Discrimination

A quick note on mixed signals

A three-way interaction between employee race, value for diversity, and supervisor race emerged, such that Blacks were absent more (less) often when perceived value for diversity was low (high) and their supervisors were Black. The authors explained these findings are a function of the mixed signals associated with having a Black supervisor (signaling a high value for diversity) and working in an environment characterized as low in value for diversity. Avery et al. (2007)

Accomodations at Work

Accommodations are modifications in the job, work environment, work process, or conditions of work (e.g., allowing spaces for a wheelchair to pass through work areas, providing larger font print media for vision-impaired personnel) which reduce physical and social barriers so that people with disabilities experience equal opportunity in a competitive work environment (EEOC, 1992). Reasonable accommodations are those that do not cause undue hardship, which is defined as causing significant expense or difficulty to implement (Knapp, Faley, & Long, 2006). Contrary to early expectations, monetary costs of accommodations are usually minimal (Braddock & Bachelder, 1994; Schartz, Hendricks, & Blanck, 2006).

Adverse Impact

Adverse impact (AI) refers to negative outcomes that befall members of groups protected by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (e.g., racial-ethnic minorities, women, religious minorities) when particular personnel procedures (e.g., employment tests/assessments, performance appraisals) are used in human resource decision-making. AI constitutes a prima facie case of discrimination; therefore, if a personnel procedure that causes AI is challenged in court, employers must demonstrate the validity of the procedure for eventual job performance, in terms of the job-relevance and/or business necessity of the knowledge, skills, abilities, and other characteristics (KSAOs) measured (Uniform Guidelines, 1978).

National Origin/Immigration Discrimination

Although the unemployment rate is approximately the same for foreign- and native-born workers (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009), there is evidence of occupational segregation, with foreign born workers more likely to be employed in lower-level and lower-paying occupations. Foreign-born workers are much more likely to work in service occupations (23.2%) than their native-born counterparts (15.6%), and much less apt to work in managerial and professional occupations (28.2%) compared to native born workers (37.8%; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009). Overall, foreign-born personnel's earnings comprise about 80% of those earned by native-born employees.

Discrimination in Performance Evaluations

Although, all analyses show that White ratees are evaluated more positively than Black ratees (with the exception of Kraiger and Ford's, 1985, results for Black raters), there is no direct evidence that these disparities are due to rating bias because the analyses did not differentiate studies which held performance levels constant across racial-ethnic groups. Several authors have examined the effects of measurement method (i.e., whether performance is measured subjectively, which is prone to bias, or objectively by way of mechanical, judgment-free processes) on racial-ethnic mean disparities in performance evaluations (Chung-Yan & Cronshaw, 2002; Ford et al., 1986; McKay & McDaniel, 2006; Roth et al., 2003). The results of these meta-analyses fail to provide consistent evidence for ratings bias. Sackett and DuBois (1991) paper was that raters (specifically Black raters) do not rate members of their own racial-ethnic group more favorably.

Research on Salary Negotiations

Another recent investigation involving a series of experiments using adult respondents (Bowles, Babcock, & Lai, 2007), revealed that women incur greater social costs from engaging in salary negotiations and exhibit reluctance to do so for fear of these costs.

Research on Sexual Harassment Training

Antecol and Cobb-Clark (2003) found that SH awareness training did render employees, especially men, more likely to label sex-related behavior as SH, than those who did not receive training. Wilkerson (1999) found that SH training only affected perceptions of coercion, but not other sex-related behaviors. Clearly, we need to learn more about how to effectively design and evaluate SH awareness programs.

Work Samples and AI

Because work samples are closely aligned to actual job performance relative to other selection procedures, they are highly valid predictors of job performance (Hunter & Hunter, 1984; Roth, Bobko, & McFarland, 2005; Schmitt, Clause, & Pulakos, 1996). Meta-analytic studies report that work sample true validities range from .39 (Roth et al., 2005) to .54 (Hunter & Hunter, 1984). In addition to favorable validity evidence, work samples tend to display lower AI against Blacks and Hispanics than CATs, with effect size values ranging from .00 for White-Hispanic contrasts (k = 20, N = 7,848; Schmitt et al., 1996) to .73 for White-Black comparisons (k = 21, N = 2,476; Roth, Bobko, McFarland, & Buster, 2008). White-Black mean differences in work sample performance were larger among applicant samples (d = .73, k = 21, N = 2,476) than job incumbents (d = .36, k = 19, N = 5,611). Not surprisingly, these latter values were similar to those reported by McKay and McDaniel (2006)

Racial Ethnic Harassment

Bergman et al. (2007) With respect to derogatory and exclusionary behaviors, Asian/Pacific Islander (d = .27), Black (d = .49), Hispanic (d = .42), and Native American respondents (d = .38) all reported significantly more harassment than Whites. While effect sizes were much smaller with respect to physical confrontation and assault, Asian/Pacific Islanders (d = .03), Black respondents (d = .06), Hispanic respondents (d = .06), and Native Americans (d = .06) all expressed significantly more harassment than Whites. In terms of the RED scale, Blacks and Native Americans reported more discrimination than did Hispanics who, in turn, recounted more discrimination than Asians and Whites.

SDO and RWA are not Personality Traits

Both RWA and SDO are better thought of as basic dimensions of social attitudes and values, rather than personality traits (Duckitt, 2001; Pratto et al., 1994; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). They mediate the relationship between personality traits and prejudice.

When do modern racists and averse racists discriminate?

Brief et al. (2000) found that when respondents were given permission by authorities (high attributional-ambiguity condition), higher levels of modern racism were associated with lower hiring recommendations of a Black target. Dovido and Gaertner (2000) manipulated ambiguity by the strength of the qualifications for a fictional job candidate. Only in those conditions where the qualifications were ambiguous (as opposed to clearly high or low), did respondents discriminate against Black candidates.

Research on Race and Cognitive Ability Tests

CAT scores have high AI against Blacks (d = 1.10, k = 105, N = 6,246,729) and Hispanics (d = .72, k = 39, N = 5,696,519), indicating that members of these minority subgroups earn markedly lower CAT scores than their White counterparts (Roth et al., 2001).

Video vs Paper and Pencil SJTs

Chan and Schmitt (1997) found that video-based situational judgment tests yielded smaller Black-White differences than traditional paper-and-pencil tests.

Criterion Type

Criterion type refers to the nature of a work performance measure (e.g., productivity, job knowledge, and task performance and contextual performance). A common finding across these studies is that effect sizes are larger for criteria with high versus low cognitive loadings Using correlated vectors analysis, which assessed the extent to which several moderators related to the magnitudes of White-Black mean effect sizes, criterion cognitive loading was shown to be strongly and positively correlated with effect sizes Zatzick et al. (2003) found that minority representation exhibited a negative relationship with turnover

Criticisms of the Implicit Association Test

Criticisms include questions about the construct validity of the IAT, criterion validity; that is, does it actually predict discriminatory behavior, and the extent to which research conducted in the laboratory generalizes to real world situations (Blanton et al., 2009; Landy, 2008).

