Unit 6 APUSH
"Economically speaking, aggregated [accumulated] capital will be more and more essential to the performance of our social tasks. Furthermore, it seems to me certain that all aggregated capital will fall more and more under personal control. Each great company will be known as controlled by one master mind. The reason for this lies in the great superiority of personal management over management by boards and committees. This tendency is in the public interest, for it is in the direction of more satisfactory responsibility. The great hindrance to the development of this continent has lain in the lack of capital. The capital which we have had has been wasted by division and dissipation, and by injudicious applications. The waste of capital, in proportion to the total capital, in this country between 1800 and 1850, in the attempts which were made to establish means of communication and transportation, was enormous. The waste was chiefly due to ignorance and bad management, especially to State control of public works. We are to see the development of the country pushed forward at an unprecedented rate by an aggregation of capital, and a systematic application of it under the direction of competent men. This development will be for the benefit of all, and it will enable each one of us, in his measure and way, to increase his wealth. We may each of us go ahead to do so, and we have every reason to rejoice in each other's prosperity. . . . Capital inherited by a spendthrift [person who spends money freely] will be squandered and re-accumulated in the hands of men who are fit and competent to hold it. So it should be, and under such a state of things there is no reason to desire to limit the property which any man may acquire." William Graham Sumner, university professor, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, 1883 The practices of big-business leaders in the late 1800s best reflect which of the following actions illustrated by the excerpt?
Big-business leaders used their influence to facilitate rapid economic growth.
"One-third of the population of the South is of the Negro race. No enterprise seeking the material, civil, or moral welfare of this section can disregard this element of our population and reach the highest success. . . . "To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the prosperity of the South, were I permitted I would repeat what I say to my own race, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' Cast it down among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested. . . . Cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes and labour wars, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and helped make possible this magnificent representation of the progress of the South. Casting down your bucket among my people, . . . you will find that they will buy your surplus land, make blossom the waste places in your fields, and run your factories. . . . [W]e shall stand by you with a devotion that no foreigner can approach, ready to lay down our lives, if need be, in defence of yours, interlacing our industrial, commercial, civil, and religious life with yours in a way that shall make the interests of both races one. In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress." Booker T. Washington, Atlanta Exposition Address, 1895 "General [Gideon J.] Pillow . . . suggested that a company be formed with a capital of half a million [dollars]. . . . This company is to place reliable agents, one at San Francisco and the other at New York; these agents shall bring into competition the companies engaged in the transportation of immigrants from Europe, and [Chinese laborers from] the Pacific Railroad. If we can command the capital to pay all the charges of the immigrants from their homes to . . . where they are wanted, they will be able to supply the planters of the five States bordering on the Mississippi river with all the labor that they want at 33 per cent less than it could be got by any individual efforts or enterprise. In recommending the inauguration of this system of labor, the committee are moved by no hostility to our former servants. . . . Just one half of the soil is in cultivation that was so before the war, and that [was] because the labor was not adequate to the demands. 'The negroes have taken to other vocations also, and have left the corn and cotton fields. They have [taken] the place of the white man on the river almost entirely, and have supplanted the Irish, Dutch, and Germans on the steamboats. Our cities are full of them.'" General Gideon J. Pillow, southern plantation owner, newspaper report of a speech delivered at a convention of plantation owners in Memphis, Tennessee, Memphis Daily Appeal, 1869 Which of the following describes a similarity between Washington's and Pillow's arguments in the excerpts?
Both believe that southern progress and prosperity depend on addressing a question of labor.
Which of the following best explains a connection between the economic development of the West in the mid-1800s and in the late 1800s?
In both periods, the he expansion and improvement of railroads facilitated transportation in the West.
Which of the following developments best explains the reasons for the growth of a new urban culture in the late 1800s?
International and internal migration increased urban populations and brought diverse people to cities.
Which of the following contexts best explains the construction of transcontinental railroads in the late 1800s?
