APUSH Unit 3 Test Review

What made Gorge Whitefield such a successful evangelical preacher in New England in the 1740s?

A reputation for being "almond angelical" in appearance

What did Shays' Rebellion, which took place in Massachusetts in the winter of 1786-1787, demonstrate to American political leaders?

A stronger national government was needed to solve the nation's monetary problems

Which publication published by Thomas Paine in January 1776 questioned the British monarchy and argued for American independence?

Common Sense

The French and Indian War (Seven Years' War) which also became known as the Great War for Empire triggered what change in Britain's imperial policies towards its American colonies?

Ended the period known as salutary neglect

"We are taxed without our consent. We are therefore--SLAVES [to Parliament]." This quote from John Dickenson during the Revolutionary period highlights the growing controversy and tension between

Institution of slavery and revolutionary ideology

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." By the 1770s, to which of the following groups would Otis' argument that the colonies "must obey" Parliament most appeal?

Loyalists in New York

Which of the following characterized the New England freehold society of the early eighteenth century?

Many relatively equal landowning families whose livelihoods came from agriculture and trade

The share of White and African American populations in the various states shown in the table most strongly suggests which of the following?

Newly settled states such as Kentucky and Tennessee relied less on slave labor than did regions elsewhere in the South.

The decade-long controversy between the American colonists and Parliament (and eventually King George III) primarily over taxes led to the concept of _______________, which is the principle that ultimate power lies in the hands of the electorate.

Popular sovereignty

In Federalist No. 10, James Madison maintained that the constitutional government would accomplish which of the following ends?

Prevent any one faction from becoming dominant

The three-fifths compromise dealt with which of the follow issues?

Slavery

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." Which of the following describes an overall argument of the excerpt?

Slavery is contrary to the ideals of the American Revolution.

Pontiac's uprising in Detroit in 1763 was a direct cause of which of the following events?

The Royal Proclamation of 1763

The percentages of White and African American populations in South Carolina shown in the table most directly suggest the

expansion of slavery in the Deep South

Why were the land ordinances of the 1780s considered a great accomplishment of the Confederation Congress?

The ordinances provided for orderly settlement and created a fair process for those areas to eventually become fully equal states

To persuade Massachusetts, Virginia, and New York to ratify the Constitution, leading Federalists promised that

a bill of rights would be added to the Constitution

Which of the following statements describes rural life in the New England colonies during the eighteenth century?

Colonists' sense of personal worth and dignity in rural New England contrasted sharply with European peasant life

Which of the following represents a formal protest against British Parliament and King George III between the years 1765 and 1770s?

Stamp Act Congress

"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Which of the following best explains a result of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) ?

Great Britain gained a claim to land extending to the Mississippi River

In New York during the first half of the eighteenth-century, settlement of the Hudson River Valley showed which of the following patterns?

The Dutch manorial system largely remained intact, with a few wealthy and powerful Dutch and English landlords dominating poor tenant families

"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" The conclusion of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following effects on Native American societies?

The British government attempted to restrict western settlement to reduce tensions between colonists and Native Americans

Which of the following best explains the spread of images of George Washington in the United States after the American Revolution?

The desire of Americans to develop a new national culture

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." Which of the following best explains why Washington warned against foreign alliances?

Britain and France were at war with each other, and both threatened United States interests.

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following was a piece of evidence Hamilton used to support his argument in the excerpt?

Earlier attempts to form associations of states in Europe had failed

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Which of the following does the author use to support his argument about the power of the states under the Confederation?

Foundational political documents written during the American Revolution

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." Supporters of Washington's comments would most likely have agreed with which of the following foreign policies?

Maintaining economic relationships

"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'" Britain's victory in the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following economic consequences for its American colonies?

The British government increased taxation of colonial goods to help pay off the debt created by the war

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." In the excerpt, Otis was responding to which of the following developments?

The British government's attempts to pay for the costs of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War)

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following overall arguments did Hamilton make about the Articles of Confederation?

The United States should abandon the Articles to form a stronger central government

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Which of the following claims did Hamilton make in the excerpt about the powers of the United States under the Articles of Confederation?

