SOC 170 EXAM 2 READINGS

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Whats going on at the border in 6 graphs -What's happening at the U.S.-Mexico border in 5 charts

-Border Patrol agents apprehended more migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border in fiscal 2019 than in any year since fiscal 2007, according to new federal data. The influx of migrants has strained border facilities and become a major policy focus for President Donald Trump's administration. 1. Apprehensions at US-Mexico border are at their highest since 2007 -Apprehensions at the U.S.-Mexico border more than doubled between fiscal 2018 and fiscal 2019 but remained below historical highs 2. Non-Mexicans far outnumbers mexicans in SW border apprehensions in 2019 -There has been a major shift in who is being apprehended, with non-Mexicans now far outnumbering Mexicans. +Northern Triangle nations - El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras - together accounted for 71% of all apprehensions in fiscal 2019 3. Family units accounted for a majority of SW (southwest) border apprehensions (catching people trying to cross) in 2019 -People traveling in families accounted for the majority of apprehensions in fiscal 2019, a big shift from the recent past. +Apprehensions of unaccompanied children ages 17 and younger also reached their highest level on record (76,020 in fiscal 2019, compared with a previous high of 68,541 in fiscal 2014) +people may be removed or made refugees based on conditions of homeland and if familes?? 4. Apprehensions rose in every border sector in fiscal 2019, especially in the El Paso sector. -El Paso ranked second in apprehensions only to the Rio Grande sector, which saw an increase of 109% between fiscal 2018 and fiscal 2019 ( 5. SW border apprehensions has often peaked in march but trend has changed in previous years -Seasonal migration patterns have changed in recent years. -In 2019, May was the peak month, with 132,856 apprehensions. Apprehensions fell dramatically after May, declining to 40,507 by September, the final month of the fiscal year.

Phelan and Link -Is Racism a Fundamental Cause of Inequalities in Health? -Like SES, race in the United States has an enduring connection to health and mortality. Our goals here are to evaluate whether this connection endures because systemic racism is a fundamental cause of health inequalities -We conclude that racial inequalities in health endure primarily because racism is a fundamental cause of racial differences in SES and because SES is a fundamental cause of health inequalities. In addition to these powerful connections, however, there is evidence that racism, largely via inequalities in power, prestige, freedom, neighborhood context, and health care, also has a fundamental association with health independent of SES.

-Fundamental cause of something occurring is explaining why the event occurred and can be attributed to the various resources of certain individuals to deal with different situations. Whites have more of these flexible resources that help them deal with various problems -Racism contributes to racial SES ineqaulity. This racial SES inequality gives rise to racial health inequality. When SES is constant --> racial health inequalities still persist. Thus, racism is fundmental cause of health inequality as well. To eradicate health inequality, racism must be removed and not just SES problems because they both serve as fundamental causes but racism is the root. -Link and Phelan argue the health inequalities will always persist unless there is a dramatic public health intervention. Individuals with higher socioeconomic status are more likely to know about the risk factors that cause poor health and to have the resources (money, knowledge, power, prestige, and beneficial social connections) to engage in prevention and treatment. As new modes of prevention and treatment emerge, higher-SES individuals will take advantage of these innovations earlier and more effectively, increasing health inequality. As new health innovations diffuse throughout the population or public health interventions improve the health of all, health inequalities may decrease but will soon increase again as new health innovations are developed to address newly emergent causes of death and poor health. -The mechanisms linking racism and socioeconomic status have changed over time. For example, in the late 19th century the abolition of slavery and the enfranchisement of black men eliminated some of the key mechanisms that had linked systemic racism and socioeconomic status. However, new mechanisms linking racism and socioeconomic status soon emerged to reproduce white privilege, including Jim Crow laws maintaining segregation and legal, overt discrimination in housing, employment, and schooling -Phelan and Link describe systemic racism as a fundamental cause of racial differences in socioeconomic status, which leads to inequalities in health and mortality, BUT ALSO as a fundamental cause of racial differences in health and mortality independent of socioeconomic status. Systemic racism leads to racial disparities in the accumulation of flexible resources (prestige and power, beneficial social connections, freedom), which lead to racial inequalities in health and mortality independent of socioeconomic status. -SES could be reason for fundamental cause of health inequality; race also plays a role. might have to address racism to get to root of cause and fix it .... is racism causing this overall tho? -SES is major cause of health inequality and has persisted for a while; occurs due to differing access to resources to overcome sickness -fundamental social cause involves resources that determine the extent to which people are able to avoid risks for morbidity and mortality; reduce inequality in resources! -Race plays a major role in health inequality and whites have had better health than blacks for long time in US -3 parts: (a) Racism is a fundamental cause of racial differences in SES; (b) SES is a fundamental cause of inequalities in health and mortality; and (c) racism is a fundamental cause of racial differences in health and mortality independent of SES. -bulk of this article evaluates whether racism is a fundamental cause of SES and whether racism is a fundamental cause of health outcomes independent of SES. -A fundamental cause embodies a set of flexible resources, and a superior set of resources generates superior results on some outcome. The level of resources varies between social groups, and groups with superior resources are advantaged on the outcome. -whites make much more money than black --> racism as cause?? goes back to times of slavery and practices carried into today +Like a fundamental cause, systemic racism embodies a set of flexible resources that advantage whites, including structural factors, individual resources, and social psychological resources of whites -e broad range and flexibility of the resources that racism provides whites facilitate the reproduction of SES inequalities by race. -aversive racism (Dovidio & Gaertner 1998), an implicit or unconscious bias against blacks on the part of whites who verbally eschew racial prejudice, affects discriminatory behavior toward blacks and hampers interpersonal interactions and cooperation between blacks and whites -s stereotype threat (Steele 1997), high-achieving young black Americans have been shown to experience anxiety that they will confirm negative stereotypes about their group -we observe racial differences in a multitude of resources connected to multiple dimensions of SES via a succession of multiple mechanisms linking systemic racism to racial differences in SES; theory predicts that, under these conditions, the fundamental cause will maintain an association with the outcome over time despite radically changing conditions -.We conclude that much of the enduring association between race and health inequalities in the United States results from two fundamental associations: one between racism and racial inequalities in SES and a second between SES and inequalities in health outcomes. -Large and persistent racial inequalities in mortality across the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century give cause to expect that racism, like SES, may be a fundamental cause of health inequalities. +Systemic racism generates multiple mechanisms that produce and maintain white advantage. Consistent with fundamental causality, mechanisms have been replaced over time +we see much of the enduring association between race and health in the United States as resulting from two fundamental associations: one between systemic racism and racial inequalities in SES and a second between SES and inequalities in health outcomes. +conclude that the connection between race and health outcomes endures largely because racism is a fundamental cause of racial differences in SES and because SES is a fundamental cause of health inequalities, but that racism also has a fundamental association with health outcomes independent of SES; most of the effect comes from SES but racism also plays a role! --> links between both racism and SES to health disparities must be broken!! Help target SES inequalities by making healthcare available regardless of resources and by making cheaper drugs that all can afford; racism must be the ultimate target in attempts to effectively and permanently reduce racial inequalities in health and mortality. -racism is a fundamental cause of inequalities in race-related resources, and those resources, as in the case of SES, fundamentally cause inequalities in health and mortality. -elaborating a set of flexible race-related resources. Specifically, we focus on nonoccupational prestige and power, beneficial social connections related to neighborhood segregation, and a newly conceptualized flexible resource—freedom. -Social stress is a response to threatening or burdensome situations that induces physiological responses that can harm health. Both acute and chronic stress have been linked to mortality and to numerous health outcomes -Geronimus (1992) proposed the weathering hypothesis, according to which blacks experience early physiological and health deterioration as a consequence of the cumulative stress of living in a society that stigmatizes and disadvantages them. -f allostatic load, that is, the cumulative wear and tear on the body's systems owing to repeated adaptation stressors. -blacks get worse healthcare than whites -various mechanisms contribute to blacks getting less resources than whites; like neighborhood effects --> people get different amounts of resources based on where they are

Villarosa: Why America's black mothers and babies are in a life or death crisis -The answer to the disparity in death rates has everything to do with the lived experience of being a black woman in America.

