volume collection, speaks more about these issues. Green notes that the modern commercialization of the press is associated with the emergence of the woman reader (e.g., new presses like "Votes for Women" were designed [form and content] for a woman readership). In turn, the feminist press provide alternative spaces/spheres for the promotion of feminist ideas; this relates to popular ideas of a feminist "counterpublic" whereby a subaltern group creates and circulates counter discourses. It may also be wise then, Green contends, for literary scholarship to decenter the term "modernism" when talking with literary activities of the feminist movement; Mark Morrison and Mary Chapman (on suffragist Alice Duer Miller) are scholars who do this. Green also dives into suffrage papers and their roles on modern culture; and Green establishes how (like Lynda Prescott) feminist periodicals/presses connect readers across national borders. Suffrage texts may need a new methodology to unpack. Periodical culture unsettles our focal point from "modernism" to the "gendered cultures of modernity" (e.g. Felski's work). Green ends with a note that "periodical culture can encourage our study of networks, communities, debates, and conversations organized around some of the key shifts and changes of modernity. Green's article is great but a bit hard to follow at times as it synthesizes lots of research I have not yet read.

Delap, Lucy, and Maria DiCenzo. "Transatlantic print culture: the Anglo-American feminist press and emerging "modernities"." Transatlantic print culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 48-65.

Delap and DiCenzo begin their discussion by contesting the usefulness of "modernism," an ideological term, for feminist periodical culture. They think "modernism" is too selecting and distorting to be a framework for feminist print media, as they prefer to ask questions about how feminist print media imagines itself in the wake of modernity. Neither do they think "modernism" attends well enough to social and political spheres, vital to analyses of feminist print media which often reflects women's experiences of modernity. Aside from concerns about modernist aesthetics as an interpretative paradigm, Delap and DiCenzo retain a sense of interest in what the emerging modernities meant for women who seek emancipation, often reflected in the ideals of feminist periodical culture. They contend that women's rights movements, though debated within and outside of themselves, very often circulated in periodicals and magazines; indeed, the feminist press elides conventional categories of "mass," "popular," or "avant-garde." As they put it, "Participation within the women's movement of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was centrally a reading experience, and print culture proved to be an element that easily crossed national boundaries" (55). Delap and DiCenzo point out how many periodicals had transatlantic relationships, being reprinted abroad, or having transatlantic counterparts focused on adjacent social and political concerns. They argue for the conceptualization of single reading communities that transcend national boundaries. Such national border crossings, they argue, shows the permeability of different media, as periodical articles morph into pamphlets or lectures, or journals become widespread abroad due to reviews and reputation; marginalized figures in one national context can become heroes in another. They evaluate Dora Mardsen's Freewoman, often ostracized for its indifference to women's suffrage and sexual politics: American reception was mediated by suffrage, whereas British reception circulated the Freewoman into pamlplets; the American readers appropriated this British periodical and often resisted being called "modernist" in lieu of "middlebrow." They analyze the Woman Rebel published by Margaret Sanger in New York; banned by the US postal inspector for speaking about birth control, the Woman Rebel was influenced by the Freewoman; Delap and DiCenzo argue that these two journals took different stances to women's rights movements: Sanger critiqued the bourgeois feminist readership of the Freewoman for having misaligned concerns; suffrage leaders in Britain who engendered feelings of bitterness become iconic in the United States, whereas the British Freewoman welcomed and admired the American feminists which Sanger deplored. They end by looking at Charlotte Perkins Gilman's The Forerunner which from New York becomes widely admired in Britain, almost to legendary status, especially in provincial and rural study circles. This article is useful as it does two things: it provides a paradigm for transatlantic print culture studies, seeing how print ephemera changes in circulation, reception, and reading practices across national contexts, and it gives an alternative framework which is relevant for the study of feminist print media which requires, or so it is argued, frameworks beyond those of "modernism" to study.

Gioia, Dana. "Disappearing Ink: Poetry at the End of Print Culture." The Hudson Review 56.1 \ (2003): 21-49.

Gioia foregrounds his meditation on popular poetry and literary poetry by establishing how electronic media is what most contemporary Americans consume; in short, print culture and physical reading has been subverted and supplanted by digital media. Gioia considers how this digitization and transition away from the printed page to oral culture has affected American poetry. In tracing this epistemological transformation, Gioia points to forms of popular poetry which are profoundly emergent and which develop away from the mainstream of the academe: rap, cowboy poetry, and poetry slams. Gioia says that literary poetry is written, high-art poetry and popular poetry refers to new forms of verse that emerge outside the official literary culture. Gioia points to four ways in which the new oral poetry (popular poetry) differs from its literary poetry counterpart: popular poetry is predominantly oral (communicated without the mediation of a text) and performed in the musical entertainment world (recordings, radio, concert halls, festivals, bars, etc.) and makes the author visible and an entertainer; popular poetry developes away from academia and from the margins (rap is developed in the West Bronx in the 1970s; Cowboy poetry in Western America comes from pastoral people who make poems to hedge against loneliness and isolation; slam poems come from 1985 urban Chicago bars and are judged in front of a live audience; hip-hop culture emerges and aligns itself with the criminal class); popular poetry revitalizes formal techniques in rhyme and meter which had previously been viewed with contempt as elitist (e.g., New Formalism and New Narrative are such techniques) and play with "auditorily apprehensible features'' like stress, tone, quantity, alliteration, syllable count, syntax; and the fourth way is that popular poetry attracts a huge, paying public (the performer projects themselves strongly and rap becomes highly commercialized). Gioia argues also that popular poetry is written and literary poetry is oral. Gioia also traces four types of literary poetries: performance poetry, oral poetry, audio-visual poetry, and visual poetry. Gioia opines that the emergence of popular poetry is good because it takes the monopoly of poetry off of academia; he refers to a new bohemia of poetry located across urban areas and electronic media and communal spaces. Gioia's article is really great because it touches upon what happens to poetry in the twenty-first century after the decline of print culture.

Habermas, Jürgen, Sara Lennox, and Frank Lennox. "The public sphere: An encyclopedia article (1964)." New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55.

Habermas traces the public sphere using a historical perspective across time to the twentieth-century. He argues that the public sphere today is built upon media such as newspapers, magazines, radio, and television. He says that "public opinion" is when citizens informally critique and control the ruling structures of the state. He views the public sphere as a mediator between society and state; the right of individuals to public information had to be fought for against monarchies and has culminated into democratic control of state activities. He thinks that in the eighteenth century, the public sphere began to emerge as a consequence of bourgeois society having public discussions about the exercise of political power. Habermas notes that European society during the high middle ages did not have a public sphere; it did not separate public from private in the same way later centuries did; the feudal lord, depending on rank in the feudal pyramid, represented himself publicly. In this way, the prince and the estates of the realm represent their power "before" the people, instead of for the people. He argues that by the late eighteenth century the feudal authorities (church, princes, nobility) disintegrated into a mishmash of public and private elements; the nobility becomes organs of public authority and the tradesmen become the sphere of bourgeois society removed from the state with private autonomy. Habermas argues that stock exchange and the press develop alongside continuous state activity (permanent administration, standing army) within a network of commodity exchange and information. We see a shift here towards "public" defined not as private individuals but as institutions or apparatuses with a monopoly over authority; private individuals now make up the public body; and society now a private realm stands opposite to the state. He defines the "bourgeois public sphere" as private individuals assembled into a public body, who use newspapers to debate public authority. We see the liberalization of the public sphere: the first modern constitutions that outlined fundamental rights guaranteed society as a sphere of private autonomy; the constitutions restricted public authority to a few functions; constitutions enabled citizens to transmit the needs of bourgeois society to the state. Habermas notes that daily political newspapers served an important role in the second half the eighteenth century. These papers transformed from purveyors of news into bearers and leaders of public opinion, and sometimes into weapons of party politics. This is also when the editorial staff emerges as a key force; and the press remains an institution of the public itself; in the late eighteenth century, the press has advanced past the spreading of news but is not yet the medium of a consumer culture. He cites Paris in 1789 and 1848 as historical moments when political newspapers worked with the public sphere for freedom and public opinion; but in the 1830s even journalism transitioned into one of commerce, from a cite of private individuals to the public services of mass media. Habermas speaks also about the social welfare state mass democracy of the twentieth century; he argues that the public body expands past the bourgeoisie and loses its social exclusivity; this opens up what the public sphere talks about and whom it includes as the private sphere readily intrudes into the public sphere. He also mentions that large organizations also strive for a happy medium between the state, each other, and plebiscitary support from the public sphere. He ends with a caution that the public sphere can be weakened by the social welfare state. Habermas's article does a lot of theorizing but clearly and compellingly draws a throughline of the public sphere from pre-constitutional Europe to the twentieth century, as a piece of historical work and argumentation.