Effects of Stereotype Content on Behavioral Tendencies Towards Targets

Cuddy et al. (2007) linked the BIAS map (where various groups fall on the stereotype grid) to emotions and behaviors. As stated above, stereotype content was associated with the emotions of pity (high warmth, low competence), admiration (high warmth, high competence), contempt (low warmth, low competence), and envy (low warmth and high competence). These emotions, in turn, predicted behavioral tendencies towards targets. Pity leads to both active facilitation (helping) and passive harm (neglecting). Admiration leads to both passive facilitation (associating) and active facilitation. Contempt was associated with both active harm (harassing) and passive harm. Envy was associated with passive facilitation and active harm.

Research on Stereotype Content

Cuddy, Fiske, Glick and their colleagues (Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2007; Cuddy et al., 2009; Fiske, Cuddy, & Glick, 2006; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002) developed a model of stereotype content derived to generalize across groups. The Cuddy, Fiske, and Glick model also accounts for ambivalence in stereotypes and confusion in the literature. The model states that stereotypes fall along two dimensions: warmth and competence. Stereotypes characterized by high warmth and high competence lead to admiration and high status perceptions. This is the stereotype most likely applied to housewives, Christians, Irish, middle class, Americans, and Black professionals. Stereotypes characterized by high warmth and low competence lead to paternalistic prejudices and perceptions of low status, noncompetitiveness, and pity (Fiske et al., 2006). These stereotypes are applied to the elderly, blind people and retarded individuals (Fiske et al., 2006). Low warmth and low competence stereotypes lead to contemptuous prejudice, perceptions of low status, contempt, disgust, anger, and resentment. These stereotypes are applied to Turks, Arabs, Feminists, poor Blacks, and welfare recipients (Fiske et al., 2006). Finally, low warmth and high competence stereotypes lead to envious prejudice, perceptions of high status, envy, and jealousy. These stereotypes are applied to Asians, businesswomen, Jewish people, Northerners, and rich people (Fiske et al., 2006; Fiske et al. 2002) Cuddy et al. (2007) developed the BIAS map to locate (usually through cluster analysis) where various groups fall on dimensions of warmth and competence. The model has also been shown to generalize across national cultures (Cuddy et al., 2007).

Research on Subtle Discrimination

Deitch et al. (2003) compared various samples of Black and White civilian and military employees' responses to two instruments which simply asked about general mistreatment experienced at work. Findings indicated that Blacks experienced more mistreatment than Whites, and this mistreatment further mediated racial disparities in job satisfaction, emotional well-being, and physical well-being. Brief et al. (2000) showed that respondents exhibited a greater propensity to discriminate against a Black job applicant when their behavior could be attributed to nonprejudicial factors (i.e., directives from an authority). Hebl et al. (2002; also see King et al., 2006) showed, in an audit study, that hiring managers did not formally discriminate against gay job applicants (e.g., deny them the opportunity to apply for a position), but evidenced "interpersonal" discrimination by engaging in shorter interactions with them. Frazer and Wiersma's (2001) laboratory study of students rating Black and White hypothetical job candidates revealed no evidence discrimination in actual ratings; however, when questioned one week later, participants recalled, stereotypically, that the answers given by Black applicants to be significantly less intelligent than those provided by White applicants.

Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice

Eagly, 1987; Eagly & Karau, 2002; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000 Role incongruity exists when gender role stereotypes do not fit with the stereotypes, prototypes, or expectations people have towards a certain role, specifically leadership roles. Men and leaders are characterized as agentic (competitive, aggressive, self-confident, ambitious, objective), in contrast to women who are characterized as communal, nurturing, and relationship-oriented (Schein, 1973, 1975). Two types of prejudice and discrimination can occur. The first is a less favorable perception of the potential (i.e., future expectation) of women as leaders (Eagly & Karau, 2002). The second is a more negative evaluation of women as leaders when they behave more agentically, due to injunctive stereotype incongruity (Eagly & Karau, 2002).

Coping Behaviors when dealing with Sexual Harassment

Early research (Knapp, Faley, Ekeberg, & DuBois, 1997; Malamut & Offerman, 2001) proposed and found that coping behaviors fall into four categories: (a) advocacy seeking—gaining support from authorities; (b) social coping—obtaining help and emotional support from trusted others; (c) avoidance/denial—avoiding the harassing situation by physically removing oneself from the situation, or by cognitively denying the situation (d) confrontation/negotiation—directly insisting that the SH behavior cease. Similarly, Wasti and Cortina (2002) found a five-type structure: (a) advocacy-seeking behaviors, (b) social coping, (c) negotiation, (d) denial, and (e) avoidance. Cortina and Wasti (2005) also reported that climate for tolerance of SH (high tolerance led to more avoidant negotiating for the working class respondents and support seeking for the professional respondents), and ethnicity (U.S. Anglos were more likely to be detached than U.S. Hispanics and Turkish respondents) influenced coping responses.

Age Discrimination

Employers desire to keep older workers in their jobs longer (Posthuma & Campion, 2009). Simultaneously, however, there is concern that layoffs will disproportionately affect older workers (Shore & Goldberg, 2005). Review suggests that we need to start thinking about accommodations for workers of advanced ages

United States Anti-Discrimination Laws

Federal law Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Civil Rights Act of 1991, Equal Pay Act (EPA) of 1963, Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) of 1967, and Title I and V of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 protects individuals on the basis of their race, color, religion, sex, national origin, and age (40 years old and over), as well as qualified individuals with disabilities in the private sector. The Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) is an amendment to Title VII which makes it unlawful to discriminate on the basis of pregnancy, childbirth, or a related medical condition. There are more stringent laws applied to federal employees and applicants which include the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 (CSRA) which in addition to the above characteristics, also protects individuals based on sexual orientation, whistle blowing, and exercising grievance and appeal rights (EEOC, 2009a)

Ascendants of SH (Climate)

Fitzgerald et al. (1997) found that organizational tolerance for SH and gender type of job (measured by gender ratio of work group, sex of supervisor, and whether the respondent was one of the first women in her job) were strongly related to self-reports of SH. Willness et al. (2007) conducted a meta-analysis of this research and found that climate for SH had an extremely large effect on reports of SH (rc = .332, k = 21, N = 50,509). Job gender context also had a significant effect (rc = -.192, k = 13, N = 48,165.). Supervisors' or commanding officers' tolerance for SH were expected to predict the number of reports of SH (see Pryor, Giedd, & Williams, 1995, for a review).

Four important characteristics of the definition of discrimination

For discrimination to take place, an act or decision must be conducted toward the target. Cognitive, attitudinal, and emotional biases, such as prejudice and stereotypes, all play a role in behavioral discrimination but are not behaviors Future or present harm for the target individual or group occurs because of the discrimination Bad treatment occurs because of the target's perceived group membership, rather than a justifiable reason such as job performance, seniority, or random selection Targeting a class of persons rather than a person for individual reasons

Aversive Racism

Gaertner and Dovidio (1986) state that aversive racism "represents a particular type of ambivalence in which the conflict is between feelings and beliefs associated with a sincerely egalitarian value system and unacknowledged negative feelings and beliefs about blacks It is measured by scoring low on explicit measures of racism and high on implicit measures (e.g., the IAT; Son Hing, Chung-Yan, Hamilton, & Zanna, 2008).