-Landrum pregnant with kid and gets bad headaches and doctors blows her off and doesnt help her much. She has high blood pressure during pregnancy (pre-eclampsia)... high blood pressure and cardio disease are two main causes of maternal death. Brushed aside by doctor because he would be out of town -abused by boyfriend and had high stress in her life -Landrum gets worse and bleeds and lose baby -infant mortality rate has dropped in US but is much higher in blacks than whites -maternal mortality rates have increased in the US --> one of few countries for this to happen; lead by black mom mortality. -black moms die more at birth and have more baby's die at birth at all SES. ex: Serena Williams -For black women in America, an inescapable atmosphere of societal and systemic racism can create a kind of toxic physiological stress, resulting in conditions — including hypertension and pre-eclampsia —that lead directly to higher rates of infant and maternal death. And that societal racism is further expressed in a pervasive, longstanding racial bias in health care — including the dismissal of legitimate concerns and symptoms — that can help explain poor birth outcomes even in the case of black women with the most advantages -women with better support have healthier babies -more anecdotes... Landrum survived Hurricane Katrina as kid -people used to think that blacks had higher mortality rate for babies just at young ages because moms were unhealthy --> however, researched shows that black-white health disparity for babies persisted throughout many ages of blacks. thus, Though it seemed radical 25 years ago, few in the field now dispute that the black-white disparity in the deaths of babies is related not to the genetics of race but to the lived experience of race in this country -with help and support from Giza, Landrum birthed a kid after many problems with medical staff and being given wrong meds -blacks have lower weight babies and more premature babies than whites --> often due to stress and racism in healthcare -blacks have more C-sections and doctors have med students have misconceptions about blacks -doulas --> support women during birth process... often help! -communities efforts with doulas have been successful in helping keep black moms and babies heathy during pregnancy (and whites too) -maternal deaths counted for up to year past childbirth

Barry Jester --> How Americans die may depend on where they live

-Mortality due to substance abuse has increased in Appalachia by more than 1,000 percent since 1980. Deaths from diabetes, blood and endocrine diseases also increased in most counties in the United States during that time. -heart disease (leading cause of death in US) is down in most parts of country --> varies significantly between counties... could be 10X higher in some places than others (highest vs lowest rate places) -cause of death also changes based on where you live +ex: Alzheimers is more prevalent in south but decreasing in the West -study diverges from previous work on mortality by accounting for "garbage codes" — vague causes of death that can be listed when doctors have no reason or resources to find a more specific cause. +very common; about 1/4 deaths in US and some places --> analyze causes of these deaths and figure out! Cancer and cardiovascular disease hit Appalachia and the lower Mississippi River region hard -heart disease (leading cause of death in the US) has decreased but is more prevalent in some areas than others; ex: high in Appalachia -cancer is responsible for the largest number of "years of life lost," a measure of the number of years a person likely would have lived if she hadn't died of a given cause --> high in Kentucky and parts of W. Virginia -two areas glow red on many of the mortality maps, and both regions have for decades had a lower life expectancy than much of the country. There are some differences, however. Deaths from substance abuse have skyrocketed in rural, white Appalachia, but they remain relatively rare in the predominantly African-American counties of the Deep South, adding to evidence that an epidemic of opioid use has led to an increase in death rates among middle-aged whites. Infrastructure and access can be an issue in rural areas -Troublingly, vehicle-related deaths increased by as much as 45 percent in rural areas of Appalachia and the South. Those increases have previously been shown to be linked to the infrastructure of rural areas. Country roads are less likely to be divided, making head-on collisions more common. A trend of rural hospital closings may also make it harder for crash victims to get treatment in time to save their lives. +decreased in some parts and stable in midwest +Rural Appalachia and South --> also saw an increase in death rates from infectious disease that can be treated and prevented --> poor access to healthcare Self-harm is a growing problem in Western states -Among them is the map showing deaths from suicide and interpersonal violence, which highlights the epidemic of suicide in the West -county-based analysis used in this paper can mask the effect of violence in places like Cook County, Illinois, home to Chicago, where the population is large and violence is concentrated in specific neighborhoods.

Sapolsky 2005 Poverty and Health -Stress and being poor has strong effects on health Overview: -Researchers have long known that people with low socioeconomic status (SES) have dramatically higher disease risks and shorter life spans than do people in the wealthier strata of society. The conventional explanations—that the poor have less access to health care and a greater incidence of harmful lifestyles such as smoking and obesity—cannot account for the huge discrepancy in health outcomes. -New studies indicate that the psychosocial stresses associated with poverty may increase the risks of many illnesses. The chronic stress induced by living in a poor, violent neighborhood, for example, could increase one's susceptibility to cardiovascular disease, depression and diabetes. -Other studies have shown a correlation between income inequality and poor health in the U.S. Some researchers believe that the poor feel poorer, and hence suffer greater stress, in communities with wide gaps between the highest and lowest incomes.

-Poverty means bad or insufficient food, unhealthy living conditions and endless other factors that lead to illness. -poor hurt worse by disease and rich have power over poor -every step down in SES --> worse health -social gradient and SES --> every step down in SES results in worse health -does low SES cause poor health or poor health cause low SES... evidence shows low SES causes poor health; ex: nun study What explains the SES health gradient? -not access to healthcare or frequency of visit --> some diseases cant even be treated or prevented by doctros. -not unhealthy lifestyle choices or poor living conditions (only accounts for about a third of SES gradient) -Instead, among the wealthiest quarter of countries on earth, there is no relation between a country's wealth and the health of its people. -health care access, health care utilization, and exposure to risk and protective factors explain the SES/health gradient far less well than one might have guessed.--> consider psychosocial effects -Whitehall study --> feeling poor may increase disease risk -organisms --> have short term change in homeostasis (balance in body) to respond to immediate stress and is good for the body... long term stress like in humans is bad and can lead to a variety of different health problems in the long run (CHD, cognition, diabetes) Causes of stress and long stress response (leads to disease) -(a)feel as if they have minimal control over stressors, (b) feel as if they have no predictive information about the duration and intensity of the stressor, (c) have few outlets for the frustration caused by the stressor, (d) interpret the stressor as evidence of circumstances worsening, and (e) lack social support for the duress caused by the stressors. -low SES have significantly more physical and social stressors +physical stressors (hunger, manual labor, chronic sleep deprivation with a second job, the bad mattress that can't be replaced), +psychosocial --> control in work place (CHD), connected community, lack of chances to relieve stress like exercise and sabbatical Feeling poor -Adler's provocative finding is that subjective SES is at least as good as objective SES at predicting patterns of cardiovascular function; suggesting that the subjective feelings may help explain the objective results. -Although Adler's work suggests that the objective state of being poor adversely affects health, at the core of that result is the subjective state of feeling poor. +ex: poor people in rich society have worse health than rich in poor society even if they have same objective wealth.... once you have enough to survive (house and food) objective SES doesn't matter as much as subjective SES -Adler's work demonstrates the adverse health effects of feeling poor Being made to feel poor -income inequality predicts health better than SES; people being made to feel poor have worse health than actual poor... happens in poor and rich countries when income inequality persists. Not as prevalent in Canada and Denmark suggesting that a certain threshold of income inequality must be reached for effect to occur +also occurs in animals with hierarchy systems -Wilkinson's income inequality work suggests that the surest way to feel poor is to be made to feel poor—to be endlessly made aware of the haves when you are a have-not. -being made to feel poor --> increase psychosocial stress, hierarchy comes about, and feel less control over life. -Neomaterialist interpretation of income inequality --> wealthy no longer have need to spend money on public expenditures and only spend it on luxuries so community suffers and poor suffer +"secession of the wealthy" can worsen the SES/health gradient in two ways: by aggravating the conditions in low income communities (which account for at least part of the increased health risks for the poor) and by adding to the psychosocial stressors.. worsened when wealthy make poor more poor and feel more poor Social Capital -social capital refers to the broad levels of trust and efficacy in a community +two simple measures, namely, how many organizations people belong to and how people answer a question such as, "Do you think most people would try to take advantage of you if they got a chance?" -low social capital predicts bad health, bad self-reported health and high mortality rates. -(once one controls for the effects of absolute income) the strongest route from income inequality to poor health is through the social capital measures—to wit, high degrees of income inequality come with low levels of trust and support, which increases stress and harms health. -all measures of social epidemiology are worsening in the U.S. Of Westernized nations, America has the greatest income inequality (40 percent of the wealth is controlled by 1 percent of the population) and the greatest discrepancy between expenditures on health care (number one in the world) and life expectancy (as of 2003, number 29). -difference between not having money and being in poverty (ex: college student) +dont disregard policies to help --> find effective ways to help!!