Large-scale industrial production brought business consolidation and the needed capital to support railroad construction.
Which of the following developments best explains changes in agricultural production in the United States during the 1880s and 1890s?
New systems of transportation integrated farming into national markets.
"The [political] machine represented the dominant urban political institution of the late nineteenth century. . . . Bosses purchased voter support with individual economic inducements such as offers of public jobs. . . . The machine sustained itself by exchanging material benefits for political support. . . . "By 1890 Irish bosses ran most of the big-city Democratic machines constructed in the 1870s and 1880s. . . . By 1886, the Irish held 58 percent of the seats on the San Francisco Democratic party central committee. . . . 61 percent of the Tammany Society [political machine in New York City] were Irish in 1890. ". . . What accounts for their unusually high group political participation rates? The Irish capture of the urban Democratic party depended on a large Irish voting bloc. In city after city the Irish mobilized politically much more quickly than other ethnic groups. Irish naturalization and voter registration rates were the highest of all the immigrant groups. "[In the 1860s] Radical Republicans captured control of the New England and Middle Atlantic states. . . . [They] pursued a program of electoral and institutional reform in the eastern states with urban Democratic (and Irish) strongholds. Rather than weakening the embryonic Democratic city organizations, the Radical attack succeeded in strengthening these machines. The election of pro-machine Democratic governors in states such as New York, New Jersey, and California further aided Irish machine building." Steven P. Erie, historian, Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1985, published in 1990 Which of the following pieces of historical evidence would support the overall argument in the excerpt?
People of Irish descent in New York City registered to vote at a higher rate than their proportion of the population in the 1890s.
"One-third of the population of the South is of the Negro race. No enterprise seeking the material, civil, or moral welfare of this section can disregard this element of our population and reach the highest success. . . . "To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the prosperity of the South, were I permitted I would repeat what I say to my own race, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' Cast it down among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested. . . . Cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes and labour wars, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and helped make possible this magnificent representation of the progress of the South. Casting down your bucket among my people, . . . you will find that they will buy your surplus land, make blossom the waste places in your fields, and run your factories. . . . [W]e shall stand by you with a devotion that no foreigner can approach, ready to lay down our lives, if need be, in defence of yours, interlacing our industrial, commercial, civil, and religious life with yours in a way that shall make the interests of both races one. In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress." Booker T. Washington, Atlanta Exposition Address, 1895 "General [Gideon J.] Pillow . . . suggested that a company be formed with a capital of half a million [dollars]. . . . This company is to place reliable agents, one at San Francisco and the other at New York; these agents shall bring into competition the companies engaged in the transportation of immigrants from Europe, and [Chinese laborers from] the Pacific Railroad. If we can command the capital to pay all the charges of the immigrants from their homes to . . . where they are wanted, they will be able to supply the planters of the five States bordering on the Mississippi river with all the labor that they want at 33 per cent less than it could be got by any individual efforts or enterprise. In recommending the inauguration of this system of labor, the committee are moved by no hostility to our former servants. . . . Just one half of the soil is in cultivation that was so before the war, and that [was] because the labor was not adequate to the demands. 'The negroes have taken to other vocations also, and have left the corn and cotton fields. They have [taken] the place of the white man on the river almost entirely, and have supplanted the Irish, Dutch, and Germans on the steamboats. Our cities are full of them.'" General Gideon J. Pillow, southern plantation owner, newspaper report of a speech delivered at a convention of plantation owners in Memphis, Tennessee, Memphis Daily Appeal, 1869 Which of the following describes a difference between Washington's and Pillow's arguments in the excerpts?
Pillow proposes that immigrant laborers should be recruited to work in agriculture, while Washington proposes that African Americans should be recruited instead.