LGBT Discrimination

Gay men earn 9% (Arabshebani, Marin, & Wadsworth, 2007) to 32% (Blandford, 2003) less than similarly qualified heterosexual men. While none of the nine studies in Badgett et al.'s (2007) review showed that lesbian women were penalized, there were inconsistencies in whether or not lesbians were granted a wage premium. Estimates ranged from no differences (Badgett, 2001; Klawitter & Flatt, 1998) to a 30% premium (Berg & Lien, 2002) earned by lesbian women.

Age biases in evaluations research Gordon and Arvey 2004

Gordon and Arvey (2004) found that younger targets received more positive ratings in terms of overall evaluations (d = .10, k = 45) and potential for development (d = .45, k = 17), whereas older targets received more positive stability ratings (d = -.67, k = 9). In contrast to Finkelstein et al. (1995), Gordon and Arvey (2004) reported that bias was greater against older targets in between-subjects (d = .31, k = 15) than in within-subjects designs (d = .10, k = 34). Specifically, the average effect size derived in the field (d = .10, k = 8) was nearly half of that obtained from laboratory settings (d = .19, k = 33), indicating that bias against older targets is stronger in laboratory settings. Furthermore, as aspects of the study became more ecologically valid (i.e., real applicants vs paper people, more information about the target, more information about the job, and supervisor vs student raters), the effects size for age bias diminished.

Implicit Attitudes and Implicit Stereotypes Defined

Greenwald and Banaji (1995) define implicit attitudes (prejudice) and stereotypes as follows: Implicit attitudes are introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) traces of past experience that mediate favorable or unfavorable feeling, thought, or action toward social objects. (p. 8) Implicit stereotypes are the introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) traces of past experience that mediate attributions of qualities to members of a social category. (p. 15)

Griggs v. Duke Power Company (1971)

Griggs v. Duke Power Company (1971) the court ruled that when employers use a neutral (not blatantly discriminatory) test or policy in selection that adversely affects women or minorities, then the employer is responsible for demonstrating the business necessity of using the test or policy.

Grutter v. Bollinger (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger (2003)

Grutter v. Bollinger (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger (2003) considered the use of race in university admissions and concluded that race-conscious admissions procedures can be consistent with a compelling interest to promote diversity, clarifying that race can be considered in "narrowly tailored" decisions but quotas are unconstitutional.

Conservatism and Affirmative Action

Harrison, Kravitz, Mayer, Leslie, & Lev-Arey (2006) conducted a meta-analysis of the relationship between Conservatism and attitudes towards affirmative action. In a sample of 23 studies, they found a mean correlation of -.284 (95 % confidence interval: -.350 to -.218). This relationship was moderated by the justification given for the affirmative action plan. As the explicit statement of the plan became more oriented toward strong preferential treatment (and less towards merit and opportunity), the effects of Conservatism became weaker. The strongest effect was found when respondents were not given any description of the affirmative action plan (k = 8, mean r = -.487, 95% confidence interval: -.541 to -.334).

Perceived Gender Discrimination Effects

Higher perceived sex discrimination is associated with lower job satisfaction (Foley, Hang-Yue, & Wong, 2005; Settles, Cortina, Malley, & Stewart, 2006), job involvement (Gutek, Cohen, & Tsui, 1996), organizational commitment (Foley et al., 2005), procedural justice (Foley et al., 2005), distributive justice (Foley et al., 2005), productivity (Settles et al., 2006), likelihood of choosing the same profession (Gutek et al., 1996), and power and prestige of one's job (Gutek et al., 1996), and increased work conflict (Gutek et al., 1996) and turnover intentions (Cunningham & Sagas, 2007; Gutek et al., 1996).

Hunter's (1983)

Hunter's (1983) theory of job performance explains the general relevance of cognitive ability for job performance as follows. Cognitive ability relates to job performance through its influence on the acquisition of job knowledge. Workers who are higher in cognitive ability will learn job requirements more quickly and thoroughly, with beneficial effects on subsequent job performance. Moreover, this process should be amplified for complex jobs since these positions tend to have higher knowledge requirements.

Age biases in evaluations research Kite, Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005

In correspondence with Gordon and Arvey's (2004) results, Kite et al. (2005) observed that as greater information was provided, the bias against older targets weakened. Unlike Gordon and Arvey (2004), however, bias was not reduced in ratings gathered from the general population, as compared to students. In addition, within designs were associated with greater, not lesser bias than between designs. Interestingly, they also found that middle-aged adults displayed the most bias in competence ratings of older adults (d =. 50, k = 11) relative to young (d = .35, k = 59), and older adults (d = .26, k = 10).

Job Knowledge Tests

Job knowledge tests (JKTs) are used to determine whether job applicants possess a body of information requisite for effective job performance (Hunter, 1983, 1986). JKTs are most appropriate for experienced job candidates who have had sufficient opportunity to develop work-related knowledge. These measures have been used as predictors (Hunter, 1986), work performance criteria (Gael, Grant, & Ritchie, 1975), and training proficiency criteria (Kriska, 1984) for jobs as diverse as police officer, firefighter, administrative assistant, and service representative. Tend to be multiple choice

Conservatism

Jost et al. (2003) describe Political Conservatism as "a motivated social cognition" where political ideologies are adopted because they satisfy psychological needs such as fear and anxiety reduction or the enhancement of self-esteem. Two underlying dimensions: fear of change and acceptance of inequality.

Weight Discrimination

Legally, there are no Federal laws protecting against weight discrimination—per se, yet, a handful of states (Michigan and District of Columbia) and municipalities have specific laws protecting against weight and appearance discrimination. In most cases, people who file discrimination claims based on weight, often sue unsuccessfully under other Federal laws Most courts have ruled against obesity alone as a disability under the ADA (1990), with the exception of some cases involving morbid obesity (100% or 100 pounds overweight). Fikkan and Rothblum (2005) reviewed studies assessing pay differentials for overweight and obese individuals, relative to those of normal weight, and concluded that men do not receive much of a penalty for being severely obese. In contrast, overweight/obese women earn 7% to 30% less than their normal weight counterparts. Furthermore, these disparities were even larger for White women than for Hispanic and Black women, as well as for highly versus less well-educated women.

Group Threat and Responses

Levine and Campbell (1972) put forth "Realistic Group Conflict Theory" which states that antagonism between groups is due to competition for scarce resources. Finally, Giles and Evans' (1986) "Power Theory" describes ethnic groups as means for the pursuit of self-interest leading to in-group identification and perceptions of threat from out-groups. Taylor (1998) The finding that racial composition only affects White's prejudice towards Blacks (and not Asian or Hispanic Americans) suggests that the group threat hypothesis may be more complicated than currently stated

Glass Ceiling

Many studies by Heilman and colleagues (e.g., Heilman & Okimoto, 2007, 2008) considered the ways in which gendered positions or tasks can exacerbate and attenuate the extent of gender bias in performance ratings. Based largely in concerns about data suggesting that women are stopped by a "glass ceiling" in their advancement, a number of articles explored explanations for gender differences in career progression (e.g., Lyness & Thompson, 1997; Stroh, Brett, & Reilly, 1992). These articles compare the experiences of men and women across hierarchical levels to explain why women are underrepresented at the top of the corporate ladder.