Hammill, Faye, and Mark Hussey. "Introduction." Modernism's Print Cultures. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2016.

Hammill and Hussey give an introduction to modernism and print culture studies, sort of like a literature review. They think about the ways that magazines exploited the technology of print. They note that innovating in print technology and wood-based paper made the production of printed materials easier and quicker. They note that "print culture" is more encompassing of ephemeral forms of printed objects than book history. They argue that prominent modernist writers were often aware of the complexities of the media ecology of their time and print culture. They show how the 1890s had tremendous changes in legal and social matters which helped the publishing industry grow. They note that the Second World War destroyed the publishing enterprise and slaughtered the magazines, until modernist works became commercialized in the postwar periods. They note how print cultures also emerge in unique cultural, regional, and national paradigms and contexts. They spend lots of time talking about modernist small presses and modernist small magazines along with McGann's concepts of bibliographic and linguistic codes. They note political print forms, related to print networks and print activism, addressed to minority audiences: the black press, the suffrage press, the radical print. They establish book and serial publications as separate: the serial is a repeating print event and the book is a one-off print event, corresponding to academic specialisms of book history and periodical studies. They argue that periodicals often refer to magazines, but newspapers and more ephemeral sorts of serial forms which blur generic boundaries are being studied. They say that small presses issued a series of pamphlets or small books which further disrupted the boundary between books and serials. They establish how the Hogarth Press makes for a "reflective pause," necessary to combat the anxieties generated by accelerated publication schedules and more frequent publications like weeklies and dailies which reduced the time available for extended reflection because news came so quickly. They note how many modernist works first appear in limited editions, though become artifacts of popular culture in the 40s and 50s once they are made into mass-market editions. They say that the "little" part of little magazine refers to the selected-small and intellectually educated readers for certain magazines. They even disrupt the idea of using modernism as a vehicle to study early twentieth-century periodicals, as some argue it is much too restrictive a term. They note that digital texts are their own new, autonomous forms or editions of a text. They note Kenner's study of Joyce's Joycean-Martha letter print mistake as establishing a long line of modernist publication scholarship furthered by Rainey. They note the recovery work of some scholars to recover texts, especially through feminist criticism. This was a really nice introduction to read and it encourages me to buy the book to keep reading.

Henderson, Desirée. "Recovery and Modern Periodical Studies." American Periodicals: A Journal of History & Criticism 27.1 (2017): 2-5.

Henderson recounts a 2015 meeting from the Society for the Study of American Women Writers Conference which discussed the state of American women writers in the wake of changes to periodical studies. Two main opinions emerged: digitization has refined the nature of archival research and made it possible to access and recover texts by unknown or forgotten women writers; yet, the high point of recover of the 1980s and 1990s has waned and almost ceased, meaning the tradition canon is re-emerging and women's writing is still being marginalized. Henderson notes important feminist recovery efforts to American women's periodical writing along with landmark publications: Colored Conventions, Memorable Days: The Emilie Davis Diaries, Sari Edelstein's "Between the Novel and the News," Mary Chapman's "Making Noise, Making News," Alice Fah's "Out on Assignment," Catherine Keyser's "Playing Smart," and Rachel Schreiber's "Gender and Activism in a Little Magazine." Henderson makes a great point that a series of newly discovered anonymously written periodical essays by Walt Whitman receives more press coverage than lesser-known texts by women writers and how this implies recovering women's writing lacks the fanfare (and is overshadowed) by established male authors. She also notes how "American Periodicals" has been a key journal to the field of American women's periodical writing along with its featured "From the Periodical Archive," now known as "In the Archive." Henderson reiterates the influence of digitization over the state of periodical recovery scholarship in the field; she cites the Willa Cather Archive, Austin Fanzine project, and the Rebecca Harding Davis Archives as multimedia projects that are visually appealing and very contemporary. Henderson also argues that intrinsic to the field of periodical studies is feminist recovery work; while scholars like Scholes and Latham think that modernist magazines were shaped by feminist literary criticism and historiography, Henderson retorts that in fact women's contributions to periodical publishing is not a subset or simple add-on to periodical studies but an integral component of the field. In this way, Henderson's article provides a brief overview of the state of American women's periodical scholarship based on her experience at conferences.

Lutes, Jean Marie. "Journalism, Modernity, and the Globe-Trotting Girl Reporter." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 167-181.

Jean Marie Lutes looks at some of celebrated foreign correspondent Martha Gellhorn's predecessors, the figure of the American newspaperwoman abroad at the turn of the twentieth century. She reads print-culture remnants from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century which illustrate changes in conceptions of time: the fictional avatar, Henriette Stackpole, in James' Portrait of a Lady and the newspaper accounts of real-life reporter Nellie Bly, with her globe-circling stunts. Henrietta's letter about her travels abroad stresses her professional identity about her concern with time, speed, and mobility; Henriette becomes far less sympathetic as an image of a modern woman writer from her 1881 edition to her appearance in the 1908 edition. Lutes reads these changes amidst a shift in perceptions of U.S. newspaperwomen abroad. James' trouble in handling Henrietta as a character demonstrates the explosive possibilities of transnational publicity. In fact, Henrietta has sudden outbursts about American superiority which strike 1908 readers (after the States' wars and seizures and annexations) differently, with Henrietta's noted contributions to political imperialism. Yet other real women also become more visible in the wake of new coverage of foreign news: Elizabeth Banks in London, Ida B. Wells in anti-lynching pamphlets, Anna Benjamin in the Spanish-American war, Sui Sin Far in Montreal's Chinatown, and muckraker Ida Tarbell. Noteworthy here is how these female correspondents found their very presence abroad newsworthy, even though they were less likely to be assigned to cover traditional foreign news. The best-known woman report in America, Nellie Bly, who shares her impressions of Mexico, embodies modernity's emphasis on fast-speeds and standardized time; the World leveraged this interest by coming up with games readers could play while Bly was traveling, like guessing how long it would take for Bly to circle the globe. A board game with a figure of Jules Verne positions Bly on railroad trackers headed towards New York City, centered at the metropolitan center, inviting discourses about transit and technology and U.S. domination. Bly, in traveling, became a celebrity, and her Americanness was untouched by her contact with other cultures. Lutes situates this model of circumnavigation next to Wai Chee Dimock's transnational critical vision of time, with a "crisscrossing set of pathways" of "input channels" and thoughts about "deep time" (174-175). Though Lutes views Bly as having her own version of time, a unified movement focused on its national origin. Back to James: Lutes close-reads some ways in which James (through Henrietta) does not celebrate the sense of compression and speed; rejecting modernity's standardization of space and time, in the 1908 version, James makes Henrietta much less happy and far more perverse. Lutes reads this new Henrietta as frighteningly mass-produced; as like an embodied newspaper; a gaze with no character traits at all; eyes like railway-stations; feeling the touch of a vanished world; false, mechanical, shining with a "cheap comfort," mass-produced. Lutes' article is interesting but attempts to do comparative analyses that could well be made into their own deeper dives in separate articles.

