AP Studs Period 5 Prac Quiz 2 and 3

In the late nineteenth century, state governments in the South were largely successful in restricting

African Americans' voting rights guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment

Which of the following was a consequence of the shift to sharecropping and the crop lien system in the late nineteenth-century South?

A cycle of debt and depression for Southern tenant farmers

During Reconstruction, which of following was a change that took place in the South?

African Americans were able to exercise political rights.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify Foner's main argument in the second excerpt?

After 1877 Democrats in the South legislated restrictions on the ability of African Americans to vote.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables indicate which of the following?

Confederate armies lost a greater proportion of its soldiers than did the Union.

"Americans faced an overwhelming task after the Civil War and emancipation: how to understand the tangled relationship between two profound ideas—healing and justice.... [T]hese two aims never developed in historical balance. One might conclude that this imbalance between outcomes of sectional healing and racial justice was simply America's inevitable historical condition....But theories of inevitability...are rarely satisfying.... The sectional reunion after so horrible a civil war was a political triumph by the late nineteenth century, but it could not have been achieved without the resubjugation of many of those people whom the war had freed from centuries of bondage. This is the tragedy lingering on the margins and infesting the heart of American history from Appomattox to World War I." David W. Blight, historian, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, 2001 Which of the following best explains the reason for the reconciliation described by Blight?

Efforts to change southern racial attitudes and culture ultimately failed because of the South's determined resistance and the North's waning resolve.

Which of the following achievements of the "carpetbag" governments survived the "Redeemer" administrations?

Establishment of a public school system

Which of the following statements about African American soldiers during the Civil War is correct?

For most of the war, they were paid less than White soldiers of equal rank.

Which of the following statements best summarizes the views of Andrew Johnson on Reconstruction?

He believed that Reconstruction was an executive branch matter and sought the rapid restoration of the former Confederate states to the Union.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments?

Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country.

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . . "Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . . "My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by." President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861 Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following?

Southern politicians would not abandon slavery, and they believed Lincoln was a threat to that system.

"After [the Confederate surrender at] Appomattox the South's political leaders saw themselves entering an era of revolutionary changes imposed by the national government, which many viewed as an outside power. Continuing a long pattern of American . . . behavior, many whites found an outlet for their frustration by attacking those deemed responsible for their suffering: white Republicans and blacks. . . . "Frustrated at their inability to bring their states back to Democratic control, some southerners turned to the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organizations, using terrorism to eliminate opposition leaders and to strike fear into the hearts of rank-and-file Republicans, both black and white. . . . "[Violence] in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina exposed the impotence of the Republican party in the South and the determination of Democrats to defeat their opponents by any means necessary. The final triumph of the counterrevolution awaited the withdrawal of northern Republican support from the so-called 'carpetbag regimes' in 1877. The inconsistency of federal Reconstruction policy and the strength of southern resistance seem to have doomed the Reconstruction experiment to inevitable collapse. Although Americans have often been loathe to concede that violence may bring about [political] change, terrorism in the Reconstruction era was instrumental in achieving the ends desired by its perpetrators." George C. Rable, historian, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, published in 1984 "In its pervasive impact and multiplicity of purposes, . . . the wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871 lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience. . . . "By 1870, the Ku Klux Klan . . . had become deeply entrenched in nearly every Southern state. . . . In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired the restoration of white supremacy. . . . "Adopted in 1870 and 1871, a series of Enforcement Acts embodied the Congressional response to violence. . . . As violence persisted, Congress enacted a far more sweeping measure—the Ku Klux Klan Act of April 1871. This for the first time designated certain crimes committed by individuals as offenses punishable under federal law. . . . If states failed to act effectively against them, [these offenses could] be prosecuted by federal district attorneys, and even lead to military intervention. . . . "Judged by the percentage of Klansmen actually indicted and convicted, the fruits of 'enforcement' seem small indeed, a few hundred men among the thousands guilty of heinous crimes. But in terms of its larger purposes—restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling blacks to exercise their rights as citizens—the policy proved a success. . . . So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. . . . National power had achieved what most Southern governments had been unable, and Southern white public opinion unwilling, to accomplish: acquiescence in the rule of law." Eric Foner, historian, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877, published in 1988 Based on their arguments in the excerpts, both Rable and Foner would most likely agree with which of the following claims?

Southern resistance hindered Reconstruction.

"The question is simply this: can a negro whose ancestors were imported into this country and sold as slaves become a member of the political community formed and brought into existence by the Constitution of the United States, and as such become entitled to all the rights, and privileges, and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument to the citizen, one of which rights is the privilege of suing in a court of the United States in the cases specified in the Constitution? . . . It is the judgment of this court that it appears . . . that the plaintiff in error is not a citizen . . . in the sense in which that word is used in the Constitution." United States Supreme Court Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1857 Which of the following invalidated the decision in the excerpt?

The Fourteenth Amendment

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988). The data in the tables most likely indicate which of the following?

The Union had a larger and more diverse population of workers to enlist from than did the Confederacy.

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . . "Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered. "I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights." Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867 Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867?

The creation of schools by the Freedmen's Bureau for formerly enslaved people

Which of the following occurred during Radical Reconstruction?

The formation of the Ku Klux Klan

"Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . . He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . . . . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man." Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863

The war was no longer just about preserving the union of the states.

The cartoon above is intended to express

a critique of Reconstruction

On the eve of the Civil War, the South enjoyed an advantage over the North in

experienced military leadership

The Battle of Antietam, September 17, 1862, is considered pivotal to the outcome of the Civil War because it

forestalled the possibility of European intervention

During the Civil War, the Republican Party passed legislation promoting economic development concerning all of the following EXCEPT the

granting of government subsidies to encourage the export of manufactured goods

After the Civil War, women reformers and former abolitionists were divided over

legislation that ensured the voting rights of African American males

All of the following led Congress to impose Radical Reconstruction measured EXCEPT the

massive exodus of former slaves from the South

Of the following, the most threatening problem for the Union from 1861 through 1863 was

possible British recognition of the Confederacy

In 1861 the North went to war with the South primarily to A

preserve the Union

During Reconstruction, a major economic development in the South was the

spread of sharecropping

When the Emancipation Proclamation was issued at the beginning of 1863, its immediate effect was to

strengthen the moral cause of the Union

The Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution established

that suffrage cannot be denied based on race, color, or previous servitude

The belief by some Americans that the Civil War was "a rich man's war but a poor man's fight" was reflected in

the draft riots in New York City

Historians have argued that all of the following were causes of the Civil War EXCEPT

the growing power of poor Southern Whites who resisted planter dominance and sought to abolish slavery

The Compromise of 1877 resulted in

the withdrawal of federal troops from the South

At the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, pro-Union sentiment was strong in western Virginia, eastern Tennessee, and western North Carolina primarily because

there were relatively few slaves or large plantations in these regions