Research on AI and SJT

Meta-analysis by Whetzel, McDaniel, and Nguyen (2008) examined subgroup differences associated with SJTs and found that effect sizes were largest for the White-Black comparison (d = .38, k = 62, N = 42,178), followed by the White-Asian (d = .29, k = 25, N = 16,515), White-Hispanic (d = .24, k = 43, N = 15,195), and male-female contrasts (d = .11, k = 63, N = 37,829). Moreover, further analyses revealed that racial-ethnic mean effect sizes where slightly larger (ranging from .03 to .12 larger) for SJTs that used knowledge response instructions (i.e., "Select the most effective response to the scenario") than those with behavioral tendency response instructions (i.e., "Select the response option that best reflects your typical response to the scenario")

Modern Racism

More subtle forms of racism McConahay (1986) presents four beliefs white people may have about minorities if they are high in modern racism : "(1) Discrimination is a thing of the past because Blacks now have the freedom to compete in the marketplace and to enjoy those things they can afford. (2) Blacks are pushing too hard, too fast and into places where they are not wanted. (3) These tactics and demands are unfair. (4) Therefore, recent gains are undeserved and the prestige granting institutions of society are giving Blacks more attention and the concomitant status than they deserve." Modern Racism Scale (McConahay, 1986) Symbolic Racism Scale (Henry & Sears, 2002) similar construct

Perceived Racial Discrimination Effects

Myriad organizational researchers have found that perceived racial-ethnic discrimination is related to lower job satisfaction (Ensher, Grant-Vallone, & Donaldson, 2001; Foley, Kidder, & Powell, 2002; Holder & Vaux, 1998; Moyes, Williams, & Quigley, 2000; Sanchez & Brock, 1996), organizational commitment (Ensher et al., 2001; Sanchez & Brock, 1996), performance of OCBs (Ensher et al., 2001), perceptions of career prospects (Foley et al., 2002), distributive justice (Foley et al., 2002), and work tension (Sanchez & Brock, 1996), and heightened perceptions of Glass Ceiling (advancement) barriers (Foley et al., 2002) and turnover intentions (Foley et al., 2002). Branscombe et al.'s (1999) rejection-identification model, which proposes that discrimination can have, simultaneously, negative effects on psychological well-being, as a form of rejection by the dominant group, and positive impact on well-being through fostering increased in-group identification

Taxonomy of Sexual Harassment

Nguyen, and Sackett (2001) advanced a taxonomy of seven behavioral categories of SH: impersonal derogatory attitudes (e.g., dirty jokes), personal derogatory attitudes (e.g., sexual comments aimed at the target), unwanted dating pressure, sexual propositions, physical sexual contact (e.g., kissing the target), physical nonsexual contact (e.g., congratulatory hugging the target), and sexual coercion.

Tokenism and Numerical Distinctiveness Theory

Numerical distinctiveness theory and Kanter's (1977) seminal work on women managers advanced the notion that the number of one's group within the organization influences how one is perceived. Kanter (1977) argued that token status within an organization leads to "token dynamics" consisting of increased visibility of the token, contrast whereby tokens and other members focus on differences between themselves, and increased stereotyping of the token. However, subsequent research while being generally supportive of Kanter's (1977) theory (see Goldman et al., 2006, for a review), has found that these dynamics only occur when the token is a member of a low-status or traditionally disadvantaged group (Zimmer, 1988).

Goal-Oriented Sexual Harassment

O'Leary-Kelly, Paetzold, and Griffin (2000) developed an alternative approach to studying perpetrator characteristics based on the rationale that SH should be viewed as a goal-directed behavior aimed at achieving a specific purpose men are more likely to harass women when they were exposed to gender identity threats (e.g., having their masculinity questioned; Dall'Ara & Maas, 1999; Maass, Cadinu, Guarnieri, & Grasselli, 2003). However, a person-situation interaction was also evident in this research because LSH, gender identification, and SDO interacted with gender threat, such that men low on these characteristics did not perpetrate SH under threat conditions.

Sterotypes and Pay Discrimination

One frequently given explanation for pay discrimination is that stereotyping and lowered performance expectations diminish the perceived value of contributions (e.g., Ostroff & Atwater, 2003) by either influencing individual pay decisions, or reflecting institutionalized norms and policies (Pfeffer & Davis-Blake, 1987). Stereotypes can affect pay decisions is through their influence on the value of a group's work. It is well documented that as the proportion of women (and minorities) in an occupation or a job increases, pay diminishes (e.g., England, Farkas, Kilbourne, & Dou, 1988; Ostroff & Atwater, 2004; Pfeffer & Davis-Blake, 1987). The "stigma of incompetence." In essence, individuals assume that women and minorities are hired due to sex- or race-based preferential hiring, rather than for their work qualifications, unless they are provided strong information to the contrary Gerhart (1990) discovered that as much as 34% of the wage differences between men and women could be explained by initial salary disparities, and according to Babcock and Laschever (2003), such differentials accrue over time Depressed entitlement, as described by system justification theory, which indicates that members of low-status groups devalue their own contributions due to lessened feelings of self-worth (Jost et al., 2004).

Disability Discrimination

Only qualified workers with a disability are protected, thus, defining who is "disabled" has become a legal and research concern. Second, the ADA specifies that the organization must make reasonable accommodations for employees with disabilities. The ADA (1990) defines disability as (with respect to an individual): (a) a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more of the major life activities of the individual; (b) having a record of such disability; or (c) being regarded as having a disability (EEOC, 1992; EEOC, 2002a). Results from the Current Population Survey show that in 2005, people with disabilities had an unemployment rate of 10.5% compared to 4.7% in the general population (McMenamin, Miller, & Polivka, 2006

Organizational Tolerance for Sexual Harassment (OTSH(

Organizational Tolerance for Sexual Harassment (OTSH) inventory (Hulin, Fitzgerald, & Drasgow, 1996) to assess climate. The OTSH asks respondents to evaluate six scenarios involving sexual behavior in terms of the likely outcomes to the harasser, to the complainant, and the degree to which the complaint will be taken seriously. Job gender context is usually operationalized as the proportion of the women in the work group (Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007).