Latham, Sean, and Robert Scholes. "The Rise of Periodical Studies." PMLA, vol. 121, no. 2, 2006, pp. 517-31. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25486329. Accessed 2 Jun. 2022.

Latham and Scholes establish how periodical studies, an emergent field, comes into existence because new media technologies change how we view, handle, and gain access to magazines and periodicals, "containers of discrete information" and (ideally) "autonomous objects of study." There have been new journals and digitization initiatives formed to help digitize print objects for students, scholars, and interested laypersons: JSTOR at Michigan; Modernist Journals Project at Brown; Making of America at Cornell. Latham and Scholes say that the reason why periodical studies couldn't previously be developed further is because no one used to have access to the resources necessary to organize their study (whereas now scholars can seamlessly use these digital resources). Such new digital archives will need the creation of typological descriptions and scholarly methodologies (a set of unified and shared terms which scholars can use while talking about these objects of analysis). Latham and Scholes spend lots of time pointing out one major problem in periodical studies: efforts to digitize print resources frequently go awry as archivists wrongly throw out advertisements (i.e., archivists today and literary historians yesterday usually saw advertisements as a product of consumer culture worth less than the literary texts contained within the periodical). One consequence is that scholars are less able to appraise the cultural conditions or cultural effects of the periodical. One of Latham and Scholes' goals here is to recover the archives; that is, to call for a new set of conscientious archiving practices which embrace advertisements and things that go along with the text. Commodity culture and searching for the "bibliographic code" should not define the digital archive. Latham and Scholes critique the ways in which digital archives are set up: they are only as good as our ability to find things, and it just so happens that optical character recognition (OCR) frequently fails to index/catalog resources for scholars. And then there is the question of how images and advertisements should be coded for scholars running searches; but no less the digital archive fills a hole left from the print archive through recovering important cultural material previously excluded in prior attempts to preserve the past; they end with a meditation on the import of interdisciplinarity and collaboration (as many periodicals touch upon disparate subjects and require something of a science-lab; or "humanities-lab"; to properly probe and unpack. Latham and Scholes' article makes lots of sense, and it makes me want to examine the digital archives and resources out there and see to what end they can help advance scholarship.

Loftus, Laura. "Preserving the Status Quo?: Periodical Codes in The Bell and Envoy during the Mid-Twentieth Century." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies, vol. 12 no. 2, 2021, p. 178-211. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/840173.

Laura Loftus analyzes two key Irish literary periodicals, The Bell and Envoy, and highlights how male literary inheritance, homosocial bonding, and subtle discouragement combine to marginalize women poets from mainstream Irish literature during the mid-twentieth century. Loftus says that Irish literary and periodical culture was influenced by gender biases and upheld a male-centered poetic tradition. She says that The Bell and Envoy have "charismatic" editorial styles with the imposition of clear editorial visions that structure the patriarchal underpinnings. The Bell promoted cosmopolitanism and globalization in the wake of political and social restrictions enforced after censorship was introduced; yet it published only three Irish women poets during its fourteen years and was filled with a masculine coterie surrounded by editor O Faolain; its editorial structure was almost exclusively male, with male poetry editors. Women were only used to comment on art and drama but not poetry, seen as a more elevated form of literary expression; women were kept to the private sphere, speaking on topics like religion, morality, or their motherly nature. The national identity focus of The Bell makes women the Other, outside the male-dominanted Irish literary tradition and canon; the range of products advertised were elitist and masculine for assumed male readership; the only gifts for women were "lovely gifts'' for the assumed male reader's wife. The male was positioned in the public sphere along a tradition of male Irish poetry; there was a homosocial aura of collaborative, male literary mentorship. Valentin Iremonger, Irish poet, wrote a disparaging review of Irish women poet Freda Laughton, turning her towards the private sphere with her "natural intuition" and "sensuousness," but undermining her contributions to the "Great Human Heart." Envoy focused on creating homosocial "continuity" within Irish periodical culture: the artwork and illustrations published in the journal depict men as well-dressed and virile, with women as blank eyed, submissive, and sexualized; men are active, as a matador, but women are passive, positioned as a mother. One depiction of the woman dehumanizes her face but emphasizes her breasts and protruding nipples; Charnon-Deutsch outlines how the fetishization of the female portrait can be used as an ideological tool. Envoy features demeaning comments towards women; Patrick Kavanagh's "Diary" features normalized gendered biases, which purports how the female mind is not suited to the art of poetry. Envoy has a local pub with male patrons which creates a coterie forged upon a poetics of elitist masculinist ideologies; the pub features almost no women artists or writers and is just a space to forge male literary connections. Current anthologies often exclude Irish women poets until the 1980s where they get more canonical representation. This article is really informative and well-researched and easy to follow.

Brake, Laurel. "Journalism and Modernism, Continued: The Case of WT Stead." Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2008. 149-166.

Laurel Brake says that the modernist press has historically defined itself against "Victorian," "journalism," and "advertising," and, since journalism is routinely opposed to literature and since modernist journals purportedly prompt materials termed literature, modernist journals thus have more reason to resist "journalism" as a concept. Brake studies the journalism conceived, edited, and published by W. T. Stead to see how his mid-life projects overlap and coincide with the emergence of modernism, itself focused on the "literary" and the artistic, disinclined from acknowledging journalism's formal experiments, advocating an economy of privilege which embraces patronage, vilifying advertisements. Stead, who died in 1912 on the Titanic, published journalism which was "transatlantic" and, as Brake argues, was early modernist. Stead's views were variously imperialist, reflecting modernists' views of Empire and of racialist discourses that are mapped onto Imperial maps over time. Stead's annuals are formally innovative, though journalistic rather than literary, and Stead was an unmistakable denizen of modernity in line with the "new modernisms." Brake studies the modernist magazine in relation to mass culture but locates it within the larger reaches of journalism. Brake locates Stead's innovative coeditorship (in line with Arnold's sense of fin-de-siecle "new journalism) with the Pall Mall Gazette: he adds headlines, personal journalism, interviews with celebrities and ordinary people, gossip, investing reporting, sensationalist writing, puzzles and quizzes, and maps, diagrams, and illustrations. Stead's innovation prompts criticism from Matthew Arnold, who finds Stead reprehensible for his alliance with the mass market. Stead's new journalism breaks with early nineteenth-century "educational" models and Stead's Annuals after 1890 are targeted towards an identifiable niche market, different from the mainstream newspaper reading public, inclusive to women (Stead leads the way for professional female modernist writers, editors, and journalists who review regularly for his press). With attunement to the market, Stead's journalism creates a counter-public sphere, his project (and faith/optimism in the power of art) to reach small readerships is a project shared with editors of the modernist press. Stead equally finds the commercial mass market unpalatable, like the modernists, as he develops an alternative press and disdain for advertisements that mirror popular taste. Stead, like the modernists, articulates a theory of patronage for the press, the "endowment" of newspapers. Stead just as well turns to secular thinking in the title of 2 + 2 = 4 and views journalism as a modern form of art, with earnestness of resolve. In constructing alternatives to the mainstream, popular press, in innovating designs and generic innovation in annuals, his internationalism, definitions of an alternative public sphere, his visual representations of modernity through illustrations, maps, cartoons, and photographs, secularity, and association with the metropolis/city as a symbolic space for modernity (1892 story about Chicago) makes him align with the modernist press. As Brake says, later little magazines like Masses (1911) parallel Stead's annuals, as both favor ads that serve as ideological interventions, support the new woman, include racist discourse, and information plus political networks, formal restlessness, niche market, faith in their medium, transatlantic, European, and Imperial parameters, short run, and resistance to the mainstream. This is an excellent piece of writing by Brake, nothing short of an excellent comparative work that unsettles our ideas about journalism's engagement with modernity and "modernism."