Short Video: Covid and Mexican Migration

-President Trump recently announced strict new border controls, citing concerns over the coronavirus pandemic. Officials will now turn away most migrants entering the country from the U.S.-Mexico border -- including people coming legally and fleeing violence. Jean Guerrero of KPBS spoke to families stuck in limbo at the country's busiest land border crossing, just south of San Diego in Tijuana. -Trump passes new and strict immigration laws during the covid pandemic --> many families facing violence are unable to flee now! -families have long asylum wait lists --> borders are shut down for safety reasons -people are fleeing dangerous places! almost killed and are beaten by gang -immigrants are more afraid of gangs in mexico than the virus +gangs terrorize the people in mexico -people want to seek refuge in the US --> ports and parts of border closed off! -US banned non-essential travel and border and banned all people without documentation --> affects many people who cross border daily to work and shop +large impact on workers and businesses will suffer --> helps stop the pandemic spread tho and may be necessary -restrictions are designed to stop pandemic --> Trump... yet many people are suffering and cannot escape danger --> lots of people in migrant centers now! -shelters that hold migrants by the border --> holding less people --> help keep asylum seekers safe and feed them --> not enough room for everyone tho and many people end up sleeping on the streets --> exposed to cartel and gang violence (tents too) -claimed that Trump is pushing his political agenda --> hurting the vulnerable people +Trump taking rights away and increasing suffering -Trump decision to turn people away is based on best information from the CDC --> immigrants coming through presents a serious risk to the immigrants and the border workers and the American people due to covid -US --> more than 75,000 confirmed covid cases +Mexico --> about 500 confirmed -Mexico wants to reduce spread --> especially among migrants --> hard because migrants are often crammed into small spaces --> people have no choice but to go to the high risk centers with people crammed together and face covid rather than risk their lives with gangs in their home countries -there are currently more than 37,000 people being detained by US immigration and customs enforcement! -reported in Tiajuana

Covid and Maternal Mortality -America is failing Black moms during the pandemic

-The pandemic is making the maternal health care crisis worse. It doesn't have to be this way. -Out of 10 similarly wealthy countries, the US had the highest number of maternal deaths per capita in 2018. Black women are disproportionately impacted, dying in childbirth at three to four times the rate of white women. +blacks treated unfairly in health care -Now, birthing people and their advocates say the Covid-19 crisis is only exacerbating the discrimination that Black patients and other patients of color already face from providers — one of the main drivers behind their higher rates of maternal mortality. In response, some people are looking outside of hospitals, to midwives, home births, and birthing centers they feel are more likely to provide them with the care they deserve. -Maternal mortality has been rising across the United States for decades. Between 1987 and 2015, the rate of women dying in childbirth more than doubled, even as it fell in other countries, according to US News & World Report. And Black birthing people are dying at especially high rates — in 2018, the maternal mortality rate for Black women stood at 37.1 deaths per 100,000 births, compared with 14.7 deaths per 100,000 births for white women. -Many factors contribute to overall maternal mortality in the US, from underlying conditions like diabetes to a lack of adequate health insurance. All of these disproportionately impact Black women -blacks treated worse in healthcare than whites and doctors have false beliefs about blacks (feel less pain, etc...) and dont respond to their needs as well -. Several studies have shown that having a doula or other support person present during birth can improve outcomes for birthing people and their babies; especially important for blacks +telehealth may help too -many say that separating newborns from parents during a vulnerable time for establishing breastfeeding has no medical rationale, especially when they will be sent home together after the birth anyway. "Lactation has never been limited, even in pandemics," McLemore said. Separation "makes no sense." --> should not separate mom and baby if mom has covid! -There are times that women, particularly low-income women of color, will show up to a hospital to give birth, [and] they haven't had one prenatal care visit." And lack of prenatal care is associated with an increased risk of maternal mortality and morbidity, as well as a higher risk of infant mortality. -may be hard for blacks to access doctors and find good facilities due to expenses and less doctors being in rural areas -, many pregnancy-related deaths happen in the postpartum period, with about half occurring at least a day after birth and more than 30 percent happening at least a week afterward. -why in addition to greater access to out-of-hospital births, she and others are calling for a slate of reforms to keep Black birthing people and other patients of color safer regardless of where they deliver. -need leadership to get good community birthing

Border Apprehensions in the US

-Trump calls to build wall and protect border --> examine history! -Figures released by the Department of Homeland Security show nationwide apprehensions of migrants entering the country without authorization are at some of their lowest numbers in decades. +most of these declines have come, "partly because of technology upgrades; tougher penalties in the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks; a decline in migration rates from Mexico; and a sharp increase in the number of Border Patrol officers." -First fencing along border --> dad Bush passed in 1990's --> increased by son Bush with the secure fence act in 2006 -Despite Trump's repeated claim that terrorists are entering through the southern border, the State Department reported that at the end of 2017, "there was no credible evidence indicating that international terrorist groups have established bases in Mexico, worked with Mexican drug cartels, or sent operatives via Mexico into the United States," and noted, +"The U.S. southern border remains vulnerable to potential terrorist transit, although terrorist groups likely seek other means of trying to enter the United States." +"Overall, removals are down because the border's under better control than it has been in 45 years." -Apprehensions of unaccompanied minors at the border from El Salvador, Honduras and Mexico began to decline in 2016 and 2017 from previous highs in 2014, according to Border Patrol statistics. Guatemala, however, has seen a large increase in apprehensions of minors of the border, reaching a high of just over 22,000 in 2018, the largest of any country within the past five years. +increasing violence in some of these countries drives people to the US -Detainments along the U.S.-Mexico border saw an overall decline of 81.5 percent from 2000 to 2017. The border fence near the Rio Grande Valley is the only border crossing that has seen an increase in apprehensions within that same time frame. RELATED +Record number of migrant families arrested while crossing U.S. border in December But, in December, U.S. border agents detained 60,782 migrants, many with children, attempting to enter the United States without authorization, according to statistics obtained by The Post. December marked the third consecutive month border agents detained more than 60,000 migrants. +The recent surge in migrants has led to crowded and unhealthy conditions as holding cells became crowded, unhealthy and filled with youths. Two Guatemalan children died after being taken into custody, prompting officials at the Department of Homeland Security to declare a "humanitarian and national security crisis."

Massey, Durand, Malone 2002; Beyond Smoke and Mirrors --> Mexican immigration in an era of economic integration -The segmented labor market theory is the idea that migration is driven by pull factors in high income countries: there will be a permanent demand for low skilled, low paid labor that cannot be satisfied by the native-born population, leading to the recruitment of workers from lower income countries. -The neoclassical macro-level economic theory of migration states that individuals from low-wage countries will move to high-wage countries. As people migrate to high-wage countries, the increased supply of labor will lower wages at the destination, while the decreased supply of labor at the origin will increase wages. Eventually, the international wage differential will reach a point of equilibrium where the difference reflects the psychic and financial costs of international migration. -The "new" home economics theory of migration considers migration to be a decision made at the household level so that the household can diversify its overall exposure to risk. -Migrant networks decrease the costs and risks of movement and increase expected net returns to migration. Migrants from the same place of origin can provide potential migrants with information about a destination, including labor market conditions, community reception, and migration pathways. These flows of information make migration less risky and may lower the cost by facilitating the migration

-already is a large amount of integration between US and Mexico --> time for policymakers to better connected the 2 nations to benefits both countries more and recognize Mexico's contributions to North American welfare -strong incentive for Mexicans to come to the US because the US is a much more developed and wealthy country and they can make much higher income here (minimum wage in US for full time work --> make 3X as much as good living in Mexico still) --> Mexicans can have a much better quality of life in the US! -US and Mexican immigration has changed over time and US has put cost and benefits policies into place to decrease Mexicans desire to come to the US (hard to stop people from pursuing higher income) +benefit --> US government has demonized Mexicans from working in the US market +cost --> US government has spent money to increase border control -4 questions to ask about immigration +what promotes out-migration from home countries and how does it work? +what are receiving factors that increase demand for immigrant workers +what are goals of people coming to new country (only question that is addressed by current cost and benefit policies) +structures that arise in migration to connect societies they are leaving and societies they are coming to? -neoclassical theory of migration --> people go to country with higher wages to make better life; decisions are made by isolated actors +eq reached between 2 countries and supply and demand for labor even out +flawed because immigrants often send money home! +microeconomic level decision making theory --> individuals weigh all costs and benefits of moving to new country and then decide if they want to; decisions made by isolated actors -new (home) economics theory of labor migration --> decisions are made as families as to whether it would be best to migrate +can diversity labor profile or have some migrate and others stay back to reduce overall risk --> can send remittance if in need to family back home! -structural theories of migration / world systems theory --> exogenous features in social and economic standing in society influence migration; wealthy people often migrate to more poor countries for cheap labor and resources --> this encourages agricultural labors that are displaced from their land by wealthy immigrants to migrate as well! -moving of wealthy owners to developing nations encourage migration in many ways, one of which is creating transportation between poor and rich countries and allowing poor to travel to rich country on these transportation lines. +wealth are concentrated in certain cities with high demand for employment. -segmented labor market theory of migration --> permanent demand for unskilled labor in developed nations; pull and not push factors +structural inflation --> if bosses want to raises wages to attract immigrants to these low level jobs they must raise other workers wages too --> expensive +social constraint of motivation --> immigrants take on low prestigious and low status jobs with little changes for economic mobility +labor/capitol duality --> better jobs invest in people and they become like fixed capital that are hard to replace; low level labor jobs are easily displaceable and unstable +to immigrate and accept job --> immigrant must be willing to have low wages, low status with little chances for advancement, and unstable work security --> often women and teens! +people used to come from rural to urban to fill low end jobs --> not as much now: rise of females in labor force, rise of divorce rates, decline in birth rates, and urbanization --> have decreased flow of people from rural to urban --> rely on immigrants more! -social capital theory --> focuses on why immigrants keep moving and not just why they start to move; first migrants come over and might struggle but build a place in society and make it easier for future immigrants to migrate because they will have ties in the society and structures in place to encourage and make future immigration easier; social capital is accumulating! +cumulative causation of migration --> migrants continue to go to new nation and social capital and network ties accumulate --> easier for new migrants to come over --> reaches a limit where it doesn't keep getting easier because a lot of social capital and networking its already in place and more wont really help and because labor in home country is decreasing and thus wages will increase to encourage people to stay (wages may also decrease in new country as country is flooded with laborers) -synthetic approach --> combine these approaches overall to come up with ideas -early migration incentive: rich go to poor countries and buy land and displace workers often and encourage migration -uninsured unemployment in developing countries drives people out --> often send one person at time to accumulate wealth and send money home to family so they have capital when they arrive in country -later migration incentive --> developed nations pull workers and immigrants come +immigration gets easier as social capital and networking accumulates but eventually so many people leave the developing nation that labor falls and wages rise and the country forms a developed nation that then imports labor --> takes various lengths of time