Perceived Sexual Orientation Discrimination Effects

Organizational research has shown consistently that perceived discrimination based on sexual orientation is related to reduced job satisfaction (Button, 2001; Ragins & Cornwell, 2001; Waldo, 1999), organizational commitment (Button, 2001; Ragins & Cornwell, 2001; Waldo, 1999), career commitment (Ragins & Cornwell, 2001), compensation (Ragins & Cornwell, 2001), opportunities for promotion (Ragins & Cornwell, 2001), disclosure of sexual orientation (Button, 2001; Ragins & Cornwell, 2001), and organization-based self-esteem (i.e., "the degree that employees can satisfy their needs by participating in roles within the context of an organization," Pierce, Gardner, Cummings, & Dunham, 1989, p. 625), and increased work withdrawal (i.e., desire to leave one's immediate work environment without quitting; Waldo, 1999) and turnover intentions (Ragins & Cornwell, 2001). Button (2001) Results showed that stronger identification with gays/lesbians as a group amplified the negative discrimination-job satisfaction association, suggesting more debilitating effects of discrimination on work attitudes among gays/lesbians when sexual orientation is a central portion of the self-concept

Subtle Discrimination

Other terms such as "interpersonal discrimination" (Hebl et al., 2002; King, Shapiro, Hebl, Singletary, & Turner, 2006), "everyday discrimination" (Deitch et al., 2003), or "microaggressions" (Pettigrew & Martin, 1987) have been used in our literature to label subtle discrimination. A key limitation of such work is that there is no strong conceptual definition of subtle discrimination, and its operationalizations vary greatly across studies

Perceived Disability Discrimination Effects

Perry, Hendricks, and Broadbent (2000) Disability status was positively related to access discrimination, especially for individuals with wheelchair and visual disabilities, while disability status was meaningfully correlated with access discrimination only for those with visual deficits compared to all other survey respondents. Most notably, access discrimination was negatively associated with job satisfaction, although disability status was associated with marginally higher job satisfaction, controlling for current health, ability to work, and other relevant control variables. These results suggest that since the disabled encounter many barriers to employment, any access to paid work is deemed satisfactory. A side effect of this tendency, however, is that employers underpay disabled workers for their work, and place them in lower-status jobs than their nondisabled colleagues (Schur, Kruse, Blasi, & Blanck, 2009).

Adverse Impact and various assessments

Personality is low in AI Integrity Tests low in AI Interviews correlate with cognitive ability more than the others but had low AI Work samples can be moderate to high in AI depending on constructs assessed SJTs are associated with lower AI than CATs Bio data has higher AI but research evidence is scant here Assessment centers higher in AI against Blacks/Hispanics Physical AI for women

Strategies for Reducing Adverse Impact

Ployhart and Holtz (2008) found that Category I strategies that use predictors with smaller subgroup differences and Category II strategies that combine and manipulate scores have the greatest promise for mitigating the AI of selection procedures against Blacks and Hispanics. There are a number of selection procedures with criterion-related validities that approximate values derived for CATs such as work samples, integrity tests, SJTs, structured interviews, and ACs, which are also associated with reduced mean racial-ethnic disparities in scores. Assessing a broad range of predictor constructs is warranted by recent societal trends wherein jobs are becoming more service-oriented and team-based, suggesting the increased relevance of dispositional variables to effective job performance (Goldstein et al., 2002). Moreover, adding noncognitive tests/assessments to predictor batteries will result in incremental validity for predicting job performance beyond CATs, to the extent that these measures are valid and relatively uncorrelated with cognitive ability (Goldstein et al., 2002; Schmidt & Hunter, 1998).

Ways to Measure Implicit Attitudes and Sterotypes

Priming Latency IAT

Pryor Model of Sexual Harassment

Pryor and his colleagues (Pryor, 1992; Pryor et al., 1995) formulated a model of sexual harassment which states that perpetrators' dispositions to harass interact with the organizational climate, such that dispositions only result in harassment when the organizational climate is tolerant of such behavior.

Research on Racial Composition of Community in IO Research

Pugh, Dietz, Brief, and Wiley (2008), in a study of bank employees found that racial composition of the community moderated the relationship between diversity climate perceptions and workforce racial composition (percentage of minority employees in each business unit). When community racial composition was low (i.e., few minorities lived in the community), the relationship between workforce composition and diversity climate perceptions was stronger than when the community racial composition was high. They argued that under conditions of low racial composition, workforce composition would have a stronger signaling effect than when there were a large number of Blacks in the community.

Research Findings on SDO and RWA

RWA and SDO are weakly correlated with correlations around .20 (Altemeyer, 1998, p. 87; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999, p. 74) They predict attitudes better than they predict behavior (Duriez & Van Hiel, 2002; Saucier, 2000).

Disability and Performance Evaluations

Ren et al. (2008) conducted a meta-analysis on personnel evaluations and disabilities across 31 studies which used a control group of non-disabled people. Contrary to predictions, they found a positive effect for disability on performance evaluations (d = .25, k = 13, N = 1154). Overall disability was negatively related to performance expectations (d = -.14, k = 14, N = 1073) and hiring decisions (d = -.09, k = 37, N = 5023). The effects of physical disability were nonsignificant for performance expectations and slightly negative for hiring recommendations (d = -.08, k = 28, N = 4581). Effect sizes for mental disabilities on performance expectations (d = -.33, k = 4, N = 227) and hiring recommendations (d = -.58, k = 6, N = 298) were more negative. One explanation for these positive findings is the "norm to be kind hypothesis," which states that there is a social norm to be kind to disabled individuals (Hastorf, Northcraft, & Piciotto, 1979; Katz & Glass, 1979; Weinberg, 1983). Another explanation is that people have extremely low performance expectations for people with disabilities, and when they perform well, they are over-rated because the initial standard was low (Czajka & DeNisi, 1988; Hastorf et al., 1979; Stone & Colella, 1996). Finally, research has shown that people act paternalistically towards disabled people (see Colella & Stone, 2005),

Research on AI and Assessment Centers

Research examining subgroup differences in AC scores is in its infancy. In a meta-analytic study, Dean, Roth, and Bobko (2008) obtained White-Black, Hispanic-White, and male-female mean effect sizes of .52 (k = 17, N = 8,210), .28 (k = 9, N = 40,591), and -.19 (k = 18, N = 12,128) for OAR scores. These results indicate relatively high, moderate, and low AI against Blacks, Hispanics, and men, respectively. Meriac, Hoffman, Woehr, and Fleisher's (2008) meta-analysis found that all seven AC dimensions were meaningfully correlated with cognitive ability test scores (corrected mean rs range from .22 for consideration/awareness of others [k = 21, N = 6,599] to .36 for organizing and planning [k = 15, N = 11,683]), which might explain why ACs have considerable AI against Blacks and Hispanics.

Broadening what job performance means may help increase diversity

Research has shown that task performance is best predicted by cognitive ability, while contextual performance is forecasted well by dispositional variables such as personality constructs (Hattrup, O'Connell, & Wingate, 1998; Johnson, 2001).

Interviews and AI

Roth, Van Iddekinge, Huffcutt, Edison, and Bobko (2002) Roth et al. (2002) found a White-Black (corrected) mean effect size of .46 in scores on a structured, behavioral interview, a figure two times larger than the .23 meta-analytic estimate reported by Huffcutt and Roth (1998). Therefore, in summary, it appears that while structured interviews are associated with lower AI against Blacks and Hispanics, these measures can result in sizable racial-ethnic mean differences in scores within applicant samples.