Sanders, Lise Shapiro. "Before and After 1914: Suffrage and Feminism in The Writings of Cicely Hamilton." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies, vol. 9, no. 2, 2018, pp. 177-99. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.5325/jmodeperistud.9.2.0177. Accessed 22 Jun. 2022.

Lise Shapiro Sanders looks at Cicely Hamilton's (1872-1952) periodical publications for suffrage periodical presses and mainstream dailies, and feminist journals, to think about Hamilton's role in critiquing the feminist public sphere. Hamilton published in 1911 an article in the Daily Mail about the virtues of new fashion, "modified trousers" for women; Hamilton's feminism came strong to the fore in these essays, as she argued that women should be not defined solely bt their sexuality or maternal social roles. Sanders argues that Hamitlon used the suffrage periodical press and the mainstream dailies to hone her authorial and feminist identity; Hamilton supports birth control, critiques marriage and patriarchal ideology, shuns dogmatism, and critiques "organization," or senseless collectives. Hamilton often wrote in the Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, and Weekly Dispatch pre-war; she exposed the presumption that women are made to serve men's needs; Hamilton critiques conventional gender ideology; penny periodicals are an entry point for Hamilton to levy her critiques. Hamilton dislikes the sensation story (and traditional femininity and chivalry) and prefers adventure stories; Hamilton prefers realism, modernist irony, and the dystopian; Hamilton is involved in pre-war women's suffrage movements: WSPU and NUWSS and WFL and WWSL and AFL; she writes a pamphlet detailing the economic exploitation and political disenfranchisement of women. One is called How the Vote Was Won (1909) and Hamilton publishes more ephemera that analyzes women's legal and social disenfranchisement; the socialist-feminist Woman Worked provided a forum for Hamilton to articulate her egalitarian views; Marriage as a Trade (1909) is Hamilton's critique of women's exploitation in marriage; Sanders argues M.a.a.T anticipates Woolf and hearkens back to Wollstonecraft. Hamilton critiques Man in The English Review (1912) and sees women as an oppressed class; in her pre-war and post-war writings, Hamilton wants women, fundamentally similar to men, to have equal treatment in all realms. Hamilton also writes about the sexual double standard. During the war, Sanders argues Hamilton's position on suffrage changes dramatically as Hamilton works in Scottish Women's Hospitals; she focuses on the effects of war on civilians in William—An Englishman; Hamilton wonders "what the 'warriors'" of the suffrage movement "would feel if they were pitchforked into the real thing." Yet Hamilton remains attuned to the suffering (bodily and otherwise) of women during the war; but the interwar period forces Hamilton to question the validity of pacifism in the face of tyranny which characterizes the suffrage movement. Sander's piece is solid, but it doesn't really make excellent use of examples per se but just inserts lots of block paragraphs and hopes readers make the connections; and I'm not entirely sure what the stakes of the argument is, aside from Sanders' insistence that the influence of periodicals on Hamilton's thinking has been overlooked by scholars. But one strength is how many primary sources Sanders synthesizes, which does create a through-line of Hamilton's feminist evolution.

Beetham, Margaret. "Open and closed: The Periodical As a Publishing Genre." Victorian Periodicals Review 22.3 (1989): 96-100.

Margaret Beetham's article theorizes about the periodical as a genre. Beetham argues that the periodical, as a printed form, is ephemeral; the periodical, short-lived, is immensely prolific in the formation of modern communication, information systems, and the entertainment industry. The material qualities of a periodical are essential to its meaning (quality of paper, size of the pages, lack of hard cover). Periodicals appear in single numbers separated by time; this means the periodical, often bounded in volumes between covers, becomes a sort of book (which makes the periodical survive at the price of the form of the text). Beetham says that binders and end-papers and advertisements are not important parts of the periodical which is why periodicals often do not have these elements; and microfilm also robs us of texture, size, and weight. Beetham argues that the periodical is a mixed genre, with a diversity of voice and authorial attribution; authorship becomes problematic in periodicals because to make a periodical is to consult writers, editors, proprietors, artists, engravers, and the printer. The form of the periodical changes from serializes to volume novel or from single article to collection which makes it physically stable and converts the periodical into a recognized genre (fiction or poetry or essay). Beetham says the formal qualities of the periodical are shaped by its relationship to time; the form of the periodical invites selective reading; the form is self-referring but open-ended and resistant to closure. Reader response means that producers invite readers to intervene directly (by writing letters, comments, and other contributions). Beatham says the periodical, as a culture form, is open; "open" forms are feminine because they refute the possibility of alternative meanings and are potentially disruptive; "closed" forms are masculine between they assert the dominant structures of meaning, offer readers one way to make sense of texts, and close off alternative options. Beatham notes a contradiction: the periodical has a "closed" relationship to time (it is published at a regular time in the work week; it regulates clock-time and the calendar in industrialized societies). The periodical has a regular appearance, format, shape, and pattern, and is consistent enough for readers to keep coming back to buy. This is why periodicals are numbered: readers occupy recognizable positions in successive numbers; the reader is offered a persona or identity each time a periodical is serialized or given in a recognizable pattern of contents and lay-out. Beatham argues this is how the material form of periodicals meets the needs and aspirations of producers and consumers; "the appearance of the periodical at regular intervals of time both affirms the reader's place in a time-regulated society and promises that this is not the end, there will be another number" (99). This article is magnificent in theorizing the form and survival of periodicals.

Morrisson, Mark S. "Youth in Public: The Little Review and Commercial Culture in Chicago." The Public Face of Modernism: Little Magazines, Audiences, and Reception, 1905-1920 (1905): 137-61.