US migrants and covid 19 response -JULIA GELATT -The Migration Policy Institute (MPI) is an independent, nonpartisan think tank that seeks to improve immigration and integration policies through authoritative research and analysis, opportunities for learning and dialogue, and the development of new ideas to address complex policy questions.

-as covid spread --> US relies on a variety of people in different occupations for help --> healthcare and a lot with food for US --> immigrants over-represent these careers that are essential to helping with covid +While the foreign born represented 17 percent of the 156 million civilians working in 2018, they accounted for larger shares in some frontline occupations: 29 percent of physicians, 38 percent of home health aides, and 23 percent of retail-store pharmacists, for example. -Immigrants also occupy a lot of jobs that are indirectly linked to helping with covid -some 3.3 million new unemployment claims were filed—a rate that while unprecedented in U.S. history is likely only the tip of the iceberg. --> Immigrant workers are over-represented in many of the hardest-hit industries: hotels and restaurants, cleaning services for now-shuttered office buildings, and personal services such as in-home child care and hair and nail salons. -For many immigrant workers, the hardship will be exacerbated by limited access to safety-net systems and to federal relief, both for those who are legally present and those who are unauthorized. -e Migration Policy Institute (MPI) estimates 6 million foreign-born workers are employed in vital, frontline industries; another 6 million work in some of the industries hardest hit by the fight against COVID-19.3 Immigrant Workers in Industries Vital to Pandemic Response -Immigrant workers (meaning those who were born outside the United States, regardless of whether they have since become naturalized citizens, are legal permanent residents, lack legal status, or are temporary workers) make up about 17 percent of civilians working.4 But they are over-represented in some of the industries that are vital to the coronavirus response—comprising 22 percent of scientific researchers, some of whom may be working on treatments and a vaccine, and 34 percent of those providing vital transportation within urban centers. --> many in healthcare too! -Migration Policy Institute (MPI) finds that 6 million foreign-born workers make up 19 percent of the U.S. workers in such frontline industries. -Healthcare --> immigrants (foreign born) make up disproportionately high shares of workers in healthcare and have to risk their own lives to go care for people! -Essential Retail and Wholesale: Grocery Stores, Pharmacies, and Food Wholesalers --> Immigrants represent large shares of the workers who are keeping essential businesses such as grocery stores and pharmacies open amid the crisis.--> immigrants put themselves at risk of covid to run keep doing these jobs! -Manufacturing --> immigrants represent large shares of workers that produce soap and medicine and other covid essentials -Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing, and Hunting --> immigrants play a large role in different agriculture industries which are important for food production in US! Immigrant Representation in Hard-Hit Industries -Immigrants are also over-represented in some of the industries that are now seeing huge declines in demand due to efforts to slow the spread of the pandemic. --> immigrants are very prevalent in many industries that are seeing big declines and having many lay offs due to covid! -MPI finds that 20 percent of the U.S. workers in vulnerable industries facing massive layoffs are immigrants. These 6 million individuals are coincidentally about the same number as the immigrant workers in industries vital to the coronavirus response, meaning that collectively 12 million foreign-born workers are at the leading edge of the response to and impacts from the pandemic. -Accommodation and Food Services --> immigrants are being laid off a lot in restaurants and airport services and house maid services and taking big hit in food industry jobs! -Personal Services and Private Households --> lots of immigrants engage in personal services (expensive) like massages and manacures and other maid like services --> being laid off a lot! -Building Services --> many immigrants engage in jobs to clean houses or hotels or apartments --> laid off with covid In Hard-Hit Industries, Immigrants Are More Vulnerable -families across the US are hit hard by the US pandemic via the slowed economy and loss of jobs --> many now struggle to pay bills and feed family --> government has passed various relief packages and different laws to help these people (ex: landlords cant evict many people now with covid and financial struggles) -Yet immigrant workers have less access to this relief and to existing safety-net programs, and also face additional vulnerabilities. +larger families and less income among immigrants +less health insurance coverage +more children and minors at home +less proficient in English -The pace and extent the layoffs resulting from the COVID-19 economic downturn will test state and local unemployment systems and federal, state, and local safety nets in unprecedented ways. Noncitizens—who represent more than half of workers in the hardest-hit industries—face restricted access to some of the safety-net programs on offer, ineligible for some, eligible for others. +some can access unemployment insurance relief but many cant +most noncitizens—including unauthorized immigrants, temporary workers, and many of those who obtained green cards within the past five years—cannot access the federal, means-tested benefits that other workers turn to in times of need. These programs include Medicaid, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, also known as food stamps). +many immigrants are eligible for the stimulus relief packages --> many unauthorized are still not eligible tho! Conclusion -The COVID-19 outbreak and the stunningly rapid economic contraction it has brought will strain the health and well-being of workers on the frontlines of the pandemic as well as the economic resources of tens of millions of U.S. workers. Immigrant workers will form a particularly hard-hit group. Access to safety-net services will be thin for a majority of immigrant workers in these frontline industries because they are noncitizens. -The pandemic presents serious questions about the impacts of restricting public health insurance and safety-net programs to some of the most vulnerable immigrants, at a time when it is imperative to prevent all residents from becoming ill and transmitting the virus to others. And when the best tool the United States has against the virus is to keep the great majority of workers at home, even at the cost of their incomes and jobs, there are real questions about what standard of living the government should guarantee, and to whom. -The economic fates of those with most constrained access to economic supports—unauthorized immigrants—affect not only these immigrants themselves, but also their 2 million U.S.-citizen or lawful permanent resident spouses and their 4.1 million U.S.-citizen children.13 How deeply the coronavirus hits communities and how quickly the United States can recover, medically and economically, will depend partly on how the country treats its most vulnerable families, immigrant and U.S. born alike, in this moment of peril.

Massy and Denten (pg 83-108; ch. 4) -continuing causes of segregation -Resident segregation --> most resistant to racial change -Massey and Denton describe audit studies carried out by HUD indicating that realtors guide renters and homebuyers to different neighborhoods by race. -Massey and Denton demonstrate that residential segregation by race is not explained by racial differences in socio-economic status. They show that in 1980, residential segregation did not vary substantially or systematically by household income across 30 metropolitan areas. More recent studies have found the persistence of these patterns. -According to Massey and Denton, in the absence of racially restricted covenants, fear of discrimination and the threat of violence is one of the predominant reasons why black Americans have been reluctant to move into predominantly white neighborhoods. Surveys indicate that black Americans are aware of affordable housing options in predominantly white neighborhoods. Black respondents also reveal preferences to live in integrated neighborhood; in surveys, white respondents express a lower willingness than black respondents to live in integrated neighborhoods.