"One-third of the population of the South is of the Negro race. No enterprise seeking the material, civil, or moral welfare of this section can disregard this element of our population and reach the highest success. . . . "To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the prosperity of the South, were I permitted I would repeat what I say to my own race, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' Cast it down among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested. . . . Cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes and labour wars, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and helped make possible this magnificent representation of the progress of the South. Casting down your bucket among my people, . . . you will find that they will buy your surplus land, make blossom the waste places in your fields, and run your factories. . . . [W]e shall stand by you with a devotion that no foreigner can approach, ready to lay down our lives, if need be, in defence of yours, interlacing our industrial, commercial, civil, and religious life with yours in a way that shall make the interests of both races one. In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress." Booker T. Washington, Atlanta Exposition Address, 1895 "General [Gideon J.] Pillow . . . suggested that a company be formed with a capital of half a million [dollars]. . . . This company is to place reliable agents, one at San Francisco and the other at New York; these agents shall bring into competition the companies engaged in the transportation of immigrants from Europe, and [Chinese laborers from] the Pacific Railroad. If we can command the capital to pay all the charges of the immigrants from their homes to . . . where they are wanted, they will be able to supply the planters of the five States bordering on the Mississippi river with all the labor that they want at 33 per cent less than it could be got by any individual efforts or enterprise. In recommending the inauguration of this system of labor, the committee are moved by no hostility to our former servants. . . . Just one half of the soil is in cultivation that was so before the war, and that [was] because the labor was not adequate to the demands. 'The negroes have taken to other vocations also, and have left the corn and cotton fields. They have [taken] the place of the white man on the river almost entirely, and have supplanted the Irish, Dutch, and Germans on the steamboats. Our cities are full of them.'" General Gideon J. Pillow, southern plantation owner, newspaper report of a speech delivered at a convention of plantation owners in Memphis, Tennessee, Memphis Daily Appeal, 1869 Based on their claims in the excerpts, Washington and Pillow would most likely have taken different positions on which of the following social questions in the 1800s?
Should immigrants be used to diversify the southern industrial labor force?
"The [political] machine represented the dominant urban political institution of the late nineteenth century. . . . Bosses purchased voter support with individual economic inducements such as offers of public jobs. . . . The machine sustained itself by exchanging material benefits for political support. . . . "By 1890 Irish bosses ran most of the big-city Democratic machines constructed in the 1870s and 1880s. . . . By 1886, the Irish held 58 percent of the seats on the San Francisco Democratic party central committee. . . . 61 percent of the Tammany Society [political machine in New York City] were Irish in 1890. ". . . What accounts for their unusually high group political participation rates? The Irish capture of the urban Democratic party depended on a large Irish voting bloc. In city after city the Irish mobilized politically much more quickly than other ethnic groups. Irish naturalization and voter registration rates were the highest of all the immigrant groups. "[In the 1860s] Radical Republicans captured control of the New England and Middle Atlantic states. . . . [They] pursued a program of electoral and institutional reform in the eastern states with urban Democratic (and Irish) strongholds. Rather than weakening the embryonic Democratic city organizations, the Radical attack succeeded in strengthening these machines. The election of pro-machine Democratic governors in states such as New York, New Jersey, and California further aided Irish machine building." Steven P. Erie, historian, Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1985, published in 1990 Which of the following pieces of historical evidence would best modify the claim in the last paragraph of the excerpt?
Some Democratic political machines continued Republican fiscal policies that limited spending on patronage jobs.