Mark Morrisson makes many arguments here, but starts with an evaluation of Margaret Anderson's "The Little Review" in light of the socio-historical development of youth culture in modernity. He says that "The Little Review" promoted modernism as a youth movement. He talks about how mass market magazines used youth columns to create an "open forum" for young people to discuss issues of importance. "Youth culture" here finds freedom in the little magazines as a countercultural discourse against the law and, at times, the family. Morrisson resists the idea that little magazines were always designed for a coterie readership, as he notes how Anderson actively tried to increase "The Little Review"'s circulation through lowering prices. And "The Little Review" published openly on many topics, with advertisements for nonliterary products interspersed throughout. Morrisson traces the cult of youth during the Chicago Renaissance; the late nineteenth century didn't perceive adolescence like we do today; G. Stanley Hall theorized that 14-24 is when children develop substantially; Randolph Bourne also writes about adolescent development, thinking here about youth as idealistic, vigorous, and free to experiment with ideas and new lifestyles. Morrisson situates Anderson's project as influenced by Chicago's cultural shift whereby the youth grew and these thinkers took form. He thinks youth thus became an important target of segmentation for advertisers in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Morrisson talks about how a circular promoting "The Little Review" promotes it as new and young, in opposition with the old age of maturity and the past; Anderson also is influenced by Bourne's ideas of youth and Anderson brags about the youth of poets who publish in the review. Many Chicago department stores and advertisers similarly target the youth in thinking about the new urban architectures. Anderson and the review editors saw Chicago as a place whereby youth could transform public space. The review had a correspondence section that created discursive public spaces for readers (the youth, many times) to discuss key issues of domestic space and development; and also independence in the modern city. A rhetoric emerges with the youth in the review trying to free themselves from the "mature" adult world. Morrisson notes a boy who writes a poem to the review inadvertently identifying free verse with modernity; with the review's social agenda; with youth as exuberant, arrogant, and renewed in the modern world. Such spaces in magazines also encouraged women to be freer; but they gave prescriptive parenting advice to not go overboard and be like prostitutes; such a blend, then, was a vision of independence and consumer freedom. Morrisson ends by talking about the review's association with Joyce's "Ulysses" and Gerty in "Nausicaa." A highly controversial chapter which helped ban the book, Morrisson interprets Gerty through the frame of youthfulness and consumer culture which he has used to discuss the review and Anderson. The short of it is that Anderson, an editor of a magazine of youth, serialized "Ulysses" as it would attract the magazine's readers; and Anderson just enjoyed the book so much; but this raises questions about the youth being censored by sexual corrupted that was feared to accompany the new consumer culture. He argues thus that the cult of youth in America shaped the commercial commercial led by American modernists; and uses Anderson's "The Little Review" and Chicago spaces, and "Ulysses," to trace these intricacies. Very great article, deeply informative.

Morrisson, Mark. "Beyond Little Magazines: American Modernism and the Turn to Big Magazines." The Journal of Modern Periodical Studies, vol. 11 no. 1, 2020, p. 1-24. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/760168.

Mark Morrisson's article makes the argument that scholars of modern periodical studies, or scholars researching the periodical culture of modernism, should be attentive to big magazines. Morrison makes the case for why we should focus on American big magazines as research objects: they allow for a fuller understanding of modernism, one that disrupts early periodical studies' assumptions about modernism as antithetical to mass culture and detached from commodity culture. Morrison asks us to view big magazines as modernist just as the little magazines are modernist, and he outlines a history of little magazine scholarship. Morrisson says that modernist literature scholars usually focused on little magazines because: little magazines were thought to be conducive to aesthetic autonomy, with a critical distance from market culture. It goes without saying that the big magazines, "Time" (1923) or "Esquire" (1933) or "Collier's" or "Life," were financially successful towards midcentury. Morrison says that journalism studies focus most on big magazines with a large circulation, whereas English departments focus on little magazines as objects of study; Hoffman, Allen, and Urlich in "The Little Magazine" (1946) claim that the little magazine was the place for the heroic modernist writer to flourish, that it was somehow noncommercial; this creates an antithesis between commercial and formally experimental that Morrisson largely resists, as he points out how big magazines were formally innovative despite a vast readership. Morrisson reminds us how Hemingway and Faulkner in 1946 published in big magazines like "Esquire," "Scribner's," and "Cosmopolitan," and "The Saturday Evening Post" to great critical acclaim and success. Then, little magazines became instantied in academic circles because little magazines were far more accessible to scholars and easier objects to examine; and many academic libraries in the midcentury reprinted little magazines. Morrisson notes the exaltation of little magazines is a myth, as writers in little magazines were motivated by commercial rewards of publishing. Given the New Modernist Studies of the 19990s and 2000s, big magazines became more viable to research: "modernism" as a term became disturbed and reshaped, and scholars started to get more interested in literary markets, the public sphere and counter-public spheres, celebrity culture scholarship, material history, and promotional material; and editorial theory (McGann and Bornstein) helped; Lawrence Rainey's research on "Ulysses" proved a controversial archival materialist account that skewed close reading of the text and subverted reading itself to explain the marketing strategy of the book. Morrisson goes on to cite recent scholarship that embraces women's periodicals and a wider range of print cultural developments of the era. Morrisson says that big magazines may well have been more integral at times than little ones: many modernist writers won awards during the 1940s and 1950s, and wound up being talked about in big magazines like "Time." And even then, big magazines are definitely formally and stylistically experimental, such as "McClure's," "The Crisis," "Time, "Life," and "Esquire." In disrupting the high/low binary of modernism, a category called "middlebrow" emerges which is often the stock-in-trade of big magazines, which can be read as a mainstreaming of modernism. Morrisson ends by establishing that digital research methods can give us better access to the breadth of big magazines; and that big magazines are integral to understanding the periodical culture of modernism.

Philpotts, Matthew. "The Role of the Periodical Editor: Literary Journals and Editorial Habitus." The Modern Language Review, vol. 107, no. 1, 2012, pp. 39-64. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.5699/modelangrevi.107.1.0039. Accessed 21 Jun. 2022.

Matthew Philpotts uses three texts and contexts to establish a criteria for periodical studies scholars to use to appraise the function of editors in periodicals: Andre Gide's La Nouvelle Revue Francaise (NRF), Ford Madox Ford's The English Review, and T. S. Eliot's editorship with The Criterion. Philpotts applies Bourdieu's notion of habitus (a person's socially ingrained habits, skills, and dispositions to the world) to the function of periodical editors. Philpotts assumes that literary journals have their own "common habitus" or a defining ethos which unites the members of its "nucleus" and unifies their cultural practices. He also assumes that literary journals can be conceived of as agents in their own right, participating in the cultural field in the acquisition and exchange of capital (literary, economic, social, material, and symbolic). Philpotts' theory of typological editorial habitus is as follows: first, the "charismatic editorship'' is an editor who is innovative, dominant, and on a personal mission, like Ford in The English Review or John Middleton Murry in Rhythm, The Anthenaeum, and The Adelphi. Second, the "bureaucratic" mode of editorship corresponds to an established editorial team which constraints each other and builds the periodical together, as was the case of Gide's NRF. The third is the "mediating editorship," the editor who mediates the commercial, economic, autonomous, literary, and social aspects of the periodical, which is embodied through T.S. Eliot's editorship of The Criterion. In the charismatic editorship, with the personal habitus, Philpotts reads Ford as an exemplar: Ford is regarded as an authoritative voice with lots of achievements; Ford is regarded as an exceptional editor by biographers with a commitment to high standards; Ford publishes a coterie of unrecognized writers (Lewis, Pound, Lawrence) which gain literary fame; Ford has inherited a great deal of social capital which has enabled his success, despite some "literary sociability"; Ford knows literary quality when he sees it. Similarly, Murry and his journals gain symbolic capital through his pristine literary judgment and status as a highly regarded literary critic; the editorial vision or personal habitus is thrust upon the periodical, with a strong personal sense of mission, unrelenting desire, and close identification with the periodical. This is short-lived, due to burn out or external influences or routinization. Bureaucratic editorship or institutional habitus is embodied through Gide; this kind features a founding team that attends to the day-to-day practicalities which sustain a magazine; this form avoid the oversights of Ford's individualism and disregard of fiscal policy in lieu of awry idiosyncratic visions; Gide's NRF was a collective endeavor which spread responsibility and risk, and embraced a range of editorial dispositions for guidance; the nucleus of people is constrained, a kind of checks-and-balances; this kind of editorship is most stable, reliant o the institutional structures of the periodical; little magazines are less likely to have this managerial infrastructure. Mediating editorship or the multiple habitus is the ideal editor in spirit, not overly autonomous like Ford but not bland or typical like stable periodicals. T. S. Eliot exemplifies the right blend of literary genius, personal habitus, with the symbolic capital and commercial knowledge, the editorial habitus, the intellectual and economic dispositions, to make a project last long-term; Eliot became a mediator who juxtaposed new talent with established names, provided space for ideological writings during the interwar period to be brought together, and fostered dialogue between intellectuals across Europe. Dispositional plurality (from Bernard Lahire) questions the idea of a homogenous category of habitus, unsettling disposition as something fluid with play, but Philpotts insists that habitus is still useful in periodical studies: editors have personal habitus, particular periodicals have common habitus or ethos, and ideal types of habitus erected upon subsets of editorial dispositions are possible to construct. Really a groundbreaking article.