-blacks shuttled into ghettos by discriminatory practice of whites -blatant racism decreased after the 1970's but racism still persisted in subtle ways Race vs Class an unequal contest -is race or class/SES differences leading to residential segregation --> race dominates +across all income levels blacks are well separated from whites and division does not decrease with increases SES --> not due to black ignorance (blacks know the cost of living with whites) -Hispanics and Asians also are separated from whites to lesser extent than blacks tho (poorest hispanics are less segregated from whites than richest blacks) +Hispanics and Asians, unlike blacks, their separation from whites decreases as SES increases -overall: RACE dominates over class in terms of black and white racial segregation Attitudes in black and white -do blacks just live by other blacks because they want to?? --> NO! +blacks prefer to live in mixed status neighborhoods of whites and blacks and 63% of blacks preferred neighborhoods that were 50/50 whites and black; many blacks chose against all white neighborhoods out of fear of abuse and repression -whites claim to be comfortable living in a mix of black and white neighborhoods --> actions say otherwise; most would want to move out if black levels got to about 30% or higher.... whites still like to maintain mostly white neighborhoods while blacks want full integration -whites believe that blacks are a threat to their class --> they think blacks moving into the neighborhood will decrease property values and decrease safety in the neighborhood +whites claim not to be racist but tend to still hold racist beliefs -blacks hesitant to move to all white neighborhood but many will move after one or two other blacks families is there +whites move out when blacks start entering and more blacks move in when blacks start entering --> blacks can quickly take over white neighborhoods. Discrimination with a smile -whites move out when blacks start entering and more blacks move in when blacks start entering --> blacks can quickly take over white neighborhoods. +whites look for ways to keep blacks out so they don't take over their neighborhoods --> violence then overt discrimination and now more subtle ways of discrimination +test with housing audits (2 people with same class but different race go to look for homes) --> real estate agents --> clearly show whites more properties and than blacks and provide whites with more information than they do for blacks --> they also steer blacks to mixed and black neighborhoods and steer whites to all-white neighborhoods (racial steering). -blacks discriminated against in both the rental and the sales markets -black neighborhoods are advertised less than all-white neighborhoods by real estate agents. -blacks are not provides the same information and and shown houses in the same manner that whites are --> many denied house showings in both rent and sales market based on skin color -blacks --> given worse credit than whites even if they are at the same income level; credits given to blacks is often worse than credits given to whites --> blacks are discouraged from moving to different neighborhoods!

Western and Pettit 2010: Incarceration and Social inequality -In the last few decades, the institutional contours of American social inequality have been transformed by the rapid growth in the prison and jail population.1 America's prisons and jails have produced a new social group, a group of social outcasts who are joined by the shared experience of incarceration, crime, poverty, racial minority, and low education. As an outcast group, the men and women in our penal institutions have little access to the social mobility available to the mainstream. Social and economic disadvantage, crystallizing in penal con½nement, is sustained over the life course and transmitted from one generation to the next. -True. In the late 19th century, black Americans were twice as likely to be incarcerated as white Americans. Over the course of the 20th century the racial gap in incarceration increased. By the 1960s and the passage of the Civil Rights Act, black Americans were seven times as likely to be incarcerated; the racial gap has remained relatively constant since then. -From 1980 to 2008, both racial and educational inequality increased. For all racial groups, incarceration increased faster among individuals with less than a high school degree as compared to those who completed high school or college. At the same time, the incarceration rates of poorly educated black Americans increased faster than that of poorly educated white Americans, widening the absolute racial gap. -According to Western and Pettit, social inequality produced by mass incarceration is sizeable and enduring because mass incarceration is invisible, cumulative, and intergenerational. It is invisible because the incarcerated population does not appear in official estimates of poverty or unemployment, underestimating the actual size of disadvantaged populations. It is cumulative because the social and economic penalties of incarceration accrue to the most disadvantaged members of society. It is intergenerational because of the the social and economic consequences of parental incarceration for children.

-high incarceration rates in the US --> creates an outgroup that is disadvantaged in society and have less social mobility and freedom even when released -young african males --> most heavily incarcerated -The social inequality produced by mass incarceration is sizable and enduring for three main reasons: it is invisible, it is cumulative, and it is intergenerational. +invisible --> incarcerated populations are not counted in stuff like poverty rates +cumulative --> incarceration and other problems associated with it are stacked up on the most vulnerable and lowest SES members of society +intergeneration --> being incarcerated affects family and kids too! -number of people in jail in US has increased a lot in US -many more males in jail than females -centered around males age 20-30 --> critical time to start life and support family -affects blacks worse than whites -racial disparities between blacks and whites being incarcerated is increasing --> blacks are now more than 7X as likely to be in jail/prison than whites (used to be 2X as much) +blacks are incarcerated at higher rates in the north than in the south -low SES and low education --> in jail much more than educated and high SES people --> education main factor here! -highest incarceration rates --> young black males with little education +incarceration rates for educated people are stable but rates for uneducated are increasing -driver for increase in jail rates --> uneducated people both white and black -lifetime chance of incarceration -->that is, the chance that someone will go to prison at some point in his or her life. +important cumulative effects -black chances of spending time in prison have increased over time (about 1/4 blacks with nothing more than high school diploma end up in prison) +less college and military and more jail time! -high rates of young black male incarceration is new thing arising in last decade -inequalities produced by contemporary patterns of incarceration have three characteristics: the inequal- ities associated with incarceration are invisible to our usual accounting of the economic well-being of the population; the inequality is cumulative, deepening the disadvantage of the most marginal men in society; and 1⁄2nally, the inequali- ty is intergenerational, transmitting the penalties of a prison record from one generation to the next. -invisible --> blacks and others in prison are not included in many surveys and population measures that determine policies -cumulative --> penalties of prison time are accrued by the most vulnerable and low SES members of society --> jail time makes them less likely to get a future job and have upward economic mobility later in life +Incarceration may reduce economic opportunities in several ways. The conditions of imprisonment may promote habits and behaviors that are poorly suit- ed to the routines of regular work. Time in prison means time out of the labor force, depleting the work experience of the incarcerated compared to their non- incarcerated counterparts. The stigma of a criminal conviction may also repel employers who prefer job applicants with clean records. Pager's audit study offers clear evidence for the negative effects of criminal stigma. Employers, fearing legal liability or even just unreliability, are extremely reluctant to hire workers with criminal convictions. -intergenerational --> being in prison effects the family; no males put burden on females to lead the house which leads to lots of separation and divorce and also increases the problems that children (especially males) may have (cognitive and behavioral) --> however, it is good that families are separated from some dangerous individuals that could abuse them! -jail population growth driven by young uneducated males (especially blacks) --> invisible, cumulative, and intergenerational leads to SELF-SUSTAINABILITY of this pattern -debated whether higher incarceration rates help to reduce crime --> less illegal activity possible but more criminals in future due to negative impacts on growing kids without a stable family +more incarceration likely does not help when incarceration rates are already high! -high prison rates among young uneducated males --> affect them a lot and they come back stigmatized and likely less likely to contribute to society and more likely to commit crimes in the future -prison system --> costs $70 billion per year -Measures to reduce school dropout, increase human capital, and generally increase employment among young men seem especially promising alternatives. +early life reform measures during childhood +provide job after getting out of prison -Crime is just one danger, joining unemployment, poor health, and family instability along a spectrum of threats to an orderly life. Public safety is built as much on the everyday routines of work and family as it is on police and prisons. Any retrenchment of the penal system therefore must recognize how deeply the prison boom is embedded in the structure of American social inequality. Ameliorating these inequalities will be necessary to set us on a path away from mass incarceration and toward a robust, socially integrative public safety.

Mass incarceration rates visualized: Video

-high rate of incarceration now +5X higher than it was historically in prison; about 7X it including group --> US incarcerates more than anywhere in world -we incarcerate whole groups and not just individuals anymore; prison boom in 1980's and 1990's carry over to today +ex: young uneducated black males --> 70% chance of going to prison; happened in last ten years (of they drop out of high school) -1/9 black kids (1.2 million) without stable family because of jail time in family --> negative effects on kids +incarceration effects concentrated among boys more than girls --> inherited traits; boys also more likely to go to prison than females -we chose prison to respond to crime --> deprivation of liberty; especially for blacks whose liberty in the US was never firmly established to begin with! +others ways to deal with crime! -prison is different than jail (used interchangeably in these notes tho)

Rothstein 2017: The Color of Law (177-189; ch. 11) -Looking forward, looking back

-laws were eventually put in place that outlawed discrimination in housing and voting and schooling +outlawing discrimination in housing and schooling --> might not be put into practice overall seeming that many subtle factors influence this discrimination +history seeps into the present and makes it hard to undo some of these discriminatory practices --> practices change and take new forms but still discriminate -schools are hard to desegregate --> schools remain segregated due to residential segregation which is hard to undo for following reasons +kids often have similar SES as parents and live in similar neighborhoods +white property owners make money off appreciation of property +we waited too long to try to fix it so history tried to fix itself +segregation reinforces itself +laws and policies often reinforce segregation and do not diminish it -blacks and other incomes rise after WWII and blacks begin to seep into some better jobs but still segregated --> income for all groups and blacks then stagnates while housing prices sky rocket from 1970's to present --> blacks are charged higher down-payment and larger mortgages than whites and therefore cannot afford nice houses like whites can --> residential segregation +policies abolished but white still have better houses because their wealth has accumulated over generations (Starting early when they had advantages over blacks) --> old laws that are no longer in place still have effects! -even with policies gone --> still harder for blacks to rise in SES -American has very low economic mobility and people get trapped being poor --> blacks have worse economic mobility (ability to move between income levels) than others (whites) --> blacks get stuck in poverty and rarely move out --> blacks sometimes successful because they can heed the warning that they will be discriminated against and work harder and because of affirmative action success -blacks make lower income and have lower wealth than whites --> wealth mobility is even lower than income mobility and blacks get stuck in poverty --> part of problem is rooted in old discrimination practices that denied home ownership to blacks and generations did not accumulate wealth +homeownership --.> important for wealth and much higher in whites -blacks stuck in poverty --> much of this attributed to fact that blacks are stuck in poor neighborhoods --> kids have far less opportunities and get stuck in these poor neighborhoods +need aggressive policies to fix! -policies affect people of different SES and races differently --> even if blatant discrimination is gone, subtle discrimination persists +ex: transportation --> favors whites and hurts blacks even if unintentional; build highways for whites to go to work and reject building of roads for blacks to get to higher status areas to work out of fear that blacks will hurt the areas