The debate is on: ethnic racial discrimination in evaluations is up for debate

Rotundo and Sackett (1999; p. 816) stated "there is no current method of establishing whether there is bias in performance ratings," and over ten years later, this still seems to be the case. They suggest searching for moderators One particularly interesting finding (Huffcutt & Roth, 1998) was that the ratio of Blacks in the applicant pool moderated the difference in interview ratings of White and Black applicants, such that the effect size was much higher (d = .41) when the ratio of Blacks was high rather than low (d = .15).

Meta Analysis on Gender and Sexual Harassment perceptions

Rotundo et al. (2001) conducted a meta-analysis examining the role that gender played in the perception of SH. They found that overall women were more likely to perceive a given behavior as sexual harassment (d = .30, k = 66, N = 33,164). This effect was moderated by the type of harassment, with men and women agreeing to a greater extent on quid pro quo SH (d = .18, k = 16, N = 9,646) than hostile environment SH (d = .33, k = 45, N = 27,354). Harasser status had a large impact on gender differences, with smaller disparities observed when the harasser had no formal authority (d = .42, k = 6, N = 1,259) compared to when he had formal authority (d = .26, k = 14, N = 4,616).

Obesity and Performance Ratings

Rudolph et al. (2009) examined the effect of weight-based bias on hiring, performance, and promotion outcomes. Overall, results revealed a larger discrimination effect than any other meta-analyses of discrimination on a particular characteristic (d = -.52, k = 42). Furthermore, this negative effect was larger for sales jobs (d = -.72, k = 10) and managerial jobs (d = -.62, k = 7), and discrimination was greater for hiring evaluations (d = -.76, k = 17) and suitability ratings (d = -.65, k = 14) than for performance evaluations (d = -.24, k = 4); however, the effect of attractiveness bias on promotion evaluations was nonsignificant Coats (2003) reported that attractive people received higher evaluations (d = .37, k = 62, N = 3,207). Moreover, they noted that effect sizes were stronger in within-subjects study designs compared to between-subjects designs, and that biasing effects decreased from 1975 to 1999

SDO RWA and Personality

SDO has been found in a meta-analysis by Sibley & Duckitt (2008) to be moderately negatively associated with the Big Five trait of Agreeableness (meta-analytic r ranged from -.26 to -.38, depending on Big Five scale) and weakly negatively associated with Openness to Experience (meta-analytic r ranged from -.11 to -.35, depending on Big Five scale). RWA was weakly positively associated with Conscientiousness (meta-analytic r ranged from -.10 to -.19, depending on Big Five scale) and moderately negatively associated with Openness to Experience (meta-analytic r ranged from -.26 to -.49, depending on Big Five scale).

Attraction-Selection-Attrition paradigm

Schneider (1987) argues that organizations tend toward homogeneity, because people are attracted to organizations comprised of similar people, organizations tend to select people who are similar to those who are already members, and people who are dissimilar, yet do enter the organization, tend to leave. Later, Schneider, Goldstein, and Smith (1995) clarified that the dimensions of similarity of importance are attitudes, values, and personality (in contrast to demographic characteristics).

Target Characteristics for Sexual Harassment

Several studies have found evidence for SH as a means of "punishment" for women who go against traditional gender norms (Berdhal, 2007a). Women with more "masculine" personalities (Berdhal, 2007b) are much more likely to experience SH than those in more traditional female jobs and with more stereotypically feminine personalities. Several studies have found that being a racial-ethnic minority is related to higher incidences of SH (Berdhal & Moore, 2006; Gettman & Gelfand, 2007).

Social Identity Theory

Social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), and relatedly, self-categorization theory (Turner, 1985) state that people categorize themselves and others along salient social and demographic dimensions such as race, age, sex, class, etc. Those who are classified as similar to oneself are viewed as in-group members, while those classified as dissimilar are out-group members. The results of this categorization are minimizing within-group differences, maximizing intergroup differences, displaying favoritism and trust towards those in the in-group, and stereotyping out-group members (Brewer, 2007).

Performance evaluations and sex discrimination

Swim, Borgida, Maruyama, and Myers (1989) performed a meta-analysis of gender-effects in the evaluation of hypothetical targets on various forms of performance. Findings showed an extremely small effect size (d = -.07, k = 119, N not reported) indicating that women were rated slightly lower than men (Davison & Burke, 2000), in which actual performance levels were controlled, revealed that women were assigned higher selection ratings than men in female sex-typed jobs (d = -.13, k = 8, N = 553; negative ratings mean that females were rated higher), while men were received higher ratings in male sex-typed jobs (d = .17, k = 13, N = 1061). Contrary to predictions, the authors found that both sexes rated men higher than women Bowen et al. (2000) meta-analysis provided a more exacting test of the stereotypical fit hypothesis in that it explored the sex stereotypes of specific performance rating dimensions. For those evaluations concerning male-typed performance dimensions (e.g., leadership, planning), there was greater bias against women (d = .13, k = 48), whereas a profemale bias was observed for more female-typed performance dimensions (e.g., interpersonal sensitivity, communication; d = -.26, k = 35). Men were rated higher than women for line jobs (male sex-typed), whereas women received higher ratings than men in staff jobs (female sex-typed).Women's performance evaluations were more closely tied to promotion decisions than were men's, which indicated that promotion standards were more flexible for men (Lyness and Heilman (2006)

System Justification Theory

System Justification Theory (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004) argues that people have three justification motives which can explain reactions to those in other groups. Ego justification is the desire to develop and maintain a positive self image and to feel valued. Group justification concerns the desire to maintain a positive depiction of one's own group and its members. Social identity theory addresses both of these motives. Where system justification system differs from other theories is that it contends that people also have a motive to justify the system, that is, to maintain the status quo of status difference which exists in one's society

Harassment

The EEOC (2009i) defines harassment as "unwelcome conduct that is based on race, color, sex, religion, national origin, disability, and/or age. Harassment becomes unlawful where (a) enduring the offensive conduct becomes a condition of continued employment, or (b) the conduct is severe or pervasive enough to create a work environment that a reasonable person would consider intimidating, hostile, or abusive." Sexual harassment received the most attention

Defining Workplace Discrimination

The National Research Council of the National Academies defines racial discrimination as follows (National Research Council, 2004, p. 39): (1) differential treatment on the basis of race that disadvantages a racial group and (2) treatment on the basis of inadequately justified factors other than race that disadvantages a racial group (differential effect). The unfair behavioral biases demonstrated against members of groups to which one does not belong (Dipboye and Colella's 2005)

Main Individual Differences Related to Discrimination

The authoritarian personality (Adorno et al., 1950; Altemeyer, 1981) and social dominance orientation (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). The more modern measure of right wing authoritarianism (RWA; Altemeyer, 1981) measures conventionalism, authoritarian aggression, and authoritarian submission. SDO is described as a "general attitudinal orientation toward intergroup relations, reflecting whether one generally prefers such relations to be equal, versus hierarchical...the extent to which one desires that one's in-group dominate and be superior to out-groups"