Warner, Michael. "Publics and Counterpublics (abbreviated version)." Quarterly Journal of Speech 88.4 (2002): 413-425.

Michael Warner lays the theoretical foundations for the public, a public, and counterpublics. Warner evaluates the kind of public which comes into being only in relation to texts and their circulation. Warner claims: a public is self-organized; the public comes into being by the discourse which conjures it into being; the self-organized public is addressed in discourse, and the public exists separately from the state or preexisting institutions; the public produces a sense of belonging and activity when self-organized through discourse; this kind of public elevates people above capitalism and totalitarianism. Warner claims: publics do not exist apart from the discourse that addresses them; a public is a relation among strangers; strangers involved in the same discourse can become part of a shared public. Warner claims: public speech addresses us personally and impersonally at the same time; public speech creates discourse with indefinite address, with the hope that people find themselves in it. Warner claims: a public is constituted through attention; publics exist only by virtue of address, which predicates a degree of attention; the only requirement to enter into a public is to have an act of attention, whether by listening or showing up; publics, with no institutional being, must continually predicate renewed attention, and cease to exist when attention is no longer given; publics are therefore historical rather than timeless, as publics require active participation in given moments of time. Warner claims: a public is the social space created by the reflexive circulation of discourse; texts do not create publics, but the concatenation of texts through time do. Warner claims: publics act historically according to the temporality of their circulation; this means publics have ongoing lives, and that publics index themselves temporality to moments of publication and calendars of circulation; notably, Warner says that internet and new media unsettle the function of time and temporality in the public sphere: it is hard for websites to be definitely punctual, and "circulation" may need to be abandoned as an analytic category as there is a distinct absence of punctual rhythms otherwise able to connect localized acts of reading to the social imaginary of modernity. Warner claims: a public is poetic world making; discourse and performance to a public tries to characterize the world which it circulate, and then realize the world in the address; public speech addresses the public as already existing real persons; Warner thinks a misrecognition happens when the public is thought to exist empirically and require persuasion instead of poesis. Warner distinguishes a counterpublic: the public depends upon an arbitrary social closure, which depends of institutionalized forms of power; in contrast, there are publics which do not frame themselves as the universal discussion of the people; these subaltern publics or "counterpublics" are subordinate to the dominant one; counterpublics are often regarded with hostility or indecorousness; counterpublics are stigmatized and ordinary people resist them, are skeptical of them, or don't want association with them. Warner's work here is really getting at systems of power and hegemony that pervade discourse.

Tusan, Michelle Elizabeth. "Inventing the New Woman: Print Culture and Identity Politics during the Fin-de-Siecle: 1997 VanArsdel Prize." Victorian Periodicals Review 31.2 (1998): 169-182.

Michelle Elizabeth Tusan evaluates the development of the "New Woman" in fin-de-siecle feminist presses and in mainstream presses during the 1890s. The "New Woman" emerged as a feminist ideal and a caraciture and symbol of female equality: economic and social equality. Small feminist presses such as "The Woman's Herald," "The Woman's Signal," "The Woman's Gazette," and "Shafts" published on the liberal-minded woman; however, mainstream presses often contested the legitimacy of the "New Woman." Tusan points out that public perception of the "New Woman," shaped by mainstream presses, often depicted the "New Woman" as mannish and brutish, a woman who shuns marriage and is overtly masculine, a woman who denies her obligations to the domestic sphere. Others (such as the novelist Ouida) did not have patience for the utopian feminist ideals and thought the "New Woman" ineffectual. What the "New Woman" represented for the small feminist press was a woman who had: the right to education, remumerative employment, amusements, and civic involvement with her country's welfare. Tusan argues that the periodical press provided the infrastructure for women to exchange ideas about women's rights and mediate ideas; Tusan notes that some women's periodicals, like "Shafts," encouraged women readers to submit their opinions on topics; in effect, feminist presses gave women writers authorial voices against mainstream currents. Other papers like "The Woman's Herald" used the "New Woman" iconography to advertise for more readership but limited the specifics of what kind of "radicalism" the movement entailed. Tusan then traces the "enemy" of the small feminist press: the mainstream press. "The Daily Telegraph," "The Daily Chronicle," and "The Pall Mall Gazette" in 1894 critique the New Woman, giving her alternative cultural meanings: a sexless and rebellious world; the woman with a male persona; the "dystopian nightmare" woman who is overly masculine. Such mainstream presses painted the "New Woman" in a mannish light; the effect is a play into society's fears. In response, the small feminist presses assured readers the "New Woman" is about family, home, and country; the "New Woman" desires to help her society and uphold family order; Tusan notes, the problem is how to "emancipate women" and "preserve motherhood." The small press promoted the idea that the "New Woman" is devoted to the home and the British nation; that this woman finds joy in marriage and motherhood. Tusan says the "New Woman" faded as an iconic by early 1897; the small presses were not strong enough to fight against the powerful and wide-circulating mainstream press; though, as Tusan says, the "New Woman" continues in spirit in the battle for women in Britain (and America) to gain enfranchisement at the fin-de-siecle, with women's suffragists at the helm. Tusan's main point here is that the public space of the periodical gave (at least for a bit) the "New Woman" legitimacy and respectability; and a tension between the mainstream press and small feminist presses (or suffrage papers) persists. This is a compelling article, per usual. I would like to learn more about the suffrage papers of the early twentieth-century.

Collier, P. (2008). John O'London's Weekly and the Modern Author. In: Ardis, A., Collier, P. (eds) Transatlantic Print Culture, 1880-1940. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230228450_7