Massey, Durand, and Pren; Why Border Enforcement backfired -Shows how politicians overreacted to border control and made unneccesary military stances at the border from the immigration --> ended up backfiring! -From 1986-2008, funding for border enforcement increased almost 20-fold, but the size of the undocumented population increased from 3 million to 12 million people over this period. Enhanced border enforcement had the unintended consequences of reducing return migration and redirecting border crossings to newer sections of the border. Reduced return migration means that undocumented migrants living in the United States were less likely to return to their country of origin because it would be even more difficult to cross the border back into the United States in the future, disrupting historical practices of circular migration. The redirection of migrants to new crossing-points meant a movement of border crossings away from traditional locations in San Diego and El Paso and towards more dangerous border crossing sites such as the Sonoran Desert in Arizona. -After the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, the flow of legal migrants from Mexico was restricted to 20,000 legal resident visas per year and no temporary work visas, as compared to 50,000 permanent resident entries and 450,000 temporary work entries in the late 1950s. The demand for low-skilled, low-wage labor did not change, however, and by 1979 the annual in-migration of workers from Mexico had returned to the same levels that prevailed in the late 1950s (even though the majority of these immigrants were unauthorized). -According to Massey, Durand, and Pren's simulation, if the budget for border enforcement had remained at the 1986 level, there would have been 31% fewer undocumented migrants living in the United States. This difference is attributed to the lower levels of reduced return migration in the era of enhanced border enforcement. Because historical practices of circular migration were disrupted, undocumented migrants were more likely to settle in the United States, increasing the size of the undocumented population.

-more border enforcement did not help reduce undocumented immigrants in the US and actually increased them in number; we explain how and why the unprecedented militarization of the Mexico-U.S. border not only failed in its attempt to reduce undocumented migration but backfired by increasing the rate of undocumented population growth and turning what had been a circular flow of male workers going to three states into a settled population of families living in 50 states. -border enforcement based on neoclassical theory of migration where more border enforcement would raise the cost of migrating for immigrants --> based more on self-interests of politicians tho! ILLEGAL MIGRATION, THE LATINO THREAT, AND THE BORDER -migrants come and work and return home when it was legal -made illegal in 1960's --> hispanic migrants still come and work and often end up returning home but more stay because its harder to cross border because its illegal +still come over if illegal because of difference in supply and demand for labor in US and Mexico (US high demand and Mexico is high supply) +in group and outgroup classifications based on warmth and competence. +hispanic immigrants painted as villains by US that are unwarm and incompetent outgroup --> hree prominent categories of social actors succumbed to this temptation: bureaucrats, politicians, and pundits. -politicians site unrealistic illegal immigration numbers to gain funding for border -Reagan claims immigrants have many terrorists and are a threat to our society +Sheriff Joe Apraio --> arrests record numbers of illegal immigrants in AZ -widespread fear envelops the nation and people are driven to protect and invest in our borders even when the threat it diminishing and hardly present -pol- iticians, pundits, and bureaucrats who framed Latino immigration as a cri- sis and illegal aliens as a threatening out-group. +threat that outgroup hispanics will ruin our ingroup security +very low illegal immigration rates today but fear still drives these groups to call for more border enforcement HYPOTHESIZED CONSEQUENCES OF BORDER ENFORCEMENT -neoclassical model of Todaro and Maruszko ð1987Þ viewed undoc- umented migration as permanent rather than temporary, with workers moving to maximize lifetime earnings abroad -"The New Economics of Labor Mi- gration" argues that households use international migration as a means of managing risk and overcoming a lack of access to capital and credit at home, so instead of moving abroad permanently, households send out mi- grants temporarily to generate an income stream -Social capital theory, meanwhile, holds that within any migration system networks develop and extend over time to provide a social infrastructure capable of supporting and sustaining international migration in the face of obstacles and barriers -immigrant policies made out of fear and not realistic assessment of the situation at hand -policies made without consideration for economic reasons and networks immigrants have in US --> therefore ineffective and just add more border security --> causes people to migrate at other spots on border, hire coyotes more, and stay in US longer once they enter illegally! DATA AND METHODS -war on crime and drugs start early --> -Immigration Reform and Control Act ðIRCAÞ, which autho- rized a 50% increase in the Immigration and Naturalization Service enforce- ment budget -USA PATRIOT Act created the Department of Homeland Security and increased the size of the Border Patrol's budget by another $300 million, -2004 National Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Protection Act provided more funds to the Border Patrol for equipment, aircraft, agents, immigration investigators, and detention centers. -2006 Secure Fence Act authorized the Border Patrol to erect new fences, vehicle barriers, checkpoints, and lighting and to purchase new cameras, satellites, and un- manned drones for use in border enforcement. -2010 Border Security Act funded the hiring of 3,000 more Border Patrol agents and increased the agency's budget by $244 million MIGRANT ACTIONS AND OUTCOMES AT THE BORDER -more border security --> immigrants cross at different and more dangerous places (like AZ) --> hire more coyotes --> coyote tactics become more complex and expensive +apprehension rates (actually stopping immigrant entries) and illegal immigrant entry probability do not go up much with --> yet billions are spent on exponentially increasing border control +mexicans are returned back to Mexico if caught and can keep trying to illegally cross --> repeated trial model +much more deaths at border now! MIGRANT DEPARTURE AND RETURN DECISIONS -more border control --> cross at different spots --> pay coyote more for complex crossing ways --> stay in US and work longer to pay off expensive crossing (coyote) --> reduce circular migration and immigrants stay in the US +likely of taking first undocumented trip to the US has decreased a lot over time and is down to insignificant levels since 2008 +likelihood of taking a first undocumented trip is most strongly and positively predicted by U.S. em- ployment growth and U.S. wage rates, while being negatively related to the relative availability of legal U.S. visas +On the Mexican side, undocumented departure is positively predicted by GDP growth and negatively predicted by Mexican wage rates. --> social capital has strong positive effects too -In sum, undocumented Mexicans are most likely to depart on a first trip to the United States during periods when U.S. labor demand is high, when U.S. wages are elevated, when legal entry visas are scarce, when the Mex- ican economy is growing but Mexican wages are low, and when potential migrants have abundant social connections to people with prior U.S. ex- perience. +less likely for women and people with kids +less likely for people with land and homes in Mexico a +more likely from towns and cities in mexico than from small rural villages once other factors are taken into account. -we already know that border enforcement does not account for the secular decline in the odds of taking a first undocumented trip after 1999 +Instead, the declining probability of undocumented departure during the 2000s was accounted for by the rising age of people at risk of taking a first trip, -Return to Mexico factors; Among contextual factors, on the U.S. side the likelihood of return mi- gration is lowered by employment growth and rising wages ðenabling mi- grants to achieve target incomes sooner rather than laterÞ. On the Mexican side, somewhat contrary to expectations, return migration is positively pre- dicted by a rising homicide rate and negatively predicted by higher wages, but having a migrant parent, a migrant spouse, and migrant siblings are all associated with lower likelihoods of returning, as one would expect. +return migration from a first undocumented trip tends to occur during periods of slack labor demand and low wages in the United States and higher violence and lower wages in Mexico but is especially likely among those who lack immediate family ties to U.S. migrants. +primary force driving return probabilities down over time, how- ever, is rising border enforcement CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION -principal substantive finding of our analysis is that border enforce- ment was not an efficacious strategy for controlling Mexican immigration to the United States, to say the least. Indeed, it backfired by cutting off a long-standing tradition of migratory circulation and promoting the large- scale settlement of undocumented migrants who otherwise would have continued moving back and forth across the border. This outcome occurred because the strategy of border enforcement was not grounded in any real- istic appraisal of undocumented migration itself but in the social con- struction of a border crisis for purposes of resource acquisition and political mobilization. Although these arguments have been made previously, never before have instrumental variable methods been applied to such a wide range of border outcomes and migrant behaviors to assess the causal effect of U.S. border enforcement. +border enforcement not effective and decreased circular migration flow of immigrants thus increasing number of immigrants in US because they stayed longer How Border Enforcement Failed -more border enforcement --> small effect on apprehension (catching) at border and little to no effect on entry --> immigrants pay better coyotes to enter at different spots --> stay and work in US longer to pay off expensive travels (coyote) and because it is riskier to return home Theoretical Implications -observed trajectory of Mexico-U.S. migration since 1965 cannot be explained by the usual set of social and economic determinants alone, for its path was powerfully de- termined by the consequences of choosing border enforcement as a strategy for immigration control, a choice that we theorized as a product of self-interested actions by politicians, bureaucrats, and pundits who de- liberately manufactured a moral panic to mobilize constituencies and ac- quire resources with little regard for the actual consequences. Policy Implicaitons -we estimate that $53.3 million extra were spent to create an undocumented population about a third greater than it would have been with no increase in spending. -Could have accepted Mexican migration as part of NAFTA to help both countries and benefit all of north America +a more open border would likely have produced less permanent immigration and slower Mexican population growth in the United States by facilitating cross-border circulation. Indeed, the recent analysis of Mas- sey, Durand, and Pren ð2015Þ shows that documented migrants are now the ones circulating back and forth between the two nations, even as undocu- mented migrants remain trapped or "caged in" north of the border. +money spent on border could have been spent on Mexico to increase their welfare and thus decrease their desire to immigrate -time to change policies to form immigration management and not suppression +since 2008 --> little to 0 undocumented immigrant flow +lots of legal immigrants coming over and more than quota! -With the border currently "under control" and legal entries running at high levels, the only real element of immigration reform left is the legalization of the 11 mil- lion undocumented residents of the United States, who constitute 60% of all Mexican immigrants currently present in the United States -United States, the principal structural driver of both new and repeat migration—employment growth in the United States—remains modest, whereas in Mexico population growth has slowed dramatically, the economy is growing, the population is aging, education levels have risen, a sizable middle class has emerged, and people are in- creasingly living in large metropolitan areas. --> all predict less immigration in the future +granting legal status to undocumented migrants already present in the United States would probably increase their rate of return migration. +More border enforcement and a denial of social and economic rights to those currently out of status makes absolutely no sense in practical or moral terms.