Types of Evidence Used to Determine Whether Discrimination Exists

The controlled experiment whereby the treatment of people who fall into a targeted group are compared to a control group of people who represent the majority, or nontargeted group. The audit study, whereby confederate targets enter an actual employment situation (e.g., applying for a job). Expensive, can only examine initial contact phenomena rather than on the job, internal validity issues in that confederates know they're in a study In the natural-quazi experiments To draw inferences about the degree of discrimination reduction due to a change in law, employment rates are compared before and after its enactment. Self-report of target: While this method allows for potentially rich data, there may be concern over the extent to which perceptions of discrimination actually reflect reality, can be influenced by way question is asked but tend to be valid and reliable Bobo & Suh, 2000 Correlational field study whereby employment outcomes (e.g., performance ratings, job satisfaction) are regressed on group characteristics, after controlling for other possible explanatory variables can't infer causality and may be due to some omitted variable

Four definitions of sexual harassment

The legal definition of sexual harassment addresses two types of harassment: quid pro quo and hostile work environment. Quid pro quo refers to employment decision threats based on compliance with sexual favors. Hostile work environment SH refers to "unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when this conduct explicitly or implicitly affects an individual's employment, unreasonably interferes with an individual's work performance, or creates an intimidating, hostile, or offensive work environment" (29 C.F.R. §1604.11 [a] [3]). The psychological definition of SH states that an individual has experienced SH if he or she feels harassed, whether or not the behavior is illegal (O'Leary-Kelly et al., 2009). The sex-based perspective (Berdhal, 2007a, p. 644) defines sex-based harassment as behavior that "derogates, demeans, or humiliates an individual based on that individual's sex." The behavioral-based perspective (Bowes-Sperry & Tata, 1999; Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995; Fitzgerald, Magley, Drasgow & Waldo, 1999) states that SH can be objectively defined by specific behaviors, whether or not they are illegal or they cause psychological harm. Fitzgerald et al. (1995, 1999) categorize these behaviors as sexual hostility, sexist hostility (insulting nonsexual behaviors based on gender), and sexual coercion (similar to the legal quid pro quo definition). Relatedly, Rotundo,

Bias in guessing about future performance by raters

The more clear-cut information and standards a rater possesses about performance, the less likely that bias will enter into the evaluation (e.g., Arthur & Doverspike, 2005; Latham & Wexley, 1994; Tosi & Einbender, 1985).

Relational Demography

The relational demography literature is based on the assumption that individuals compare themselves in terms of visible, salient demographic characteristics to the demographic make-up of their work units. Dissimilarity is usually thought to lead to negative work outcomes such as less organizational attachment, commitment, poor group dynamics, and greater conflict (Riordan et al., 2005). The relational demography literature has led to conflicting results regarding the impact of demographic dissimilarity on how individuals react to their organizations and those in it. However, the recent work above suggests that much of this confusion may be due to methodological artifacts

Stereotype Fit Theory

The stereotype-fit model states that observers possess stereotypes of targets based on their group membership and also stereotypes of the ideal incumbent for a particular job. Based on the congruence between target stereotype content and job stereotype content, observers form expectations about how a particular person will perform or "fit" in a particular job. (Dipboye, 1985; Heilman, 1983).

Race/Ethnic Discrimination

The unemployment rate for Blacks is about twice as high as it is for Whites, and it takes Black men looking for work longer to become employed (Department of Labor, 2008b). In contrast, Asians had the lowest unemployment rate of all racial-ethnic subgroups. The wage gaps for Black and Hispanic fulltime workers, compared to Whites, are about 80% and 70%, respectively, whereas Asians earn 116% of Whites' salaries Almost half of all Asians hold managerial or professional jobs, compared to less than 20% of Hispanics. Black and Hispanic workers are over represented in service, production, transportation, and moving occupations (Department of Labor, 2008b "Bamboo ceiling"- Although almost half of Asians hold managerial or professional jobs, they have an unduly difficult time breaking into the senior ranks of those positions (EEOC, 2008a

Cognitively Loaded Work

These findings suggest that cognitively-loaded work criteria will result in substantial AI against Blacks, whereas personality-loaded performance measures will lead to sharply diminished AI against them. ; McKay & McDaniel, 2006

Implicit Social Cognition

This literature states that we form implicit attitudes (prejudice) about members of racial groups and beliefs about them (stereotypes) based on past associations, and that individuals are not always aware of these associations (Quillian, 2006), nor can we control them.

Likelihood to Sexually Harass (LSH) scale

This methodology involves respondents reacting to a set of scenarios where the man has some power over a woman, and then indicating the degree to which they would engage in various SH-related behaviors, if they could with impunity. The LSH scale has been found to be reliable and valid (Craig, Kelly, & Driscoll, 2001; Pryor et al., 1995). Men who score high on the LSH scale are prone to sexual violence (e.g., Bargh, Raymond, Pryor, & Strack, 1995), hold traditional male sex role stereotypes (e.g., Driscoll, Kelly, & Henderson, 1998), and hostile attitudes towards women (Begany & Milburn, 2002), and are high in authoritarianism (Lee, Gizzarone, & Ashton, 2003).

Pay Discrimination Overview Findings

Two noteworthy points follow from this body of research. First, it is possible that gender discrimination is not the only operative factor at play, as other, nondiscriminatory, unmeasured factors could explain some of this variance (e.g., work interuption, skill level). Second, explanatory characteristics, which on the surface may seem nondiscriminatory, themselves, can be influenced by discrimination (Ely & Padavic, 2007). For example, by controlling for industry or job type, one might ignore prejudicial practices which cluster women into certain occupations, and then assign lesser value to that work (Bergmann, 1974; Fields & Wolff, 1991; Pfeffer & Davis-Blake, 1987; Reskin, 1993; Sorensen, 1990).

Adverse Impact in Criteria

Two recent studies have reported substantially lower racial-ethnic mean differences in work performance than typically found for CATs (McKay & McDaniel, 2006; Roth et al., 2003). Although these overall estimates of racial-ethnic mean differences in work performance are informative, they mask several factors that considerably moderate the magnitudes of obtained effects. These moderators include criterion type, the cognitive loading of criteria, measurement level, and data source.

Types of Performance Ratings

Two types of ratings: ratings of past performance (performance appraisal) and ratings which have an aspect of expectations for future performance (e.g., assessment center ratings, interview ratings, ratings of potential).

Structured and Unstructured Interviews

Unstructured interviews include (a) the use of nonstandardized questions, and (b) lack of a standard scoring system. In contrast, structured interviews are based upon job analyses, ask applicants a standard set of job-relevant questions, and contain standard scoring schemes to compute interview scores. Differences between unstructured and structured interview construction result in reliability differences in scores (favoring structured interviews) and proneness to ratings bias (disfavoring unstructured interviews), and accordingly, structured interviews (p = .31, k = 106, N = 12,847) predict subsequent job performance better than unstructured interviews (p = .23, k = 39, N = 9,330; McDaniel, Whetzel, Schmidt, & Maurer, 1994).