Patrick Collier analyzes the different kinds of modern authors and imagined readers which are represented through the linguistic and bibliographic codes — essays, editorials, advertisements — of a modern magazine called John O'London's Weekly. He begins by pointing out a contribution to the magazine by James Milne, who himself prompts a debate about the "ideological contradiction between art and money," or between the Romantic ideal of a writer as a genius dispassionate from the market and the author as a professional who earns an income. John O'London's content presents different ranges of authors along these spectral lines, what Collier calls "commitments to multiple, incompatible models of authorship." Given the magazine's polyvocality, Collier focuses on how the magazine portrays a model of the author-as-celebrity with a desirable lifestyle through its treatment of H.G. Wells and Thomas Hardy. The magazine also, interestingly enough, lent itself towards an imagined reader who is also an aspiring writer. Jonathan Wild argues that John O'London's is aimed at a new reading public seeking relief from the first World War, not university-educated but literature. Collier sees the magazine appropriating a nineteenth-century "educational ideal" whereby newspapers prepare readers, through education, for increased participation in civil society. This magazine uses different features, editorial responses, and informative articles to position readers as growing learners and new writers. The magazine also presents images on an attractive lifestyle in which reading and writing are central through using visuals of gossip items, feature stories on authors, and advertisements for pens, reading-lamps, and bookcases. Some advertisements spent time promising readers success through correspondence colleges, such as the London School of Journalism and the Premier School of Journalism. Literary training ads shared space next to narratives of self-help and upward mobility. Collier identifies this as a "You can do it" ethos pervasive in the editorial content. The magazine distinguishes itself from journalism, as well, including essays by Whitten which argue that earning cash is not the writer's motive. Collier thinks Whitten displays a Flaubertian model of the professional writer, with payment a tertiary concern but an entitled reality. Such a tension is thus: the paper's narratives focus on writing as a field for upward mobility yet includes ads and descriptions of writing as a Romantically expressive activity. Raymond, included in the magazine, argues that writers are the ideal reader; ultimately a composite of romantic and professionalized authors is what emerges from the magazine's discourse of authorship. Collier concludes by thinking about how Hardy, the embodiment of literary greatness, is deployed by the magazine to leverage literary celebrity to inspire readers, though some see him as a degraded print culture relic, and Wells is positioned as a role-model for the imagined readership of hard-working literary strivers, along with an editorial facsimile which is used with ads and Wells to sell typewriters. Collier's treatment of authorship, or tracing the ways John O'London treats it, is illuminating.

Harris, Richard C. "" DEAR ALFRED"/" DEAR MISS CATHER": WILLA CATHER AND ALFRED KNOPF, 1920—1947." Studies in the Novel 45.3 (2013): 387-407.

Richard C. Harris astutely outlines the relationship between Willa Cather and Alfred Knopf. Knopf was educated at Columbia University beginning in 1908 and graduated in1912 and took a formative trip to Europe, where he realized that he wanted to pursue a career not in law but in publishing. In New York, Knopf worked under the tutelage of Doubleday and learned about manufacturing, advertising, and sales. Across the pond, Cather graduates from the University of Nebraska just before the twentieth-century and soon after moves to New York to begin working as an editor for McClure's Magazine. In 1912 Cather devoted herself not simply to editing the magazine but to writing short stories, poems, and eventually fiction. Cather works first with Houghton Mifflin because of her personal relationship to Ferris Greenslet, but in 1919-1920 goes into Knopf's New York office and, days later, negotiates a new business relationship between the author and publisher. One of Cather's first projects with Knopf is a book called "Claude" which relays the life of a soldier in the first World War, though Knopf (and Cather's friend) later convince Cather to change the title to One of Ours. Harris makes mention of more important insights about the Cather-Knopf relationship: Harris argues that both people wanted to please each other; Cather is extremely particular and hard to please; and Knopf gives Cather the liberty to write about what she wants to write about. In turn, Cather feels the pangs to not betray the trust of Knopf, promising to finish a later novel on time and agreeing to speak in public interviews, against her intuitive wishes to stay quiet and remain private. Harris insists that Knopf went out of their way to satisfy Cather: Knopf protected Cather's privacy, gave Cather financial success (or enabled her books to flourish), protected Cather against production studies who want to make her fiction into movies, showered Cather with gifts (e.g., flowers, wine, candy, fine clothing) and movie tickets and alcohol (during Prohibition). Cather also had the chance to meet celebrities and famous figures at concerts and recitals (along with performers and composers) while also getting a phonograph. Harris' piece is an excellent historical reading of the Cather-Knopf relationship; he notes more research could be done on the relationship between Cather and Knopf's wife, Blanche Knopf, and I still feel like more research can be done on Cather and the publication of her fiction during the postwar period (or WWII) into the age/era of postmodernism.

Darnton, Robert. "What Is the History of Books?" Daedalus, vol. 111, no. 3, 1982, pp. 65-83. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20024803. Accessed 16 Jun. 2022.

Robert Darnton's central project is to propose a model for book history scholarship which all scholars can adopt, in the wake of the field's ancillary disciplines; he says that there is a "communications circuit" that exists, that is, printed books pass through roughly the same life cycle; the circuit runs from author to publisher (if the bookseller does not assume the publisher's role), the printer, the shipper, the bookseller, and the reader. The reader completes the circuit because he influences the writer before and after the composition, and author's are readers themselves. Darnton provides a picture of the entire communication process in a model. He applies the circuit to the publishing history of Voltaire's "Questions sur l'Encyclopedie," an important work of the Enlightenment and of the eighteenth century. Darnton focuses on the role of the bookseller, which is the least familiar link in the diffusion process of Voltaire's works. Darnton unpacks the function of Isaac-Pierre Rigaud of Montpellier, a publisher who orders Voltaire's books through the printer called Societe typographique de Neuchatel (STN). There is evidence that Voltaire interferes with this process, adding and amending passages while cooperating with pirated editions behind the backs of the original publishers. Darnton argues that Riguard was conversative and never ordered more books than necessary, but once Rigaud ordered thirty nine-volume sets of "Questions'' as an anticipatory gesture of the book's success; Darnton argues that Rigaud dealt with competition of other booksellers by organizing his own creditors and controlling most of Montpellier's binderies. Voltaire, in turn, often worked several circuits at the same time, playing off publishers against each other, ordering the book enough times to get it before his competitors did. Darnton also describes the physical movement of the book, over the Alps and through middlemen, shipping agents, bargemen, wagoners, keepers, ship captains, dockers, before Rigaud's storeroom. Darnton also outlines how French eighteenth century taxes and bans on imports of books harmed the communication circuit by lower profits. Darnton notes how we don't have the archival records available to discern completely the nature of Voltaire's readers or how they responded to his text. He traces the decline of Rigaud's bookselling trade to the macro French social-economic decline during the Seven Years' War. Darnton then makes suggestions for further scholarship on each part of the communication circuit: authors, Darnton asks how writers deal with others in the circuit, and when exactly did writers shift from the patronage of wealthy noblemen to writing as a fiscally independent activity; publishers, Darnton says we need more research on how publishers are distinct from master booksellers and printers, while seeing how publisher drew up contracts and negotiate with political authorities are ripe for analysis, as well as book advertising and commercial correspondence; printers, Darnton says is understood well thanks to Shakespeare scholarship extended into work on printing shops during the hand press period of 1500-1800, with more work done on how technology affects labor management, how printers calculate costs, how book budgets change after machine-made paper; shippers, Darnton notes that little is known about how books reach bookstores from printing shops, as books before the nineteenth century were sent in sheets to be bound, but the bookseller as a cultural agent and books as commodities research is ripe; readers, many scholars write about how reading changes over time, how reading frames and casts readers, how texts constrain readers and readers take liberties with texts, how reading was a passion, how reading is amusement or helps develop the bourgeois class, and who reads, in what conditions, at what time, and with what effect. Darnton's primary contribution is the communication circuit which really leads to some awe-inspiring critical questions.

Thacker, Robert. "" As the result of many solicitations": Ferris Greenslet, Houghton Mifflin, and Cather's career." Studies in the Novel 45.3 (2013): 369-386.