Separated by William Lopez

Already read --> consider the effects of immigration raids on the whole community; individual, family, and community effects. -brutality of raids can lead to trauma in the children and can also bother the mothers --> ex: of not being able to produce mil -families struggle when family members are deported --> often dads are deported and single moms are left to support their kids without support from a dad +raids tear families apart! -raids can also be very expensive for families --> dads income is gone, getting impounded cars, and legal fees -racial profiling of mexicans to arrest them as illegal immigrants --> promotes fear in the community and community is also in fear because of the threat that they could be deported at any moment as is evident by the fact that people are constantly deported! -Raids can induce trauma in young children who witness property damage, parental distress, and the removal of parents -ex of economic struggles of immigration raid: The loss of employment of the arrested / detained person, Payment to secure cars that are impounded during an arrest/raid, Legal fees -suddenly single mothers --> Mothers who are abruptly parenting alone following the arrest of a spouse/partner by ICE or the police -further chapter 4 notes and "The Raid" notes from chapter 3 are in the binder on loose leaf!

Geronimus etal. 2006 --> "Weathering" and Age Patterns of Allostatic Load Scores Among Blacks and Whites in the United States -Results. Blacks had higher scores than did Whites and had a greater probability of a high score at all ages, particularly at 35-64 years. Racial differences were not explained by poverty. Poor and nonpoor Black women had the highest and second highest probability of high allostatic load scores, respectively, and the highest excess scores compared with their male or White counterparts. -Conclusions. We found evidence that racial inequalities in health exist across a range of biological systems among adults and are not explained by racial differences in poverty. The weathering effects of living in a race-conscious society may be greatest among those Blacks most likely to engage in high-effort coping

Intro -blacks have worse health across ages and SES -"weathering" hypothesis, which posits that Blacks experience early health deterioration as a consequence of the cumulative impact of repeated experience with social or economic adversity and political marginalization. -blacks have worse health at younger ages due to wear and tear on body. Accumulates and gets worse with time -allostatic load (how stress gets under the skin), or the cumulative wear and tear on the body's systems owing to repeated adaptation to stressors. --> physical effects of stress more or less +2 ways to measure --> 1. chemicals body gives off in response to stress (ex: adrenaline); 2. effects these stress chemicals have on body over time (ex: high blood pressure) -higher allostatic load scores are associated with older age, increased mortality, lower socioeconomic status , cognitive decline, and unsupportive childhood and adult relationships. -allostatic load --> may measure weathering; studies were all homogenous (same race) in past... this study compares different ages and races... looks at age patterns on allostatic load in blacks and whites -Methods. Using National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data, we examined allostatic load scores for adults aged 18-64 years. We estimated probability of a high score by age, race, gender, and poverty status and Blacks' odds of having a high score relative to Whites' odds. RESULTS -Score --> allostatic load -blacks have higher scores across all ages and black women have higher score than men... score differences increase with age between blacks and whites (disparity gets worse with age!) +gender differences are similar in whites -poor had higher scores across the board -poor whites had better scores than non-poor blacks; black women have very high scores (5x that of white women) -old have higher scores than young across the board -when removed people on meds all scores went down but blacks (mid-age) went down the most -refute --> hypothesis that the cross-sectional differences we found by age and race arise from younger cohorts' being healthier than older cohorts and younger cohorts having smaller racial disparities than older cohorts. Discussion -research confirms the existence of stark racial disparities in health in clinical and subclinical conditions across a range of biological systems among young through middle aged adults and races and SES -higher poverty rates among blacks do not account for higher scores -The reductions observed when medicine usage was not counted in the algorithm reflect the higher burden of chronic disease experienced by Black individuals aged 35 to 64 years compared with White individuals of the same age. -racial differences in health reflect more than differences in economic resources alone -finding of larger racial disparities among the nonpoor than the poor, and among women than men, suggests that persistent racial differences in health may be influenced by the stress of living in a raceconscious society. +effects may be felt particularly by Black women because of "double jeopardy" (gender and racial discrimination). -black women have more stressors than black men -stresses associated with living in a race-conscious society may lead to early health deterioration in Black women through a complex mechanism that includes telomere shortening. -measured a variety of factors to determine allostatic load to make it more accurate; all diseases may not be stress related -racial differences in allostatic load scores are small in the late teens and early 20s, but they quickly widen beginning in young adulthood through middle age and are largest between the ages of 35 and 64 years. Black women of these ages suffer the highest probability of having a high allostatic load score whether compared with Black men or with White men or women. -findings provide evidence that the impact of chronic stress on health has important implications not only for individuals but also for the population as a whole and suggest ways that dynamic social relationships between racial and ethnic groups may shape health in a race-conscious society. -findings suggest that progress in understanding and eliminating racial health inequality may require paying attention to the ways that American public sentiment on race, including its gendered aspects, exacts a physical price across multiple biological systems from Blacks who engage in and cope with the stressful life conditions presented to them.

Lichter: Immigration and New Racial Diversity in Rural America -This article highlights the new racial and ethnic diversity in rural America, which may be the most important but least anticipated population shift in recent demographic history. Ethnoracial change is central to virtually every aspect of rural America over the foreseeable future: agro-food systems, community life, labor force change, economic development, schools and schooling, demographic change, intergroup relations, and politics. The goal here is to plainly illustrate how America's racial and ethnic transformation has emerged as an important dimension of ongoing U.S. urbanization and urbanism, growing cultural and economic heterogeneity, and a putative "decline in community" in rural America. Rural communities provide a natural laboratory for better understanding the implications of uneven settlement and racial diversity, acculturation, and economic and political incorporation among Hispanic newcomers. This article raises the prospect of a new racial balkanization and outlines key impediments to full incorporation of Hispanics into rural and small town community life. Immigration and the new ethnoracial diversity will be at the leading edge of major changes in rural community life as the nation moves toward becoming a majority-minority society by 2042. -Dan Lichter's description of changes in diversity from the bottom up refers to the role that fertility plays in rural population growth, especially the increase in the number of Hispanic Americans living in rural areas. -Non-white Americans are often geographically concentrated and socially isolated. According to Dan Lichter, America's rural racial minorities are more likely to be found on Native American reservations, in rural areas and small towns in the South, and in settlements along the lower Rio Grande valley. -From 2000 to 2010, Hispanic Americans accounted for 56% of the rural population growth. Non-Hispanic white Americans accounted for 18% and non-Hispanic black Americans accounted for 5% of rural population growth.