"The [political] machine represented the dominant urban political institution of the late nineteenth century. . . . Bosses purchased voter support with individual economic inducements such as offers of public jobs. . . . The machine sustained itself by exchanging material benefits for political support. . . . "By 1890 Irish bosses ran most of the big-city Democratic machines constructed in the 1870s and 1880s. . . . By 1886, the Irish held 58 percent of the seats on the San Francisco Democratic party central committee. . . . 61 percent of the Tammany Society [political machine in New York City] were Irish in 1890. ". . . What accounts for their unusually high group political participation rates? The Irish capture of the urban Democratic party depended on a large Irish voting bloc. In city after city the Irish mobilized politically much more quickly than other ethnic groups. Irish naturalization and voter registration rates were the highest of all the immigrant groups. "[In the 1860s] Radical Republicans captured control of the New England and Middle Atlantic states. . . . [They] pursued a program of electoral and institutional reform in the eastern states with urban Democratic (and Irish) strongholds. Rather than weakening the embryonic Democratic city organizations, the Radical attack succeeded in strengthening these machines. The election of pro-machine Democratic governors in states such as New York, New Jersey, and California further aided Irish machine building." Steven P. Erie, historian, Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1985, published in 1990 Which of the following pieces of historical evidence would best modify the overall argument of the excerpt?
Some urban areas with large Irish populations did not develop Irish-dominated political machines.
Which of the following best explains a connection between the economic productivity of the United States in the mid-1800s and in the late 1800s?
The application of new technologies expanded large-scale industrial manufacturing.
"Economically speaking, aggregated [accumulated] capital will be more and more essential to the performance of our social tasks. Furthermore, it seems to me certain that all aggregated capital will fall more and more under personal control. Each great company will be known as controlled by one master mind. The reason for this lies in the great superiority of personal management over management by boards and committees. This tendency is in the public interest, for it is in the direction of more satisfactory responsibility. The great hindrance to the development of this continent has lain in the lack of capital. The capital which we have had has been wasted by division and dissipation, and by injudicious applications. The waste of capital, in proportion to the total capital, in this country between 1800 and 1850, in the attempts which were made to establish means of communication and transportation, was enormous. The waste was chiefly due to ignorance and bad management, especially to State control of public works. We are to see the development of the country pushed forward at an unprecedented rate by an aggregation of capital, and a systematic application of it under the direction of competent men. This development will be for the benefit of all, and it will enable each one of us, in his measure and way, to increase his wealth. We may each of us go ahead to do so, and we have every reason to rejoice in each other's prosperity. . . . Capital inherited by a spendthrift [person who spends money freely] will be squandered and re-accumulated in the hands of men who are fit and competent to hold it. So it should be, and under such a state of things there is no reason to desire to limit the property which any man may acquire." William Graham Sumner, university professor, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, 1883 The excerpt best reflects which of the following economic developments in the late 1800s?
The consolidation of power over the economy by business leaders
Access to natural resources for businesses changed from the mid-1800s to the late 1800s most directly as a result of which of the following factors?
The expansion of communication systems such as the electric telegraph
"Economically speaking, aggregated [accumulated] capital will be more and more essential to the performance of our social tasks. Furthermore, it seems to me certain that all aggregated capital will fall more and more under personal control. Each great company will be known as controlled by one master mind. The reason for this lies in the great superiority of personal management over management by boards and committees. This tendency is in the public interest, for it is in the direction of more satisfactory responsibility. The great hindrance to the development of this continent has lain in the lack of capital. The capital which we have had has been wasted by division and dissipation, and by injudicious applications. The waste of capital, in proportion to the total capital, in this country between 1800 and 1850, in the attempts which were made to establish means of communication and transportation, was enormous. The waste was chiefly due to ignorance and bad management, especially to State control of public works. We are to see the development of the country pushed forward at an unprecedented rate by an aggregation of capital, and a systematic application of it under the direction of competent men. This development will be for the benefit of all, and it will enable each one of us, in his measure and way, to increase his wealth. We may each of us go ahead to do so, and we have every reason to rejoice in each other's prosperity. . . . Capital inherited by a spendthrift [person who spends money freely] will be squandered and re-accumulated in the hands of men who are fit and competent to hold it. So it should be, and under such a state of things there is no reason to desire to limit the property which any man may acquire." William Graham Sumner, university professor, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, 1883 The excerpt best reflects which of the following economic developments in the late 1800s?
The increase in wealth inequality in United States society