Robert Thacker traces the correspondence between Willa Cather and Ferris Greenslet from inception until Cather's split with Houghton Mifflin around 1921. Thacker begins with a history of Greenslet's early and professional life. Greenslet comes from a lineage of high English stock and was educated with a doctorate in English at Columbia in 1900. Greenslet wrote and published numerous books and stories at the turn of the century but moved into editing not long after. Thacker uses as primary evidence a few letters from the Houghton Mifflin archive at the Houghton Library at Harvard University, reports and correspondences between Cather and Greenslet, to discuss what happened when they crossed paths for the first time in 1906. Thacker walks through a few letters and traces the ways in which the Cather-Greenslet relationship is aligned in interest and purpose. One such letter (dated May 2nd) shows how Cather desires to become top dog and successful even whilst living off McClure's savings (which she just left and was a former editor for). Thacker argues that Cather's eventual and progressive dissatisfaction with Houghton Mifflin has much to do with HM charging fees which Cather found unacceptable; Cather refuses to meet face-to-face with Greenslet as she worries he will persuade her against her best interests. At the same time, Thacker points out that HM was never that enthusiastic about Cather's promise as a writer, holding few copies of her fiction at various points of the year (and planning for less total sales revenue than Cather forecasts). Thacker opines that Greenslet and HM nonetheless try their best to placate Cather and improve the marketing and publishing of her fiction. Into the 1920s, Cather remained somewhat involved with HM as Thacker argues neither Cather nor Greenslet wanted the public image (and relationship) of Cather-HM to become ruinous; this means Cather published some revised editions of her fiction, here and there. Thacker ends by noting that Cather's transition to Alfred Knopf was inevitable, and that Cather and Greenslet moved from professional allies to personal friends and occasional business associates. I think Thacker's research here is really compelling, though I would like to see more research done on Cather's fiction in light of attempts to make it into film/cinematic adaptations (e.g., Warner Brothers and other production studios).

Latham, Sean. "The Mess and Muddle of Modernism: The Modernist Journals Project and Modern Periodical Studies." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 30.2 (2011): 407-428.

Sean Latham begins by noting how Margaret Anderson, a female editor of "The Little Review," refused to separate art into a special sphere of its own, and this means that the modernist aesthetic of this magazine is imbued in the everyday life of people. Latham talks about how the Modernist Journals Project (MJP) seeks to recover the mess and muddle of generative magazine culture. The MJP recovers over 15,000 pages of scanned material from political commentary, cultural debate, art, and music criticism to book reviews and illustrations. The archival recovery of the magazines themselves flies in the face of the modernism fashioned by the Men of 1914. Latham says that new texts need new methods for analysis to understand editorship, collaboration, networking, and reception. The modernism of the book is not the same as the modernisms of magazines; and the modernisms of the magazines is where the contributions of women (esp. editors) really shines through. Latham says that the explosion of print culture created opportunities to address emergent publics as well as fashion new counter-publics through the dialogic pages of the magazine. These spaces, social, commercial, and political were provocative and unsettling, and used interactive juxtapositions to get readers to think. Latham's main thrust here is that magazines should be read weakly and flatly; that is, we should read the magazine in its entirety using its mixture of textual and visual objects. The contents of the magazine, in his example of reading "The Little Review," reveals that female editors orchestrated and arranged the piece around the "recombinant flux" of themes; in other words, individual readings of texts are not as helpful as considering the conversation the layout of the texts in a magazine format prompts for readers. This creates a feminist counter-narrative of modernism contra Eliot and Joyce (with their focus on individual genius). Lathan argues the magazine fashions these connections; and these connections are editorial rather than authorial and require us to move across the magazine rather than look deeply at individual pieces. The flattened textual space of the magazine enables these readings. Latham performs a similar "flat" reading of a "Scribner's Magazine," though only as an example. He ends with a meditation on how MJP is useful for teachers and students in the classroom. Latham talks about the search features of MJP; he once more points out an alternative to close reading, "distant reading," which reads entire archives rather than their individual components. Latham's contribution is twofold: he articulates a feminist conception of aesthetics for modern periodicals (editors who focus on works in conversation with each other; counter-public spaces) and he unsettles close reading practices and challenges conceptions of masculinist modernism. I would like to explore the MJP and see what strikes my interest and maybe develop a "flat," "weak," or "distant" reading of one such archival resource.

Adorno, Theodor W., and Jay M. Bernstein. The culture industry: Selected essays on mass culture. Routledge, 2020.

Theodor Adorno in this highly theoretical piece talks about the culture industry. He says that the line between culture and empirical reality is more indistinct; and thinks that aesthetic semblance has been lost. Adorno says that readers are told they can retain childhood dreams through children's literature even while growing up in a class society that wants them to be professionals. Adorno thinks that technology is ungirded by forces of capital which exert control over us. Reality becomes a particular kind of ideology; imagination is replaced by a mechanically relentless control mechanism. The distinction between image and reality has broken down; the waking life and dream life becomes fused; art becomes parasitic as it becomes equivalent to empirical reality. Films also succumb to ideology. Adorno thinks that mass culture is self-reflective: things refer to other things which came before it. He says all mass culture is adaptation; the pre-digested quality of products prevail and become the established order. Advertising absorbed surrealism and modernist movements have become commercialized. He thinks spiritual nobility and fraternity have transposed into workplace slogans; mass culture is without conflict, but instead with shocks and sensations; products are articulated in terms of episodes and adventures, not in acts; the consumer is reduced to the abstract present. Adorno thinks history has a tenuous relationship with advanced industrial goods and technology; history sort of becomes subverted by mechanical repetition. Adorno critiques jazz and talks about how Jazz plays with time and temporality; he notes the eye of the camera in films which already perceives the conflict before the viewer; in biographies of great individuals, nothing happens to them which didn't happen anyway. He talks about conflict, theater, mass culture, and time; he thinks art in mass culture overcomes time and becomes impotent. Adorno argues mass culture nonetheless pays homage to time in every one of its products. Adorno talks about the intriguer as the negative image of the bourgeois individual; he thinks art is controlled by monopolies which debase it. He says the omnipresence of technology imprints itself upon objects and everything historical; the new objectivity was developed in architecture; the intellectual and cultural needs of the consumer adapt themselves to material needs. Adorno opines that the genuine experience of art has been devalued into matters of evaluation; the consumer recognizes what is offered; the consumer risks alienation and loss of prestige if he does not appear well-informed on the product. Information through leaflets and guides and radio recommendations constantly tell the consumer about products; information of this kind decays the aesthetic image; the popular magazine works to disseminate inside stories. Adorno says mass culture is an organized mania for connecting everything with everything else, a "totality of public secrets." And despite the abundance of information, consumers don't view the information with any deep thought, never touching the essential; consumers become nihilistic and reject things they don't recognize, subsume, or verify as idiocy or ideology or derogatorily subjective. Adorno talks about advertising: three stages are advertising, information, and command; knowledge becomes a possession to be had, and again information becomes detached from thought; consumers are pitted to compete against each other. Advertising becomes like a sport, the sensuous moment of art turning into (through mass culture) a game of measurement, comparison, and assessment of physical phenomena. The bourgeois class consumes something mechanical, cultivate, discriminating, tediuous, let's say, but without thought. Mass culture self-reflectively shows how things are made and function; Adorno says sport is the "imageless counterpart to practical life." He says sports themselves transform the powerless into a band of applauding hooligans; sports are the colorless reflection of a hardened callous life. Mass culture shows us how to dress and be well fed; it only recognizes refined people; it becomes a game for consumers to reproduce formulas, conventions, and judgments of mass culture; mass culture decorum becomes a passport in a monopolized life; the dream industry represents the dreams of supplies among the people. And then images are constantly repeated; this is where Adorno thinks mass culture is about obedience; he finishes with a reflection about how we are sort of controlled by the culture industry. This piece is highly theoretical but also seems a political warning to the dangers of fascism, ideology, obedience, and the devolution of art.