The United States was not empowered to raise sufficient money for the government

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." The ideas in the excerpt were most likely interpreted by American colonists in the 1770s as a call to reject which of the following?

The acceptance of the divine right of kings

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." The principle of federalism embodied in the United States Constitution had most in common with which of the following earlier aspects of British colonial government?

The autonomy of colonial legislatures from Great Britain

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." George Washington's suggestions about United States foreign relations reflect which of the following situations?

The continued European colonial presence along United States borders

Which of the following best explains the depiction of George Washington in the painting?

The development of a sense of American identity among Patriots

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." The excerpt from Locke's Two Treatises of Government could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following topics?

The impact of the Enlightenment on Revolutionary political thought

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." Which of the following evidence is used by the author to support his argument about state independence?

The inability of the central government to carry out many laws

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." Interpretations of Locke's assertions regarding a "state of freedom" and a "state also of equality" most directly influenced which of the following?

The political rhetoric of Patriots during the American Revolution

The trend in the population percent increase from 1790 to 1800 most likely indicates which of the following?

The rapid movement of migrants to newly settled states such as Kentucky and Tennessee

"The Declaration of Independence, drawn up by the Continental Congress, was actually a declaration by 'thirteen united States of America' proclaiming that as 'Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.' And the Articles of Confederation, for all the powers it theoretically gave to the Congress, did not in fact alter this independence. . . . Congressional resolutions continued to be mere recommendations which the states were left to enforce. . . . The Confederation was intended to be, and remained, a Confederation of sovereign states." The failure of the Articles of Confederation resulted in which of the following changes in the government of the United States?

The ratification of a constitution that established a stronger central government

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." Dickinson's desire to preserve "a certain degree of agency" for states is best explained by which of the following developments in the early United States?

The retention of regional cultural identity in conjunction with national unity

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." Dickinson's concern for the "mischiefs" in the states is best understood in the context of which of the following?

The threat to state governments from popular uprisings

"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]." The framers of the United States Constitution initially responded to abuses of executive authority by the British monarch in which of the following ways?

They established the separation of powers between the president and Congress.

"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . : ". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives]. ". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . . "The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional." Which of the following was a major purpose of Otis' pamphlet?

To encourage opposition to Parliament's regulation of colonial commerce

"I have already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . . "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. "Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing." Washington most likely wrote about political parties for which of the following purposes?

To warn the public that political parties result in national divisions

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." The first paragraph of the excerpt makes the claim that

all people should have the same inherent liberties

"The United States [under the Articles of Confederation] has an indefinite discretion to make [requests] for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that though in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. "There is nothing absurd or impracticable in the idea of a league or alliance between independent nations for certain defined purposes . . . depending for its execution on the good faith of the parties. . . . In the early part of the present century there was an [enthusiasm] in Europe for [leagues or alliances]. . . . They were scarcely formed before they were broken, giving an instructive but afflicting lesson to mankind, how little dependence is to be placed on treaties which have no other sanction than the obligations of good faith. . . . "There was a time when we were told that breaches, by the States, of the regulations of the [Confederation's] authority were not be expected. . . . "In our case, the [agreement] of thirteen distinct sovereign wills is requisite, under the Confederation, to the complete execution of every important measure that proceeds from the Union. . . . The measures of the Union have not been executed. . . . Each State, yielding to the persuasive voice of immediate interest or convenience, has successively withdrawn its support." Hamilton claimed in the excerpt that state sovereignty

allowed states to ignore the requests of the central government

"To understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man. "A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another. . . . "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it which obliges every one . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions." During the period of the American Revolution, Locke's point of view in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting a form of government based on

natural rights

"The petition of a great number of Blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that your petitioners apprehend that they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind. . . . They were unjustly dragged by the hand of cruel power . . . from a populous, pleasant, and plentiful country and in violation of laws of nature and of nations. . . . ". . . Your petitioners . . . cannot but express their astonishment that it has never been considered that every principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humble beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men—and their children who were born in this land of liberty may not be held as slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty one years." The second paragraph of the excerpt proposes that the Massachusetts legislature should

write a constitution explaining how natural rights apply to enslaved people