Introduction -thought that rural areas are all white --> not true; rural areas have many minorities; sometimes not there by choice due to past residential segregation; Current racial residential patterns instead are a legacy of slavery, conquest, and racial subjugation (and genocide). -large shift of Hispanics to rural areas in America has large impacts +trends of Hispanics moving to rural America +leads to increased urbanization of rural America +impediments of this large immigration to rural areas Racial Diversity and Change: The National Picture -minorities are growing fast --> especially hispanics and whites are growing slow -media only focuses on the big cities but the rural towns are important too for minorities! Ethnoracial Diversity and Rural Urbanization -in past people moved to rural towns for mining and other resources --> now immigrants are moving there a lot --> leads to potential community disruption and economic consequences +Racial and cultural homogeneity is rapidly giving way to ethnoracial change and diversity and to new concerns about the loss of community. The New Racial Mosaic: Geographic Diversity in Hispanic Growth -hispanics are moving rural a lot and rural towns are growing because of it --> still segregated in towns often Uneven Distribution of Rural Hispanic Growth -hispanics used to remain in southwest and few large cities mainly but now they are unevenly distributing to rural cities --> many in midwest and choose cities that have good work opportunities for low-skilled workers +The new Hispanic population growth is highly concentrated spatially in rural areas. +Hispanic growth is linked directly to rural industrial restructuring (especially in nondurable manufacturing, which includes food processing) and, more generally, to a rapidly globalizing agro-food system. Majority-Minority Nonmetropolitan Communities -Another indicator of spatially uneven rural minority population growth is the rise in socalled majority-minority communities—places with populations that contain more ethnoracial minorities than non-Hispanic whites. +more in cities but increasing quickly in rural towns +were centered in the blackbelt region but now are moving to midwestern rural areas and other parts of country Migration and Immigration -mexican immigrants are moving a lot from cities to rural (but some move the opposite way) --> many now are migrating right to the rural areas (used to go city and then to rural) --> gives chance for discrimination and struggles because they go right to rural areas with no previous exposure to US society +The implication is clear: the growth of urbanorigin Hispanic in-migrants in nonmetropolitan areas is highly concentrated in a comparatively small percentage of counties. The other implication—less well appreciated—is that Hispanics in other parts of rural America must, by definition, be increasingly moving to metropolitan areas. Some rural areas are becoming increasingly Hispanic in ethnoracial composition, while others are apparently moving in the opposite direction racially Ethnoracial Diversity from the Bottom Up -hispanics have very high fertility rates and whites now have low reproductive rates --> US as whole could become major-minority country soon! +Hispanic natural increase reflects both high fertility rates (Johnson and Lichter 2010) and the effects of low death rates by virtue of its comparatively youthful age structure +ethnic enclaves could play role in high hispanic fertility rates Uneven Immigration Impacts -Hispanic and other minority growth has dispersed nationally but also is highly concentrated locally. This means that the impact—positive and negative—of Hispanic growth is also highly uneven. -ethnic enclaves may provide good migration channels for immigrants Migration and Upward Mobility -spatial assimilation model suggests that immigrants become integrated residentially with natives as they become economically assimilated.6 Economic incorporation expands housing and neighborhood options, while in turn promoting additional opportunities for upward mobility +hispanics often stuck with low end uneducated jobs and therefore have little chances for upward mobility --> new rural less poor than old rural places (both are more poor that urban tho!) +dream acts --> helps well-behaved immigrant children become citizens +hispanics disadvantaged in school and have high drop out rates --> limits economic mobility too! Social Disorganization and White Flight -hispanics moving and growing rapidly in rural places shocks the community --> could have some negative overcrowding effects but usually increases the economic well-being of the country and crime rates are also shown to go down +are whites being replaced or displaced by Hispanics --> common view is that whites are leaving and Hispanics are just replacing them but.. +white flight idea --> shows that whites are being displaced by Hispanics and whites want to leave when lots of Hispanics come -hispanics also help with population aging in rural white areas because they are young with high fertility rates Aging-in-Place and Hispanic Population Growth -whites aging in rural areas and Hispanics come --> intergenerational racial conflicts -synergistic good relation between old whites and Hispanics --> young Hispanics often take care of old whites in healthcare and get money for it while whites are taken care of! Footloose or Putting Down Roots? -hispanics recruited to US for agriculture work and ended up staying because of year round farming with new technology --> most Hispanics work in low end industry and not in farming --> shows the foothold that Hispanics have gained in US society +hispanics are also very mobile and move from place to place a lot in US --> High out-migration rates are intrinsic to new destinations, independent of local economic conditions.1 Ethnoracial Boundaries and Race Relations -evidence that racial prejudices are decreasing in the... moreso decreasing between Hispanics and whites than blacks and whites --> intermarriage and less residential segregation +some studies show an increase in separation of whites and Hispanics --> hispanic language barrier makes them an outsider --> threatens sense of community and also painted by politicians to threaten economic welfare -more white hispanic segregation in new migration towns than old ones +largest difference between new destinations and traditional settlements (about 12 points on the segregation index) was in nonmetro places rather than in central cities or suburbs +future is hard to predict --> assimilation is often depicted by intermarriage Looking Forward -hispanics entering rural towns has number of small effects --> may be harder for Hispanics to americanize now because of 5 main reasons +route to Americanization among Hispanics everywhere may be more difficult than the path traveled a century ago by white ethnic groups from Europe. He lists five primary reasons. First, the opportunities for upward mobility may be more limited with economic globalization, stagnation inwages (especially at the bottom of the earnings distribution among the least educated), and growing income inequality. Second, a good education is more important than ever in America's new and rapidly restructuring economy, but access to good schools and educational attainment (even by the third generation) remains low among Hispanics. Third, the continuing influx of first-generation immigrants from Mexico and elsewhere has often reinforced cultural and linguistic isolation in the Hispanic immigrant community, while dampening real prospects for intragenerational and intergenerational upward mobility. Fourth, large and unprecedented shares of Hispanic immigrants are undocumented, joining a permanent underclass that may prevent their children from moving ahead in American society. Fifth, Hispanics today face a "remarkable revival of immigrant baiting and ethnic demonization" by "demagogues in politics, the media, and even academia" -Unlike in big cities, the geographic isolation of rural Hispanics, along with a continuing stream of new in-migrants, also has the potential to reinforce cultural isolation and block upward mobility +low economic mobility for Hispanics because they are trapped in low end jobs and restricted to less education -hispanics could get better jobs as baby boom whites retire and young hispanic immigrant children fill their positions --> Mexico and US economic conditions and immigration policies also play a role! Conclusion -In the final analysis, it is difficult to foretell the long-term future of new Hispanic destinations, especially in rural areas. --> still concentrated rurally -One thing is clear, however. The uneven growth of the Hispanic population in rural America —the development of rural Hispanicenclaves—provides unusually rich opportunities for better understanding the causes and consequences of rural racial and ethnic change, racial relations, segmented cultural and economic assimilation, and the spatial patterning of social, economic, and cultural incorporation among a historically disadvantaged population that will reshape America's future (Tienda and Mitchell 2006). It is time to work on these issues.

Roberts 1998 (Killing the Black body) -Roberts argues that assisted reproductive technology is LESS accessible to black couples than to white couples. -Roberts cites evidence that black women are MORE likely to experience infertility relative to white women. -the difference in the infant mortality rate for black infants and the infant mortality rate for white infants CANNOT be entirely explained by differences in maternal education... income and education play small role in it

Surrogate mothers and eugenics movement ideas -moms that birth baby should have more rights to the child than the dad because they already have relations with kid -mom who births kid often loses kid because adopting family has more resources for the kid -technologies that assist birth are shaped by race too -poor women are often indirectly pressured into being surrogate mothers due to the large amounts of money offered by the wealthy; poor prefer to have kids to make money rather than engage in other horrid jobs to make money... wealthy women have better options to make money -poor women--> treated like objects that create the commodity of baby and is wrong! -surrogate moms can be correlated with slaves as they are viewed as objects and their physicality is used to benefits the wealthy (whites). -women also objectified because they are looked at to see if they have good genes for having a good baby -blacks affected worse...not exchangable with white surrogates -surrogation --> shows how society values people -genetic ties override gestational ties in the court; person who donated egg will get to keep the kid even tho the mom who had baby in the womb formed a bond with it over that time and wanted to keep it. -people may try to manipulate race of kid by choosing specific white or black eggs to make them better off in society.... whites usually chosen and blacks condemned for doing this even tho all do this -black surrogates will be used more because they will have no genetic ties to the baby and thus can birth white babies... most poor and vulnerable women will be chosen as surrogates to have kids because they are cheap, their genes will not impact the kids, and they wont have money to win legal battle if they want to keep the kid. -racial inequality develops as whites are preferred to breed and blacks are deemed inferior -whites and wealthy gain power as they could select ideal traits for their kids and thus only poor blacks would have unfit offspring --> increase power differential -many women and men are using IV and eggs and sperm of others -ideas have come about in which only the rich and elite pass their sperm or eggs to bank which is then passed to many so good genes can be spread out and make the human race better (eugenics idea) --> Singapore has this occurring with educated elite -eugenics --> forming an ideal race of humans by manipulating the babies formed and selecting ideal and smart moms and dads to make babies -blacks --> undergo more technology to make them inferitle -whites --> undergo more technology to make them fertile -responses --> realize that race is linked to use of birth technology, make birth technology more widely available, realize that birth technology is bad and stop using it. -liberal response --> realize racial disparities are result of social and political factors and not individuals; also keep government out of birth technology matters like IVF to let people make their own decisions.


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