Religious Discrimination

Very little I/O research work here Religious discrimination is unique, relative to other forms of discrimination, for two reasons. First employers are required to accommodate workers' religious beliefs. The EEOC states that "Employers must reasonably accommodate employees' sincerely held religious practices unless doing so would impose an undue hardship on the employer. A reasonable religious accommodation is any adjustment to the work environment that will allow the employee to practice his religion." (EEOC, 2009g) The three most common types of accommodations requested are those for religious observances or practices allowing exceptions to grooming and dress code requirements acknowledging conscientious objections to assigned work which violates religious beliefs

Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Antonio (1989)

Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Antonio (1989), the Court ruled that the employee must show not only disparate impact but also shifted the burden of proof from the employer to the plaintiff.

Perceived Age Discrimination Effects

We should note that age discrimination can occur against both younger- and older-aged subgroups because they are not members of the higher-status, prime, middle-aged group (i.e., 35-50 years of age; Finkelstein et al., 1995; Garstka, Schmitt, Branscombe, & Hummert, 2004; Loretto, Duncan, & White, 2000; Shore, Cleveland, & Goldberg, 2003). A recent study by Redman and Snape (2006) is suggestive of perceived age discrimination's negative connotations for work outcomes. Within a sample of 402 British police officers, results showed that perceived age discrimination was negatively related to job satisfaction, power and prestige of one's job, job involvement, affective commitment, normative commitment (i.e., an employee's perceived obligation to stay with an organization), and continuance commitment (i.e., the extent of commitment due to potential loss of work-related rewards and resources), and positively associated with withdrawal cognitions. Furthermore, relations with job satisfaction and normative commitment were moderated by nonwork social support, such that these negative age discrimination-outcome relationships were attenuated when respondents reported higher degrees of social support from friends and family

Within Group Performance Evaluation Study with a Military Sample

White and Black raters rated the same people, they rated White workers very similarly (d = .035 for civilian, d = -.034 for military, where a negative d means that Black raters provided a higher rating), whereas when Black workers were rated, White raters assigned much lower ratings than did their Black counterparts (d = -.319 for civilian, d = -.347 for military). The authors concluded that these results strongly suggest that racial-ethnic disparities in ratings are due to bias rather than actual performance differences.

Outcomes of Sexual Harassment

Willness et al. (2007) meta-analyzed the results of 41 studies to determine the job-related and health-related outcomes of SH. They found that SH negatively impacted coworker satisfaction ( rc = -.316, k = 25, N = 34,221), supervisor satisfaction (rc = -.285, k = 26, N = 34,450), work satisfaction ( rc = -.241, k = 23, N = 33,486), global job satisfaction (rc = -.245, k = 12, N = 14,455), organizational commitment (rc = -.249, k = 16, N = 31,194), job withdrawal (rc = .161, k = 16, N = 6,201), work withdrawal (rc = .299, k = 12, N = 4.940), workgroup productivity (rc = -.221, k = 6, N = 27,425), mental health (rc = -.273, k = 29, N = 48,880), physical health (rc = -.247, k = 16, N = 32,121), post traumatic stress disorder (rc = .247, k = 9, N = 4,076), and life satisfaction (rc = -.119, k = 11, N = 4,545). Men and women experienced negative effects to an equal degree. They also found that age moderated these relationships such that they were stronger for younger targets (under 40 years old) compared to older targets (over 40 years old). Lam, Chow, and Chung (2008)

Sex discrimination

Women make less than men There is sex segregation in the types of jobs women have over men and vice versa Pregnancy Discrimination Sexual Harassment despite the fact that in 2008, women had a lower unemployment rate (5.3%) than men (6.2%). Women earn less than men, although there has been an increase in the male-female earnings ratio.

Research on Discrimination as Compliance

Workplace discrimination as a function of compliance with authority's wishes (Brief et al., 2000; Petersen & Dietz, 2000, 2008). Using an in-basket paradigm which involved selecting racial and ethnic minority employees, this research has demonstrated that respondents are much more likely to discriminate against racial or ethnic minority applicants when given "legitimate business reasons" to do so by a legitimate authority figure (Brief et al., 2000; Petersen & Dietz, 2000, 2008). It was also found that this tendency was greater for those who were held strong modern racist beliefs (Brief et al., 2000), were high on authoritarianism (Petersen & Dietz, 2000), and had high affective commitment to the organization (Petersen & Dietz, 2008).

Measurement level Research and Discrimination

individual-level and aggregate-level studies have shown that diversity climate moderates racial-ethnic group differences in work outcomes such as absenteeism (Avery et al., 2007) and sales performance (McKay et al., 2008).

Factors that make subtle discrimination hard to study

unobtrusive measures of implicit prejudice used in the social psychology field may not be appropriate in real work settings subtle discrimination can be attributionally ambiguous, meaning that targets may not perceive the maltreatment as such that, even though, subsequently, it can have negative consequences, or attribute the mistreatment to discrimination altogether since subtle discrimination involves minor, everyday incidents, which may not cause immediate harm, yet over time, can have negative effects on performance, career, and wellbeing outcomes (should be studied longitudinally

Skill Discounting

"Skill Discounting" (Esses, Dietz, & Bhardway, 2006). Skill discounting refers to the tendency to undervalue foreign education, training, and experience. Both economic and experimental evidence has been found for this effect (see Esses et al., 2006)

"Paper People" studies

(Murphy, Herr, Lockhart, & Maguire, 1986). The general paradigm was that participants received information about bogus employees or job candidates with varying demographic characteristics holding performance constant. This basic paradigm was followed in performance evaluation studies (e.g., Dipboye, Fromkin, & Wiback, 1975), interview studies (e.g., Raza & Carpenter, 1987), and selection studies (e.g., Stone & Stone, 1987). A less common form of the lab experiment was to actually have participants engage in a work simulation or some other type of actual interaction with the target person (e.g., Richards & Jaffee, 1972). The generalizability of the findings of this type of experimental paradigm to real world evaluation situations was criticized immediately (e.g., Dipboye, 1985; Wendelkin & Inn, 1981) based on its lack of ecological fidelity. However, a meta-analysis of performance rating studies (N = 111) found that the average effect size for demographic effects to be d = .25 in article people studies and d = .19 in observational studies (Murphy et al., 1986). In addition, a meta-analysis of race effects on performance evaluations (N = 81 studies) found larger bias effects against Black ratees in field studies (d = .39) compared with laboratory studies (d = .07) (Kraiger & Ford, 1985). Thus, at this time it appeared that lab experiments did not inflate bias effects, a finding that is continuously challenged (Landy, 2008).

"the diversity-validity dilemma"

(Pyburn, Ployhart, & Kravitz, 2008), for organizations wishing to simultaneously maximize job performance and employee demographic diversity

Organizational Research on SDO

(a) as the high-status group's (white males) SDO increased, so did their attraction for less diverse organizations comprised of mostly other high status individuals (white males); and (b) as SDO increased for low-status groups (women), their attraction for the organization comprised of white males (high-status group) increased, despite the fact that they would be a minority in this organization. One conclusion drawn from this is that members of low-status groups, who are high on SDO, denigrate their own groups and prefer to associate with high-status groups Umphress et al. (2007) McKay and Avery (2006) racial-ethnic minority candidates who were high on SDO would not be as positively influenced during recruiting site visits by the diversity of composition and integration in an organization as those low on SDO.